The whole proceedings on the trial of an information exhibited ex officio by the King's Attorney-General against Thomas Paine: for a libel upon the Revolution and settlement of the Crown and regal government as by law established; ... Tried by a special jury in the Court of King's Bench, Guildhall, on Tuesday, the 18th of December, 1792. ... Taken in short-hand by Joseph Gurney.

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THE WHOLE PROCEEDINGS ON THE TRIAL OF AN INFORMATION Exhibited ex Officio by the KING'S ATTORNEY-GENERAL AGAINST THOMAS PAINE

For a LIBEL upon the REVOLUTION and SETTLEMENT of the CROWN and REGAL GOVERNMENT as by Law eſtabliſhed; and alſo upon the BILL of RIGHTS, the LEGISLATURE, GOVERNMENT, LAWS, and PARLIAMENT of this KINGDOM, and upon the KING.

Tried by a Special Jury in the Court of King's Bench, GUILDHALL, on Tueſday, the 18th of December, 1792.

BEFORE THE RIGHT HONOURABLE LORD KENYON.

Taken in Short-Hand By JOSEPH GURNEY.

LONDON: Sold by MARTHA GURNEY, No. 128, HOLBORN-HILL.

M,DCC,XCIII.

(Price Three Shillings and Sixpence.)

[Entered at Stationers' Hall.]

1. INFORMATION. Of Eaſter Term, in the 32d Year of King George tht Third.

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London, (to wit) BE it remembered, that Sir Archibald Macdonald, Knight, Attorney General of our preſent Sovereign Lord King George the Third, who, for our preſent Sovereign Lord the King, proſecutes in this behalf in his own proper perſon, comes into the court of our ſaid preſent Sovereign Lord the King, before the King himſelf at Weſtminſter, in the county of Middleſex, on Friday next, after one month from the feaſt day of Eaſter in this ſame term; and for our ſaid Lord the King giveth the court here to underſtand and be informed, that THOMAS PAINE, late of London, gentleman, being a wicked, malicious, ſeditious, and ill-diſpoſed perſon, and being greatly diſaffected to our ſaid Sovereign Lord the now King, and to the happy conſtitution and government of this kingdom, and moſt unlawfully, wickedly, ſeditiouſly, and maliciouſly deviſing, contriving, and intending to ſcandalize, traduce, and vilify, the late happy Revolution, providentially brought about and effected under the wiſe and prudent conduct of his Highneſs William, heretofore Prince of Orange, and afterwards King of England, France, and Ireland, and the dominions thereunto belonging; and the acceptance of the Crown and royal dignity of King and Queen of England, France, and Ireland, and the dominions thereunto belonging, by his ſaid Highneſs William, and her Highneſs Mary, [Page 4] heretofore Prince and Princeſs of Orange; and the means by which the ſame Revolution was accompliſhed to the happineſs and welfare of this realm; and to ſcandalize, traduce, and vilify the convention of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, at whoſe requeſt, and by whoſe advice, their ſaid Majeſties did accept the ſaid crown and royal dignity; and to ſcandalize, traduce, and vilify, the act of the Parliament holden at Weſtminſter in the firſt year of the reign of their ſaid Majeſties, King William and Queen Mary, intituled, ‘an act, declaring the rights and liberties of the ſubject, and ſettling the ſucceſſion of the crown,’ and the declaration of rights and liberties in the ſaid act contained; and alſo the limitations and ſettlements of the crown and regal government of the ſaid kingdoms and dominions as by law eſtabliſhed; and alſo by moſt wicked, cunning, and artful inſinuations to repreſent, ſuggeſt, and cauſe it to be believed, that the ſaid Revolution, and the ſaid ſettlements and limitations of the crown and regal government of the ſaid kingdoms and dominions, and the ſaid declaration of the rights and liberties of the ſubject, were contrary to the rights and intereſt of the ſubjects of this kingdom in general; and that the hereditary regal government of this kingdom was a tyranny. And alſo by moſt wicked, cunning, and artful inſinuations, to repreſent, ſuggeſt, and cauſe it to be believed, that the Parliament of this kingdom was a wicked, corrupt, uſeleſs, and unneceſſary eſtabliſhment; and that the King and the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, in Parliament aſſembled, [Page 5] wickedly tyrannized over and oppreſſed the ſubjects of this kingdom in general, and to infuſe into the minds of the ſubjects of this kingdom groundleſs and unreaſonable diſcontents and prejudices againſt our preſent Sovereign Lord the King and the Parliament of this kingdom, and the conſtitution, laws, and government thereof; and to bring them into hatred and contempt, on the ſixteenth day of February, in the thirty-ſecond year of the reign of our ſaid preſent Sovereign Lord the King, with force and arms at London aforeſaid, to wit, in the pariſh of Saint Mary le Bow, in the Ward of Cheap, he, the ſaid Thomas, wickedly, maliciouſly, and ſeditiouſly, did write and publiſh, and cauſe to be written and publiſhed, a certain falſe, ſcandalous, malicious, and ſeditious libel, of and concerning the ſaid late happy Revolution, and the ſaid ſettlements and limitations of the crown and regal government of the ſaid kingdoms and dominions; and the ſaid act, declaring the rights and liberties of the ſubject; and the ſaid declaration of the rights and liberties of the ſubject therein contained, and the hereditary regal government of the ſaid kingdoms and dominions; and alſo of and concerning the Legiſlature, Conſtitution, Government, and Laws, of this kingdom; of and concerning our preſent Sovereign Lord the King that now is; and of and concerning the Parliament of this kingdom, intituled, ‘Rights of Man, Part the Second, Combining principle and practice, by Thomas Paine, Secretary for Foreign Affairs to Congreſs, in the American War, and Author of the [Page 6] Work, entitled Common Senſe, and the Firſt Part of the Rights of Man, the Second Edition, London, printed for J. S. Jordan, No. 166, Fleet Street, 1792;’ in which ſaid libel are contained, amongſt other things, divers falſe, ſcandalous, malicious, and ſeditious, matters. In one part thereof, according to the tenor and effect following, that is to ſay, ‘All hereditary government is in its nature tyranny. An heritable crown’ (meaning, amongſt others, the crown of this kingdom) ‘or an heritable throne,’ (meaning, amongſt others, the throne of this kingdom) ‘or by what other fanciful name ſuch things may be called, have no other ſignificant explanation than that mankind are heritable property. To inherit a government, is to inherit the people, as if they were flocks and herds.’ And in another part thereof, according to the tenor and effect following, (that is to ſay) ‘This Convention met at Philadelphia, in May, 1787, of which General Waſhington was elected preſident. He was not at that time connected with any of the State Governments, or with Congreſs. He delivered up his commiſſion when the war ended, and ſince then had lived a private citizen. The Convention went deeply into all the ſubjects, and having, after a variety of debate and inveſtigation, agreed among themſelves upon the ſeveral parts of a Federal Conſtitution, the next queſtion was the manner of giving it authority and practice. For this purpoſe, they did not, like a cabal of courtiers, ſend for a Dutch Stadtholder [Page 7] or a German Elector, but they referred the whole matter to the ſenſe and intereſt of the country,’ (thereby meaning and intending that it ſhould be believed that a cabal of courtiers had ſent for the ſaid Prince of Orange and King George the Firſt, heretofore Elector of Hanover, to take upon themſelves reſpectively the regal government of the ſaid kingdom and dominions, without referring to the ſenſe and intereſt of the ſubjects of the ſaid kingdoms.) And in another part thereof, according to the tenor and effect following, that is to ſay, ‘The hiſtory of the Edwards and the Henries’ (meaning Edwards and Henries, heretofore Kings of England) ‘and up to the commencement of the Stuarts,’ (meaning Stuarts, heretofore Kings of England) ‘exhibits as many inſtances of tyranny as could be acted within the limits to which the nation had reſtricted it. The Stuarts’ (meaning Stuarts, heretofore Kings of England) ‘endeavoured to paſs theſe limits, and their fate is well known. In all thoſe inſtances, we ſee nothing of a conſtitution, but only of reſtrictions on aſſumed power. After this, another William,’ (meaning the ſaid William Prince of Orange, afterwards King of England) ‘deſcended from the ſame ſtock, and claiming from the ſame origin, gained poſſeſſion’ (meaning poſſeſſion of the crown of England) ‘and of the two evils, James and William, ’ (meaning James the Second, heretofore King of England, and the ſaid William Prince of Orange, afterwards King of England) ‘the nation preferred what it [Page 8] thought the leaſt; ſince from circumſtances it muſt take one. The act called the Bill of Rights’ (meaning the ſaid act of Parliament intituled, "an act declaring the rights and liberties of the ſubject, and ſettling the ſucceſſion of the crown) ‘comes here into view; what is it’ (meaning the ſaid act of Parliament laſt mentioned) ‘but a bargain which the parts of the government made with each other to divide powers, profits and privileges?’ (meaning that the ſaid laſt-mentioned act of Parliament was a bargain which the parts of the government in England made with each other to divide powers, profits, and privileges. ‘You ſhall have ſo much, and I will have the reſt; and with reſpect to the nation it ſaid, for your ſhare YOU ſhall have the right of petitioning. This being the caſe, the Bill of Rights’ (meaning the ſaid laſt-mentioned act of Parliament) ‘is more properly a Bill of Wrongs and of inſult; as to what is called the Convention Parliament, it’ (meaning the ſaid Convention of Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons herein before mentioned) ‘was a thing that made itſelf, and then made the authority by which it acted. A few perſons got together, and called themſelves by that name; ſeveral of them had never been elected, and none of them for the purpoſe. From the time of William,’ (meaning the ſaid King William the Third) ‘a ſpecies of government aroſe, iſſuing out of this coalition Bill of Rights;’ (meaning the ſaid act, intituled, "an act, declaring the rights and liberties of the ſubject, and ſettling the ſucceſſion of the crown) ‘and [Page 9] more ſo ſince the corruption introduced at the Hanover ſucceſſion’ (meaning the ſucceſſion of the Heirs of the Princeſs Sophia, Electreſs and Dutcheſs Dowager of Hanover to the crown and dignity of this kingdom) ‘by the agency of Walpole, that’ (meaning the ſaid ſpecies of government) ‘can be deſcribed by no other name than a deſpotic legiſlation. Though the parts may embarraſs each other, the whole has no bounds; and the only right it acknowledges out of itſelf is the right of petitioning. Where then is the conſtitution either that gives or that reſtrains power? It is not becauſe a part of the government’ (meaning the government of this kingdom) ‘is elective, that makes it leſs a deſpotiſm, if the perſons ſo elected poſſeſs afterwards, as a parliament, unlimited powers; election in this caſe becomes ſeparated from repreſentation, and the candidates are candidates for deſpotiſm.’ And in another part thereof, according to the tenor and effect following, (that is to ſay) ‘The attention of the government of England (for I rather chuſe to call it by this name than the Engliſh government) appears, ſince its political connection with Germany, to have been ſo completely engroſſed and abſorbed by foreign affairs, and the means of raiſing taxes, that it ſeems to exiſt for no other purpoſes. Domeſtic concerns are neglected; and with reſpect to regular laws, there is ſcarcely ſuch a thing;’ And in another part thereof, according to the tenor and effect following, (that is to ſay) ‘With reſpect to the two houſes of which the Engliſh Parliament’ [Page 10] (meaning the Parliament of this kingdom) ‘is compoſed, they appear to be effectually influenced into one, and, as a Legiſlature, to have no temper of its own. The miniſter,’ (meaning the miniſter employed by the King of this realm in the adminiſtration of the government thereof) ‘whoever he at any time may be, touches it’ (meaning the two Houſes of Parliament of this kingdom) ‘as with an opium wand; and it’ (meaning the two Houſes of Parliament of this kingdom) ‘ſleeps obedience. But if we look at the diſtinct abilities of the two Houſes’ (meaning the two Houſes of Parliament of this kingdom) ‘the difference will appear ſo great, as to ſhew the inconſiſtency of placing power where there can be no certainty of the judgement to uſe it. Wretched as the ſtate of repreſentation is in England,’ (meaning the ſtate of repreſentation of the Commons of this kingdom) ‘it is manhood compared with what is called the Houſe of Lords;’ (meaning the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Parliament aſſembled) ‘and ſo little is this nick-named Houſe’ (meaning the Houſe of Lords) ‘regarded, that the people ſcarcely inquire at any time what it is doing. It’ (meaning the ſaid Houſe of Lords) ‘appears alſo to be moſt under influence, and the furtheſt removed from the general intereſt of the nation.’ And in another part thereof, according to the tenor and effect following, viz. ‘Having thus glanced at ſome of the defects of the two Houſes of Parliament,’ (meaning the Parliament of this kingdom) ‘I proceed to what is called the crown,’ (meaning the crown [Page 11] of this kingdom) ‘upon which I ſhall be very conciſe. It’ (meaning the crown of this kingdom) ‘ſignifies a nominal office of a million ſterling a year, the buſineſs of which conſiſts in receiving the money, whether the perſon’ (meaning the King of this realm) ‘be wiſe or fooliſh, ſane or inſane, a native or a foreigner, matters not, every miniſtry’ (meaning the miniſtry employed by the King of this realm in the adminiſtration of the government thereof) ‘acts upon the ſame idea that Mr. Burke writes, namely, that the people’ (meaning the ſubjects of this kingdom) ‘muſt be hoodwinked and held in ſuperſtitious ignorance by ſome bugbear or other; and what is called the crown’ (meaning the crown of this kingdom) ‘anſwers this purpoſe, and therefore it anſwers all the purpoſes to be expected from it. This is more than can be ſaid of the other two branches. The hazard to which this office’ (meaning amongſt others the office of King of this realm) ‘is expoſed in all countries,’ (meaning amongſt others this kingdom) ‘is not from any thing that can happen to the man,’ (meaning the King) ‘but from what may happen to the nation,’ (meaning amongſt others this kingdom) ‘the danger of its coming to its ſenſes.’ And in another part thereof, according to the tenor and effect following, (that is to ſay) ‘I happened to be in England at the celebration of the centenary of the revolution of 1688. The characters of William and Mary’ (meaning the ſaid late King William and Queen Mary) ‘have always appeared to me deteſtable; the one’ (meaning [Page 12] the ſaid King William) ‘ſeeking to deſtroy his uncle, and the other’ (meaning the ſaid Queen Mary) ‘her father, to get poſſeſſion of power themſelves; yet as the nation was diſpoſed to think ſomething of that event, I felt hurt at ſeeing it aſcribe the whole reputation of it to a man’ (meaning the ſaid late King William the Third) ‘who had undertaken it as a jobb, and who, beſides what he otherwiſe got, charged ſix hundred thouſand pounds for the expence of the little fleet that brought him from Holland. George the Firſt’ (meaning George the Firſt, late King of Great Britain, &c.) ‘acted the ſame cloſe-fiſted part as William the Third had done, and bought the Dutchy of Bremin with the money he got from England, two hundred and fifty thouſand pounds over and above his pay as King; and having thus purchaſed it at the expence of England, added it to his Hanoverian Dominions for his own private profit.— In fact, every nation that does not govern itſelf is governed as a jobb: England has been the prey of jobbs ever ſince the revolution.’ And in another part thereof, according to the tenor and effect following, (that is to ſay)— ‘The fraud, hypocriſy, and impoſition of governments,’ (meaning, amongſt others, the government of this kingdom) ‘are now beginning to be too well underſtood to promiſe them any long career. The farce of monarchy and ariſtocracy in all countries is following that of chivalry, and Mr. Burke is dreſſing for the funeral. Let it then paſs quietly to the tomb of all other follies, and the mourners be comforted. [Page 13] The time is not very diſtant when England will laugh at itſelf for ſending to Holland, Hanover, Zell, or Brunſwick, for men,’ (meaning the Kings of theſe realms, born out of the ſame, who have acceded to the crown thereof at and ſince the revolution) ‘at the expence of a million a year, who underſtood neither her laws, her language, nor her intereſt; and whoſe capacities would ſcarcely have fitted them for the office of a pariſh conſtable. If Government could be truſted to ſuch hands, it muſt be ſome eaſy and ſimple thing indeed; and materials fit for all the purpoſes may be found in every town and village in England.’ In contempt of our ſaid Lord the King and his laws, to the evil example of all others in the like caſe offending, and againſt the peace of our ſaid Lord the King, his crown and dignity. And the ſaid attorney general of our ſaid Lord the King, for our ſaid Lord the King, further gives the court here to underſtand and be informed, that the ſaid Thomas Paine, being a wicked, malicious, ſeditious, and ill-diſpoſed perſon, and being greatly diſaffected to our ſaid Sovereign Lord the now King, and to the happy conſtitution and government of this kingdom, and moſt unlawfully, wickedly, ſeditiouſly, and maliciouſly deviſing, contriving, and intending to ſcandalize, traduce, and vilify the late happy revolution, providentially brought about and effected under the wiſe and prudent conduct of his Highneſs William, heretofore Prince of Orange, and afterwards King of England, France, and Ireland, and the Dominions thereunto belonging; and the [Page 14] acceptance of the Crown and Royal Dignity of King and Queen of England, France, and Ireland, and the Dominions thereunto belonging, by his ſaid Highness William, and her Highneſs Mary, heretofore Prince and Princeſs of Orange, and the means by which the ſame revolution was accompliſhed, to the happineſs and welfare of this realm; and to ſcandalize, traduce, and vilify the convention of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, at whoſe requeſt, and by whoſe advice, their ſaid Majeſties did accept the ſaid Crown and Royal Dignity; and to ſcandalize, traduce, and vilify the act of the Parliament holden at Weſtminſter, in the firſt year of the reign of their ſaid Majeſties, King William and Queen Mary, intituled, ‘an act, declaring the rights and liberties of the ſubject, and ſettling the ſucceſſion of the crown,’ and the declaration of rights and liberties in the ſaid act contained; and alſo the limitations and ſettlements of the crown and regal government of the ſaid kingdoms and dominions, as by law eſtabliſhed, and alſo by moſt wicked, cunning, and artful inſinuations, to repreſent, ſuggeſt, and cauſe it to be believed, that the ſaid revolution, and the ſaid ſettlements and limitations of the crown and regal government of the ſaid kingdoms and dominions, and the ſaid declaration of the rights and liberties of the ſubject, were contrary to the rights and intereſt of the ſubjects of this kingdom in general; and that the regal government of this kingdom was a tyranny; and alſo by moſt wicked, cunning, and artful inſinuations, to repreſent, ſuggeſt, and cauſe it to be believed, [Page 15] that the Parliament of this kingdom was a wicked, corrupt, uſeleſs, and unneceſſary eſtabliſhment; and that the King and Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, in Parliament aſſembled, wickedly tyrannized over and oppreſſed the ſubjects of this kingdom in general; and to infuſe into the minds of the ſubjects of this kingdom groundleſs and unreaſonable diſcontents and prejudices againſt our preſent Sovereign Lord the King, and the Parliament of this kingdom; and the conſtitution, laws, and government, thereof and to bring them into hatred and contempt, on the ſixteenth day of February, in the thirty-ſecond year of the reign of our ſaid preſent Sovereign Lord the King, with force and arms at London aforeſaid, to wit, in the pariſh of Saint Mary le Bone, in the ward of Cheap, he, the ſaid Thomas, wickedly, maliciouſly, and ſeditiouſly did print and publiſh, and cauſe to be printed and publiſhed, a certain falſe, ſcandalous, malicious, and ſeditious libel, of and concerning the ſaid late happy revolution, and the ſaid ſettlements and limitations of the crown and regal government of the ſaid kingdoms and dominions; and the ſaid act declaring the rights and liberties of the ſubject, and the ſaid declaration of the rights and liberties of the ſubject therein contained, and the hereditary Regal government of the ſaid kingdoms and dominions, and alſo of and concerning the Legiſlature, Conſtitution, Government, and Laws of this Kingdom, and of and concerning our preſent Sovereign Lord the King that now is, and of and concerning the Parliament of this kingdom, intituled, ‘Rights [Page 16] of Man, part the ſecond, combining principle and practice, by Thomas Paine, ſecretary for foreign affairs to Congreſs in the American War, and author of the work, entitled Common Senſe, and the firſt part of the Rights of Man, the Second Edition, London, Printed for J. S. Jordan, No. 166, Fleet Street.’ In which ſaid libel are contained, amongſt other things, divers falſe, ſcandalous, malicious, and ſeditious matters. In one part thereof, according to the tenor and effect following, (that is to ſay) ‘All hereditary government is in its nature tyranny. An heritable crown’ (meaning, amongſt others, the crown of this kingdom) ‘or an heritable throne,’ (meaning, amongſt others, the throne of this kingdom) ‘or by what other fanciful name ſuch things may be called, have no other ſignificant explanation than than that mankind are heritable property. To inherit a government is to inherit the people, as if they were flocks and herds.’ And in another part thereof, according to the tenor and effect following, (that is to ſay) ‘This Convention met at Philadelphia in May, 1787, of which General Waſhington was elected preſident. He was not at that time connected with any of the ſtate governments, or with Congreſs; he delivered up his commiſſion when the war ended, and ſince then had lived a private citizen. The Convention went deeply into all the ſubjects, and having, after a variety of debate and inveſtigation, agreed among themſelves upon the ſeveral parts of a Federal Conſtitution, [Page 17] the next queſtion was the manner of giving it authority and practice. For this purpoſe they did not, like a cabal of courtiers, ſend for a Dutch Stadtholder or a German Elector; but they referred the whole matter to the ſenſe and intereſt of the country.’ (thereby meaning and intending that it ſhould be believed that a cabal of courtiers had ſent for the ſaid Prince of Orange and King George the Firſt, heretofore Elector of Hanover, to take upon themſelves reſpectively the regal government of the ſaid kingdoms and dominions, without referring to the ſenſe and intereſt of the ſubects of the ſaid kingdoms) And in another part thereof, according to the tenor and effect following, (that is to ſay) ‘The hiſtory of the Edwards and Henries,’ (meaning Edwards and Henries, heretofore Kings of England) ‘and up to the commencement of the Stuarts,’ (meaning Stuarts, heretofore Kings of England) ‘exhibits as many inſtances of tyranny as could be acted within the limits to which the nation had reſtricted it. The Stuarts’ (meaning Stuarts, heretofore Kings of England) ‘endeavoured to paſs thoſe limits, and their fate is well known. In all thoſe inſtances, we ſee nothing of a conſtitution, but only of reſtrictions on aſſumed power. After this, another William,’ (meaning the ſaid William Prince of Orange, afterwards King of England) ‘deſcended from the ſame ſtock, and claiming from the ſame origin, gained poſſeſſion;’ (meaning poſſeſſion of the crown of England) ‘and of the two evils, James and [Page 18] William,’ (meaning James the Second, heretofore King of England; and the ſaid William Prince of Orange, afterwards King of England) ‘the nation preferred what it thought the leaſt; ſince from circumſtances it muſt take one. The act, called the Bill of Rights,’ (meaning the ſaid act of Parliament, intituled, "an act declaring the rights and liberties of the ſubject, and ſettling the ſucceſſion of the crown") ‘comes here into view. What is it’ (meaning the ſaid act of Parliament laſt mentioned) ‘but a bargain which the parts of the government made with each other to divide powers, profits, and privileges,’ (meaning that the ſaid laſt-mentioned act of Parliament was a bargain which the parts of the government in England made with each other to divide powers, profits, and privileges) ‘ You ſhall have ſo much, and I will have the reſt. And with reſpect to the nation, it ſaid, for your ſhare you ſhall have the right of petitioning. This being the caſe, the Bill of Rights’ (meaning the ſaid laſt-mentioned act of Parliament) ‘is more properly a bill of wrongs and of inſult. As to what is called the Convention Parliament, it’ (meaning the ſaid convention of Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, herein-before mentioned) ‘was a thing that made itſelf, and then made the authority by which it acted. A few perſons got together, and called themſelves by that name; ſeveral of them had never been elected, and none of them for the purpoſe. From the time of William,’ [Page 19] (meaning the ſaid King William the Third) ‘a ſpecies of government aroſe iſſuing out of this coalition Bill of Rights;’ (meaning the ſaid act, intituled, an act declaring the rights and liberties of the ſubject, and ſettling the ſucceſſion of the crown) ‘and more ſo ſince the corruption introduced at the Hanover ſucceſſion,’ (meaning the ſucceſſion of the heirs of the Princeſs Sophia, Electreſs and Ducheſs Dowager of Hanover, to the crown and dignity of this kingdom) ‘by the agency of Walpole, that’ (meaning the ſaid ſpecies of government) ‘can be deſcribed by no other name than a deſpotic legiſlation. Though the parts may embarraſs each other, the whole has no bounds; and the only right it acknowledges out of itſelf, is the right of petitioning. Where then is the conſtitution either that gives or that reſtrains power. It is not becauſe a part of the government’ (meaning the government of this kingdom) ‘is elective, that makes it leſs a deſpotiſm. If the perſons ſo elected poſſeſs afterwards, as a Parliament, unlimited powers, election, in this caſe, becomes ſeparated from repreſentation, and the candidates are candidates for deſpotiſm.’ And in another part thereof, according to the tenor and effect following, (that is to ſay) ‘The attention of the government of England (for I rather chuſe to call it by this name than the Engliſh government) appears, ſince its political connection with Germany, to have been ſo completely engroſſed and abſorbed by foreign affairs, and the means of raiſing taxes, that [Page 20] it ſeems to exiſt for no other purpoſes. Domeſtic concerns are neglected; and with reſpect to regular law, there is ſcarcely ſuch a thing.’ And in another part thereof, according to the tenor and effect following,(that is to ſay) ‘With reſpect to the two Houſes of which the Engliſh Parliament’ (meaning the Parliament of this kingdom) ‘is compoſed, they appear to be effectually influenced into one, and, as a Legiſlature, to have no temper of its own. The miniſter,’ (meaning the miniſter employed by the King of this realm, in the adminiſtration of the government thereof) ‘whoever he at any time may be, touches it’ (meaning the two Houſes of Parliament of this kingdom) ‘as with an opium wand, and it’ (meaning the two Houſes of Parliament of this kindom) ‘ſleeps obedience. But if we look at the diſtinct abilities of the two Houſes,’ (meaning the two Houſes of Parliament of this kingdom) ‘the difference will appear ſo great, as to ſhew the inconſiſtency of placing power where there can be no certainty of the judgement to uſe it. Wretched as the ſtate of repreſentation is in England,’ (meaning the ſtate of repreſentation of the Commons of this kingdom) ‘it is manhood, compared with what is called the Houſe of Lords;’ (meaning the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, in Parliament aſſembled) ‘and ſo little is this nicknamed Houſe’ (meaning the Houſe of Lords) ‘regarded, that the people ſcarcely inquire at any time what it is doing. It’ (meaning the ſaid Houſe of Lords) ‘appears alſo to be moſt under [Page 21] influence, and the fartheſt removed from the general intereſt of the nation.’ And in another part thereof, according to the tenor and effect following, viz. ‘Having thus glanced at ſome of the defects of the two Houſes of Parliament,’ (meaning the Parliament of this kingdom) ‘I proceed to what is called the crown,’ (meaning the crown of this kingdom) ‘upon which I ſhall be very conciſe. It’ (meaning the crown of this kingdom) ‘ſignifies a nominal office of a million ſterling a year, the buſineſs of which conſiſts in receiving the money. Whether the perſon’ (meaning the King of this realm) ‘be wiſe or fooliſh, ſane or inſane, a native or a foreigner, matters not; every miniſtry’ (meaning the miniſtry employed by the King of this realm in the adminiſtration of the government thereof) ‘acts upon the ſame idea that Mr. Burke writes, namely, that the people’ (meaning the ſubjects of this kingdom) ‘muſt be hoodwinked and held in ſuperſtitious ignorance by ſome bugbear or other; and what is called the crown’ (meaning the crown of this kingdom) ‘anſwers this purpoſe, and therefore it anſwers all the purpoſes to be expected from it. This is more than can be ſaid of the other two branches. The hazard to which this office’ (meaning, amongſt others, the office of King of this realm) ‘is expoſed in all countries,’ (meaning, amongſt others, this kingdom) ‘is not from any thing that can happen to the man,’ (meaning the King) ‘but from what may happen to the nation,’ (meaning, [Page 22] amongſt this kingdom) ‘the danger of coming to its ſenſes.’ And in another part thereof, according to the tenor and effect following, (that is to ſay) ‘I happened to be in England at the celebration of the centenary of the Revolution of 1688. The charaters of William and Mary’ (meaning the ſaid late King William and Queen Mary) ‘have always appeared to me deteſtable; the one’ (meaning the ſaid late King William) ‘ſeeking to deſtroy his uncle, and the other’ (meaning the ſaid Queen Mary) ‘her father, to get poſſeſſion of power themſelves. Yet as the nation was diſpoſed to think ſomething of that event, I felt hurt at ſeeing it aſcribe the whole reputation of it to a man’ (meaning the ſaid late King William the Third) ‘who had undertaken it as a job, and who, beſides what he otherwiſe got, charged ſix hundred thouſand pounds for the expense of the little fleet that brought him from Holland. George the Firſt’ (meaning George the Firſt, late King of Great Britain, &c.) ‘acted the ſame cloſe-fiſted part as William’ (meaning the ſaid King William the Third) ‘had done, and bought the Duchy of Bremin with the money he got from England, two hundred and fifty thouſand pounds over and above his pay as King; and having thus purchaſed it at the expence of England, added it to his Hanoverian dominions for his own private profit. In fact, every nation that does not govern itſelf is governed as a jobb. England has been the prey of jobbs ever ſince the Revolution.’ [Page 23] And in another part thereof, according to the tenor and effect following (that is to ſay) ‘The fraud, hypocriſy, and impoſition of governments’ (meaning amongſt others, the government of this kingdom) ‘are now beginning to be too well underſtood to promiſe them any long career. The farce of monarchy and ariſtocracy in all countries is following that of chivalry, and Mr. Burke is dreſſing for the funeral. Let it then paſs quietly to the tomb of all other follies, and the mourners be comforted. The time is not very diſtant when England will laugh at itſelf for ſending to Holland, Hanover, Zell, or Brunſwick, for Men’ (meaning the Kings of theſe realms, born out of the ſame, who have acceded to the crown thereof at and ſince the Revolution) ‘at the expence of a million a year, who underſtood neither her laws, her language, nor her intereſt, and whoſe capacities would ſcarcely have fitted them for the office of a Pariſh Conſtable. If government could be truſted to ſuch hands, it muſt be ſome eaſy and ſimple thing indeed, and materials fit for all the purpoſes may be found in every town and village in England.’ In contempt of our ſaid Lord the King and his laws, to the evil example of all others in the like caſe offending, and againſt the peace of our ſaid Lord the King, his crown and dignity, and the ſaid Attorney General of our ſaid Lord the King, for our ſaid Lord the King, further gives the Court here to underſtand and be informed, that the ſaid Thomas Paine being a wicked, ſeditious, and ill-diſpoſed, perſon, and wickedly, [Page 24] ſeditiouſly, and maliciouſly, intending to ſcandalize, traduce, and vilify, the character of the ſaid late Sovereign Lord, King William the Third, and the ſaid late happy Revolution, and the Parliament of England, by whoſe means the ſame was eſtabliſhed, commonly called the Convention Parliament; and the laws and ſtatutes of this realm limiting and eſtabliſhing the ſucceſſion to the crown of this kingdom, and the ſtatute declaring the rights and liberties of the ſubject, commonly called the Bill of Rights, and the happy conſtitution and government of this kingdom, as by law eſtabliſhed, and to bring the conſtitution, legiſlation, and government, of this kingdom into hatred and contempt with his Majeſtys ſubjects; and to ſtir up and excite diſcontents and ſeditions among his Majeſtys ſubjects. And to fulfil, perfect, and bring to effect his ſaid wicked, malicious, and ſeditious intentions, on the ſaid Sixteenth Day of February, in the Thirty Second Year aforeſaid, at London aforeſaid, in the Pariſh and Ward aforeſaid, he, the ſaid Thomas Paine, wickedly, maliciouſly, and ſeditiouſly, did write and publiſh, and cauſe and procure to be written and publiſhed, a certain other falſe ſcandalous, malicious, and ſeditious libel, in which, amongſt other things, are contained certain falſe, ſcandalous, malicious, and ſeditious matters, of and concerning the character of the ſaid late Sovereign Lord King William the Third, and the ſaid Revolution and the ſaid Parliament, and the laws and ſtatutes of this realm, and the happy conſtitution and government thereof, as by law eſtabliſhed, according to the tenor and effect following, [Page 25] (that is to ſay) ‘The hiſtory of the Edwards and the Henries,’ (meaning Edwards and Henries, heretofore Kings of England) ‘and up to the commencement of the Stuarts,’ (meaning Stuarts, heretofore Kings of England) ‘exhibits as many inſtances of tyranny as could be acted within the limits to which the nation’ (meaning England) ‘had reſtricted, it. The Stuarts’ (meaning Stuarts, heretofore King of England) ‘endeavoured to paſs thoſe limits, and their fate is well known. In all thoſe inſtances we ſee nothing of a conſtitution, but only of reſtrictions on aſſumed power. After this, another William,’ (meaning the ſaid late King William the Third) ‘deſcended from the ſame ſtock, and claiming from the ſame origin, gained poſſeſſion;’ (meaning poſſeſſion of the crown of England) ‘and of the two evils, James and William,’ (meaning James the Second, heretofore King of England, and the ſaid King William the Third) ‘the nation’ (meaning England) ‘preferred what it thought the leaſt, ſince from circumſtances it muſt take one. The act called the Bill of Rights’ (meaning the ſaid ſtatute, declaring the rights and liberties of the ſubject, commonly called the Bill of Rights) ‘comes here into view. What is it’ (meaning the ſaid laſt mentioned ſtatute) ‘but a bargain which the parts of the government made with each other to divide powers, profits, and privileges?’ (Meaning that the ſaid laſt-mentioned ſtatute was a bargain which the parts of government in England made with each other to divide powers, profits, and privileges) ‘You ſhall have [Page 26] ſo much, and I will have the reſt. And with reſpect to the nation’ (meaning England) ‘it ſaid, for your ſhare you ſhall have the right of petitioning. This being the caſe, the Bill of Rights’ (meaning the ſaid laſt-mentioned ſtatute) ‘is more properly a Bill of Wrongs and of inſult. As to what is called the Convention Parliament,’ (meaning the aforeſaid Parliament of England, commonly called the Convention Parliament) ‘It’ (meaning the aforeſaid Parliament of England, commonly called the Convention Parliament) ‘was a thing that made itſelf, and then made the authority by which it acted. A few perſons got together, and called themſelves by that name. Several of them had never been elected, and none of them for the purpoſe. From the time of William,’ (meaning the ſaid King William the Third) ‘a ſpecies of government’ (meaning government of England) ‘aroſe, iſſuing out of this coalition Bill of Rights;’ (meaning the ſaid ſtatute, declaring the rights and liberties of the ſubject) ‘and more ſo ſince the corruption introduced at the Hanover Succeſſion;’ (meaning the ſucceſſion of the heirs of the Princeſs Sophia, Electreſs and Dutcheſs Dowager of Hanover, to the crown and dignity of this kingdom) ‘by the agency of Walpole, that’ (meaning the ſaid ſpecies of government) ‘can be deſcribed by no other name than a deſpotic legiſlation. Though the parts may embarraſs each other, the whole has no bounds; and the only right it acknowledges out of itſelf, is the right of petitioning. Where then is the conſtitution either that gives [Page 27] or that reſtrains power? It is not becauſe a part of the government’ (meaning the government of this kingdom) ‘is elective, that makes it leſs a deſpotiſm. If the perſons ſo elected poſſeſs afterwards, as a Parliament, unlimited powers, election, in this caſe, becomes ſeparated from repreſentation, and the candidates are candidates for deſpotiſm.’ In contempt of our ſaid Lord the King and his laws, to the evil example of all others in the like caſe offending, and againſt the peace of our ſaid Lord the King, his crown and dignity. And the ſaid Attorney General of our ſaid Lord the King, for our ſaid Lord the King, further gives the court here to underſtand and be informed, that the ſaid Thomas Paine being a wicked, ſeditious, and ill-diſpoſed perſon, and wickedly, ſeditiouſly, and malicioſly intending to ſcandalize, traduce, and vilify the character of the ſaid late Sovereign Lord King William the Third, and the ſaid late happy revolution, and the Parliament of England, by whoſe means the ſame was eſtabliſhed, commonly called the Convention Parliament; and the laws and ſtatutes of this realm, limiting and eſtabliſhing the ſucceſſion to the crown of this kingdom; and the ſtatute declaring the rights and liberties of the ſubject, commonly called the Bill of Rights; and the happy conſtitution and government of this kingdom as by law eſtabliſhed; and to bring the Conſtitution, Legiſlation, and Government of this Kingdom into hatred and contempt with his Majeſty's ſubjects;— and to ſtir up and excite diſcontents and ſeditious among his Majeſty's ſubjects; and to fulfil, perfect, and bring to effect his ſaid [Page 28] wicked, malicious, and ſeditious intentions, on the ſaid ſixteenth day of February, in the thirty ſecond year aforeſaid, at London aforeſaid, in the pariſh and ward aforeſaid, he, the ſaid Thomas Paine, wickedly, maliciouſly, and ſeditiouſly, did print and publiſh, and cauſe and procure to be printed and publiſhed, a certain other falſe, ſcandalous, malicious, and ſeditious libel, in which, amongſt other things, are contained certain falſe, ſcandalous, malicious, and ſeditious, matters, of and concerning the character of the ſaid late Sovereign Lord King William the Third, and the ſaid revolution, and the ſaid Parliament, and the laws and ſtatutes of this realm, and the happy conſtitution and government thereof, as by law eſtabliſhed, according to the tenor and effect following,— (that is to ſay) ‘The hiſtory of the Edwards and the Henries,’ (meaning Edwards and Henries heretofore Kings of England) ‘and up to the commencement of the Stuarts,’ (meaning Stuarts, heretofore Kings of England) ‘exhibits as many inſtances of tyranny as could be acted within the limits to which the nation’ (meaning England) ‘had reſtricted it. The Stuarts’ (meaning Stuarts, heretofore Kings of England) ‘endeavoured to paſs thoſe limits, and their fate is well known. In all thoſe inſtances we ſee nothing of a conſtitution, but only of reſtrictions on aſſumed power. After this, another William,’ (meaning the ſaid late King William the Third) ‘deſcended from the ſame ſtock, and claiming from the ſame origin, gained poſſeſſion;’— [Page 29] (meaning poſſeſſion of the crown of England) ‘and of the two evils, James and William,’ (meaning James the Second, heretofore King of England, and the ſaid King William the Third) ‘the nation’ (meaning England) ‘preferred what it thought leaſt, ſince from circumſtances it muſt take one. The act called the Bill of Rights’ (meaning the ſaid ſtatute, declaring the rights and liberties of the ſubject, commonly called the Bill of Rights) ‘comes here into view. What is it’ (meaning the ſaid late-mentioned ſtatute) ‘but a bargain which the parts of the government made with each other to divide powers, profits, and privileges?’ (meaning that the ſaid laſt-mentioned ſtatute was a bargain which the parts of the government in England made with each other to divide powers, profits, and privileges) ‘You ſhall have ſo much, and I will have the reſt. And with reſpect to the nation,’ (meaning England) ‘it ſaid, for your ſhare you ſhall have the right of petitioning.—This being the caſe, the Bill of Rights’ (meaning the ſaid laſt-mentioned ſtatute) ‘is more properly a Bill of Wrongs and of inſult. As to what is called the Convention Parliament,’ (meaning the aforeſaid Parliament of England) ‘it’ (meaning the aforeſaid Parliament of England, commonly called the Convention Parliament) ‘was a thing that made itſelf, and then made the authority by which it acted; a few perſons got together and called themſelves by that name; ſeveral of them had never been elected, and none of them for the [Page 30] purpoſe. From the time of William’ (meaning the ſaid King William the Third) ‘a ſpecies of government’ (meaning the government of England) ‘aroſe, iſſuing out of this coalition Bill of Rights;’ (meaning the ſaid ſtatute declaring the rights and liberties of the ſubject) ‘and more ſo ſince the corruption introduced at the Hanover ſucceſſion’ (meaning the ſucceſſion of the heirs of the Princeſs Sophia, Electreſs, and Ducheſs Dowger of Hanover to the Crown and Dignity of this kingdom) ‘by the agency of Walpole: that’ (meaning the ſaid ſpecies of government) ‘can be deſcribed by no other name than a deſpotic Legiſlation, though the parts may embarraſs each other, the whole has no bounds; and the only right it acknowledges, out of itſelf, is the right of petitioning.—Where then is the conſtitution either that gives, or that reſtrains power? It is not becauſe a part of the government’ (meaning the government of this kingdom) ‘is elective that makes it leſs a deſpotiſm, if the perſons ſo elected poſſeſs afterwards, as a Parliament, unlimited powers. Election in this caſe becomes ſeparated from repreſentation, and the canditates are canditates for deſpotiſm.’ In contempt of our ſaid Lord the King and his laws, to the evil example of all others in the like caſe offending, and againſt the peace of our ſaid Lord the King, his crown, and dignity. And the ſaid Attorney General of our ſaid Lord the King, for our ſaid Lord the King, further gives the Court here to underſtand and [Page 31] be informed, that the ſaid Thomas Paine, being a wicked, malicious, ſeditious, and ill-diſpoſed perſon, and being greatly diſaffected to our ſaid preſent Sovereign Lord the King, and wickedly, maliciouſly, and ſeditiouſly intending, deviſing, and contriving to traduce and vilify our Sovereign Lord the King, and the two Houſes of Parliament of this kingdom, and the Conſtitution and Government of this kingdom, and the adminiſtration of the government thereof, and to ſtir up and excite diſcontents and ſeditions amongſt his Majeſty's ſubjects, and to alienate and withdraw the affection, fidelity, and allegiance of his ſaid Majeſty's ſubjects from his ſaid Majeſty; and to fulfil, perfect, and bring to effect, his ſaid wicked, malicious, and ſeditious intentions, on the ſaid ſixteenth day of February, in the thirty-ſecond year aforeſaid, at London aforeſaid, in the pariſh and ward aforeſaid, he, the ſaid Thomas Paine, wickedly, ſediciouſly, and maliciouſly did write and publiſh, and cauſe to be written and publiſhed, a certain other falſe, ſcandalous, malicious, and ſeditious libel; in which libel, amongſt other things, are contained certain falſe, ſcandalous, malicious, and ſeditious matters, of and concerning the Crown of this kingdom, and the King's adminiſtration of the government thereof, and of and concerning the King and the two Houſes of Parliament of this kingdom, according to the tenor and effect following, viz. ‘Having thus glanced at ſome of the defects of the two Houſes of Parliament,’ (meaning the Parliament of this kingdom,) ‘ [Page 32] I proceed to what is called the Crown,’ (meaning the Crown of this kingdom,) ‘upon which I ſhall be very conciſe. It’ (meaning the Crown of this kingdom) ‘ſignifies a nominal office of a million ſterling a year, the buſineſs of which conſiſts in receiving the money: whether the perſon’ (meaning the King of this realm) ‘be wiſe or fooliſh, ſane or inſane, a native or a foreigner, matters not, every Miniſtry.’ (meaning the Miniſtry employed by the King of this realm in the adminiſtration of the government thereof) ‘acts upon the ſame idea that Mr. Burke writes, namely, that the people’ (meaning the ſubjects of this kingdom) ‘muſt be hoodwinked and held in ſuperſtitious ignorance by ſome bugbear or other; and what is called the Crown’ (meaning the Crown of this kingdom) ‘anſwers this purpoſe, and therefore it anſwers all the purpoſes to be expected from it: this is more than can be ſaid of the other two branches. The hazard to which this office’ (meaning, amongſt others, the office of King of this realm) ‘is expoſed in all countries’ (meaning, amongſt others, this kingdom) ‘is not from any thing that can happen to the man,’ (meaning the King) ‘but from what may happen to the nation,’ (meaning, amongſt others, this kingdom) ‘the danger of its coming to its ſenſes.’ In contempt of our ſaid Lord the King and his laws, to the evil example of all others in the like caſe offending, and againſt the peace of our ſaid Lord the King, his crown, and dignity. And [Page 33] the ſaid Attorney General of our ſaid Lord the King, for our Lord the King, further gives the Court here to underſtand and be informed, that the ſaid Thomas Paine, being a wicked, malicious, ſeditious and ill-diſpoſed perſon, and being greatly diſaffected to our ſaid preſent Sovereign Lord the King, and wickedly, maliciouſly, and ſeditiouſly intending, deviſing, and contriving to traduce and vilify our Sovereign Lord the King, and the two Houſes of Parliament of this kingdom, and the Conſtitution and Government of this kingdom, and the adminiſtration of the government thereof, and to ſtir up and excite diſcontents and ſeditions amongſt his Majeſty's ſubjects, and to alienate and withdraw the affection, fidelity, and allegiance of his ſaid Majeſty's ſubjects from his ſaid Majeſty; and to fulfil, perfect, and bring to effect his ſaid wicked, malicious, and ſeditious intentions, on the ſaid ſixteenth day of February, in the thirty-ſecond year aforeſaid, at London aforeſaid, in the pariſh and ward aforeſaid, he, the ſaid Thomas Paine, wickedly, ſeditiouſly, and maliciouſly did print and publiſh, and cauſe to be printed and publiſhed, a certain other falſe, ſcandalous, malicious, and ſeditious libel; in which libel, amongſt other things, are contained certain falſe, ſcandalous, malicious, and ſeditious matters, of and concerning the Crown of this kingdom, and the King's adminiſtration of the government thereof, and of and concerning the King and the two Houſes of Parliament of this kingdom, according to the tenor and effect following, viz. ‘Having thus [Page 34] glanced at ſome of the defects of the two Houſes of Parliament,’ (meaning of the Parliament of this kingdom) ‘I proceed to what is called the Crown,’ (meaning the Crown of this kingdom) ‘upon which I ſhall be very conciſe. It’ (meaning the Crown of this kingdom) ‘ſignifies a nominal office of a million ſterling a year, the buſineſs of which conſiſts in receiving the money: whether the perſon’ (meaning the King of this realm) ‘be wiſe or fooliſh, ſane or inſane, a native or a foreigner, matters not, every Miniſtry’ (meaning the Miniſtry employed by the King of this realm in the adminiſtration of the government thereof) ‘acts upon the ſame idea that Mr. Burke writes, namely, that the people’ (meaning the ſubjects of this kingdom) ‘muſt be hoodwinked and held in ſuperſtitious ignorance by ſome bugbear or other, and what is called the Crown’ (meaning the Crown of this kingdom) ‘anſwers this purpoſe, and therefore it anſwers all the purpoſes to be expected from it: this is more than can be ſaid of the other two branches. The hazard to which this office’ (meaning, amongſt others, the office of King of this realm) ‘is expoſed in all countries’ (meaning, amongſt others, this kingdom) ‘is not from any thing that can happen to the man,’ (meaning the King) ‘but from what may happen to the nation,’ (meaning, amongſt others, this kingdom) ‘the danger of its coming to its ſenſes.’ In contempt of our ſaid Lord the King and his laws, to the [Page 35] evil example of all others in the like caſe offending, and againſt the peace of our ſaid Lord the King, his crown, and dignity. And the ſaid Attorney General of our ſaid Lord the King, for our ſaid Lord the King, further giveth the Court here to underſtand and be informed, that the ſaid Thomas Paine, being a wicked, malicious, ſeditious, and ill-diſpoſed perſon, and being greatly diſaffected to our ſaid Lord the King, and the Conſtitution and Government of this kingdom, and wickedly, maliciouſly, and ſeditiouſly intending, deviſing, and contriving to aſperſe, defame, and vilify the characters of the late Sovereign Lord and Lady William and Mary, heretofore King and Queen of England, and of George the Firſt, heretofore King of Great Britain, &c.; and to aſperſe, defame, and vilify, the happy Revolution, providentially effected under the wiſe and prudent conduct of the ſaid King William and Queen Mary, and to bring the ſaid Revolution, and the characters of the ſaid King William and Queen Mary, and King George the Firſt, into hatred and contempt with the ſubjects of this realm, and to ſtir up and excite diſcontents and ſeditions among his Majeſty's ſubjects, and to alienate and withdraw the affection, fidelity, and allegiance of his Majeſty's ſubjects from his ſaid preſent Majeſty; and to fulfil, perfect, and bring to effect his ſaid wicked, malicious, and ſeditious intentions, on the ſaid ſixteenth day of February, in the thirty-ſecond year of the reign of our Lord the now King, at London aforeſaid, in the pariſh and ward aforeſaid, [Page 36] wickedly, maliciouſly, and ſeditiouſly, did write and publiſh, and cauſe to be written and publiſhed, a certain other falſe, wicked, malicious, ſcandalous, and ſeditious libel; in which ſame libel, amongſt other things, are contained certain falſe, wicked, malicious, ſcandalous, and ſeditious matters, of and concerning the ſaid King William and Queen Mary, and the ſaid King George the Firſt, and the ſaid Revolution, according to the tenor and effect following, (that is to ſay) ‘I happened to be in England at the celebration of the centenary of the Revolution of 1688.’ (meaning the ſaid Revolution) ‘The characters of William and Mary’ (meaning the ſaid late King William and Queen Mary) ‘have always appeared to me deteſtable; the one’ (meaning the ſaid King William) ‘ſeeking to deſtroy his uncle, and the other’ (meaning the ſaid Queen Mary) ‘her father, to get poſſeſſion of power themſelves; yet, as the nation was diſpoſed to think ſomething of that event, I felt hurt at ſeeing it aſcribe the whole reputation of it to a man’ (meaning the ſaid late King William the Third) ‘who had undertaken it as a jobb; and who, beſides what he otherwiſe got, charged ſix hundred thouſand pounds for the expence of the little fleet that brought him from Holland. George the Firſt’ (meaning George the Firſt, late King of Great Britain, &c.) ‘acted the ſame cloſe-fiſted part as William’ (meaning the ſaid King William the Third) ‘had done, and bought the Duchy of Bremin with the money he got from England, [Page 37] two hundred and fifty thouſand pounds over and above his pay as King; and having thus purchaſed it at the expence of England, added it to his Hanoverian dominions for his own private profit: in fact, every nation that does not govern itſelf is governed as a jobb: England has been the prey of jobbs ever ſince the Revolution.’ (meaning the aforeſaid Revolution.) In contempt of our ſaid Lord the King and his laws, to the evil and pernicious example of all others in the like caſe offending, and againſt the peace of our ſaid Lord the King, his crown, and dignity. And the ſaid Attorney General of our ſaid Lord the King, for our ſaid Lord the King, further gives the Court here to underſtand and be informed, that the ſaid Thomas Paine, being a wicked, malicious, ſeditious, and ill-diſpoſed perſon, and being greatly diſaffected to our ſaid Lord the King, and the Conſtitution and Government of this kingdom, and wickedly, maliciouſly, and ſeditiouſly intending, deviſing, and contriving to aſperſe, defame, and vilify the characters of the late Sovereign Lord and Lady William and Mary, heretofore King and Queen of England, and of George the Firſt, heretofore King of Great Britain, &c. and to aſperſe, defame, and vilify the happy Revolution, providentially effected under the wiſe and prudent conduct of the ſaid King William and Queen Mary, and to bring the ſaid Revolution, and the characters of the ſaid King William and Queen Mary, and King George the Firſt, into hatred and contempt with the ſubjects of this realm, and to [Page 38] ſtir up and excite diſcontents and ſeditions among his Majeſty's ſubjects, and to alienate and withdraw the affection, fidelity, and allegiance of his Majeſty's ſubjects from his ſaid preſent Majeſty; and to fulfil, perfect, and bring to effect, his ſaid wicked, malicious, and ſeditious intentions, on the ſaid ſixteenth day of February, in the thirty-ſecond year of the reign of our Lord the now King, at London aforeſaid, in the pariſh and ward aforeſaid, wickedly. maliciouſly, and ſeditiouſly, did print and publiſh, and cauſe to be printed and publiſhed, a certain other falſe, wicked, malicious, ſcandalous, and ſeditious libel; in which ſame libel, amongſt other things, are contained certain falſe, wicked, malicious, ſcandalous, and ſeditious matters, of and concerning the ſaid King William and Queen Mary, and the ſaid King George the Firſt, and the ſaid Revolution, according to the tenor and effect following, (that is to ſay,) ‘I happened to be in England at the celebration of the centenary of the Revolution of 1688.’ (meaning the ſaid Revolution) ‘The characters of William and Mary’ (meaning the ſaid late King William and Queen Mary) ‘have always appeared to me deteſtable; the one’ (meaning the ſaid King William) ‘ſeeking to deſtroy his uncle, and the other’ (meaning the ſaid Queen Mary) ‘her father, to get poſſeſſion of power themſelves; yet, as the nation was diſpoſed to think ſomething of that event, I felt hurt at ſeeing it aſcribe the whole reputation of it to a man’ (meaning the ſaid [Page 39] late King William the Third) ‘who had undertaken it as a jobb; and who, beſides what he otherwiſe got, charged ſix hundred thouſand pounds for the expence of the little fleet that brought him from Holland. George the Firſt’ (meaning George the Firſt, late King of Great Britain, &c.) ‘acted the ſame cloſe-fiſted part as William’ (meaning the ſaid King William the Third) ‘had done, and bought the Duchy of Bremin with the money he got from England, two hundred and fifty thouſand pounds over and above his pay as King; and having thus purchaſed it at the expence of England, added it to his Hanoverian dominions for his own private profit: in fact, every nation that does not govern itſelf is governed as a jobb: England has been the prey of jobbs ever ſince the Revolution.’ (meaning the aforeſaid Revolution.) In contempt of our ſaid Lord the King and his laws, to the evil and pernicious example of all others, in the like caſe offending, and againſt the peace of our ſaid Lord the King, his crown and dignity. And the ſaid Attorney General of our ſaid Lord the King, for our ſaid Lord the King, further gives the court here to underſtand and be informed, that the ſaid Thomas Paine being a wicked, malicious, ſeditious, and ill-diſpoſed perſon, and being greatly diſaffected to our ſaid Lord the King, and the Conſtitution and Government of this kingdom, and wickedly, maliciouſly, and ſeditiouſly, intending, deviſing, and contriving, to aſperſe, defame, and vilify, the character of the late [Page 40] Sovereign Lord William, heretofore King o-England, and of George the Firſt, heretofore King of Great Britain, &c. and to aſperſe, defame, and vilify, the happy Revolution, providentially effected under the wiſe and prudent conduct of the ſaid King William; and to bring the ſaid Revolution and the characters of the ſaid King William and King George the Firſt into hatred and contempt with the ſubjects of this realm; and to ſtir up and excite diſcontents and ſeditions among his Majeſty's ſubjects, and to alienate and withdraw the affection, fidelity, and allegiance, of his Majeſty's ſubjects from his ſaid preſent Majeſty; and to fulfil, perfect, and bring to effect, his ſaid wicked, malicious, and ſeditious, intentions, on the ſaid ſixteenth day of February, in the thirty-ſecond year of the reign of our Lord the now King, at London aforeſaid, in the pariſh and ward aforeſaid, wickedly and maliciouſly did write and publiſh, and cauſe to be written and publiſhed, a certain other falſe, wicked, malicious, ſcandalous, and ſeditious, libel; in which ſame libel, amongſt other things, are contained certain falſe, wicked, malicious, ſcandalous, and ſeditious, matters, of and concerning the ſaid King William the Third, and the ſaid King George the Firſt, and the ſaid Revolution, according to the tenor and effect following, (that is to ſay) ‘The fraud, hypocriſy, and impoſition, of Government (meaning, amongſt others, the government of this kingdom) "are now beginning to be too well undeſtood to promiſe them any long career. The farce of monarchy [Page 41] and ariſtocracy in all countries is following that of chivalry, and Mr. Burke is dreſſing for the funeral. Let it then paſs quietly to the tomb of all other follies, and the mourners be comforted. The time is not very diſtant when England will laugh at itſelf for ſending to Holland, Hanover, Zell, or Brunſwick, for men,’ (meaning the ſaid King William the Third, and King George the Firſt) ‘at the expence of a million a year, who underſtood neither her laws, her language, nor her intereſt; and whoſe capacities would ſcarcely have fitted them for the office of a pariſh conſtable. If government could be truſted to ſuch hands, it muſt be ſome eaſy and ſimple thing indeed; and materials fit for all the purpoſes may be found in every town and village in England.’ In contempt of our ſaid Lord the now King and his laws, to the evil example of all others in the like caſe offending, and againſt the peace of our ſaid Lord the King, his crown and dignity, And the ſaid Attorney General of our ſaid Lord the King, for our ſaid Lord the King, further gives the court here to underſtand and be informed, that the ſaid Thomas Paine being a wicked, malicious, ſeditious, and ill-diſpoſed perſon, and being greatly diſaffected to our ſaid Lord the King, and the conſtitution and government of this kingdom, and wickedly, maliciouſly and ſeditiouſly, intending, deviſing, and contriving, to aſperſe, defame, and vilify, the character of the late Sovereign Lord William heretofore King of England, and of [Page 42] George the Firſt heretofore King of Great Britain, &c. and to aſperſe, defame, and vilify, the happy revolution, providentially effected under the wiſe and prudent conduct of the ſaid King William, and to bring the ſaid Revolution and the characters of the ſaid King William and King George the Firſt into hatred and contempt with the ſubjects of this realm; and to ſtir up and excite diſcontents and ſeditions among his Majeſty's ſubjects, and to alienate and withdraw the affection, fidelity, and allegiance of his Majeſty's ſubjects from his ſaid preſent Majeſty, and to fulfil, perfect, and bring to effect, his ſaid wicked, malicious, and ſeditious, intentions, on the ſaid ſixteenth day of February, in the thirty-ſecond year of the reign of our Lord the now King, at London aforeſaid, in the pariſh and ward aforeſaid, wickedly, maliciouſly, and ſeditiouſly, did print and publiſh, and cauſe to be printed and publiſhed, a certain other falſe, wicked, malicious, ſcandalous, and ſeditious, libel; in which ſame libel, amongſt other things, are contained certain falſe, wicked, malicious, ſcandalous, and ſeditious matters, of and concerning the ſaid King William the Third, and the ſaid King George the Firſt, and the ſaid Revolution, according to the tenor and effect following, (that is to ſay) ‘The fraud, hypocriſy, and impoſition, of Governments,’ (meaning, among others, the government of this kingdom) ‘are now beginning to be too well underſtood to promiſe them any long career. The farce of monarchy and ariſtocracy in all countries is following that of chivalry, and Mr. Burke [Page 43] is dreſſing for the funeral. Let it then paſs quietly to the tomb of all other follies, and the mourners be comforted. The time is not very diſtant when England will laugh at itſelf for ſending to Holland, Hanover, Zell, or Brunſwick, for men’ (meaning the ſaid King William the Third, and King George the Firſt) ‘at the expence of a million a year, who underſtood neither her laws, her language, nor her intereſt, and whoſe capacities would ſcarcely have fitted them for the office of a pariſh conſtable. If government could be truſted to ſuch hands, it muſt be ſome eaſy and ſimple thing indeed; and materials fit for all the purpoſes may be found in every town and village in England.’ In contempt of our ſaid Lord the now King and his laws, to the evil example of all others in the like caſe offending, and againſt the peace of our ſaid Lord the King, his crown and dignity. Whereupon the ſaid Attorney General of our ſaid Lord the King, who for our ſaid Lord the King in this behalf, proſecuteth for our ſaid Lord the King, prayeth the conſideration of the court here in the premiſes, and that due proceſs of law may be awarded againſt him the ſaid Thomas Paine in this behalf, to make him anſwer to our ſaid Lord the King, touching and concerning the premiſes aforeſaid.

To this information the defendant hath appeared, and pleaded Not Guilty, and thereupon iſſue is joined.

ERRATUM.

Page 79, line 20 ſhould read thus— Is it poſſible that you or I can believe, or that reaſon can make any other man believe.

The paſſage is printed correct where it occurs again, the bottom of page 94.

Notes
*.
Mr. Erſkine is Attorney-General to the Prince of Wales.
*.
Dr. Price.
*.
Mr. Law, King's Counſel.
*.
Earl Mansfield.
*.
Mr. Burke's Thoughts on the cauſe of the preſent diſcontents, publiſhed in 1775.
*.
Mr. Erſkine took up a book.