HE that eythet thinketh he hath, or wisheth to haue an excellent face, no sooner is tolde of any spot or vncomelinesse in his countenance, then he hieth • o shewe himselfe too a glasse, that the glasse may •… w againe his true likenesse vnto him. The same cuti •… ie mooues me that desires to haue a faire minde, to •… we a true face, and state of my mind, to my true friend, •… t he like a true glasse, without iniurie or flatterie, may 〈◊〉 me whether nature or accident haue set so foule a ble •… h in it, as my accusers pretend.

I am charged that eyther in affection, or opinion, or •… th, I preferre warre before peace, and so consequently •… t all my counsailes, actions, and endeuours, d • e tende keepe the state of England in continuall warre: espe •… lly at this time, when some say peace may be had, and •… ly impugne it. But both my heart disclames so bar •… ous an affection, and my iudgement so absurd an opinion. And that the reputation of a most faithfull subiect, 〈◊〉 zealous patriot, which with the hazard of my life and •… ay of my estate I haue sought to purchase, must not •… o vgly and odious aspersion, that mine actions haue caused, maintained, or increased the wars, or had euer any such scope or intent. First; for mine affection in nature it was indifferent to books, or to armes: and was more • n •• amed with the loue of knowledge, then with the loue 〈◊〉 fame, witnes your rarely qualified brother, and that 〈◊〉 learned and truly honest maister Sauill: yea, my contemplatiue retirednesse in Wales, and my bookishnesse fr •• my very childhoode. And nowe if time reason and experience, haue taught me to wish that to my self▪ which is be •• for my self, what would I not wish rather then martial imploimēts: In which I haue impaired my estate, lost my de •• and onely brother, the halfe arch of mine house, buried many of my dearest and nearest friendes, and subiected my selfe to the rage of the seas, violence of tempestes, infections of generall plagues, famines, and all kinde of wantes, discontentment of vndisciplined and vnruly multitudes, and acceptations of euentes: while I did not only leaue my known enemies elbow roome to seek their o •• and their friends aduancemnts, but was faine sometimes, vpon trust of their protestations after new reconcilemen •• to make them the receiuers, censurers, and answerers 〈◊〉 all my dispatches. And as mine affection neither in tru •• is (nor if I regard my selfe) in reason ought to be set vpon those courses of the warres: So (in my iudgement) I haue euer thought wars the diseases and sicknesses, and pea •• the true naturall and healthfull temper for all estates. I haue thought excellent mindes should come to the wa •• as surgions do to their cures, whē no easie or ordinary, y •• no other remedie will serue. Or as men in particular questions are allowed to challenge combate, when their is no way but by the sword to proue the truth of their plea, and to obtaine their detained right, yea I will goe one degre • further: I thinke that Prince or state offends, asmuch against iustice, and against reason, that omitteth a faire occasion of an Hon: and safe peace, as they which rashly and causelesly moue an vniust warre. These principles s •• • ing made mee conclude this generall Thesis common to all estates, that peace is to be preferred before warre, I will come to an Hipothesis proper to the state of England: wher most part of the wealth of the land, and reuenewes of the crowne growe by traffique and intercourse, and whereas almost all traffique is interrupted by the warres, where state in largenesse of territorie and wealth which is the sinewes of warre, is inferiour to that of the enemie: where besides all forraine warres, there is yet besides a great fire of rebellion vnquenched, where associats in warre giue ouer the quarrell, neigbours are suspected neutrals, and shew ill affection, and the people themselues growe weary of the chardge and miserie of warres, there of all places peace should be imbraced, if it be offered and sought for by honourable and fit meanes, if it may be accomplished, But though warres bee diseases, yet I thinke it better to suffer some sicknesse, then to venture vppon euery medicine: But to trust an enemies faith, when his perfidie shal vndoe, or extremely indanger vs, and infinitely aduantage himselfe, were Medicum haeredem • acere. It is no cure to bring a state from a doubtfull war, to an vnsafe treatie: It is no more then to put a feuerous bodie, out of a hotte fit into a colde. To conclude, as an vnskilfull Phisition may by weakening a naturall bodie, with his medicines bring it from tertian or quartan feuer into an hectique, so an vnprouident statesman may with conditions or treatie, so disarme a state of the friendes reputation, and the strength it hath, as the cure will proue farre worse the • the disease. Therefore it is not the name of warre or peace, but the circumstances or conditions of eyther of them, that should make vs flee the one, and imbrace the other. Now what are the circumstances of our warre or peace with Spaine it shall appeare in his proper place in the treatise following. But e • re I pàsse further, least this profession of my disposition and affection too warre or peace, be challenged to be but a faire pretence, and these rules which I auowi to holde in iudgement, be compared to the doctrine of some diuines of our time, farthest of all from their practise: I haue thought good to answere some obiections of my de • ractors: who will say mine entring into the action of the low countreyes, ere I was out of pupill age, my putting myselfe into the iourney of Portugall without chardge or licence, my procuring myselfe the conducting of her Maiesties succours to the Frenche king in the yeare 91. my Sea iourneies these twoo last sommers, wherein booth myselfe, and my friendes, ventured deepely of our owne priuate meanes, my neare friendshippe with the chiefe menne of action, and generall affection to the men of warre of our nation. And lastly my opposing myself against the treatie of peace at this time when others perswade vnto it: That all these I say are argumentes that I wish not peace, but delight in warre: But for my going into the lowe countries, if neyther the company of my father in lawe, the Honourable chardge of the general of the horse in a faire armie, when I was but 19. yeares old, then taking the start of those of mine owne ranckes, when I sawe the state of England not onely disposed to great actions, but ingaged in them. If these reasons were not sufficient to warrant my course, yet consider what choice I had, or what else could I haue done with myselfe, In the court I had small grace and few friends: In mine own house in the country I had not liued a yeere, till the opinion of the worlde obraided mee, with more retirednesse then was fit for my yeares, or the present time: And to haue gone to trauell, when my country sent out so great an armie, had bin as much as to haue turned ouer bookes onely to gaze at the babies and pictures, whilst others were studying the sence.

For to iustifie my going into Portugal, I must plead these circumstances, First, of the person, with whom I went: A poor distressed exiled king, whom I had herd of tentimes repeate the storie of his owne oppressions.

Secondly, of the enemies against whom I went: An insolent, cruell, and vsurping nation, that disturb • d the common peace, aspired to the conquest of my countrey, and was a generall enemie to the libertie of Christendome.

Thirdly, of the cause in which I went: to deliuer the oppressed out of the handes of the oppressors, and by giuing the Spaniard his handfull at home, to free both mine owne countrey, and our confederats, from the feare and daunger of his attempts.

And lastly, of the time in which I went. A time when mine eyes full of disdaine, had so lately seene their falsly called inuincible Armado saile by our shores, when all the braue heartes of this kingdome boyled, till they sawe that insolent enemie taught both to knowe himselfe, and to value vs. And when my heart was perswaded by both these circumstances, I engaged my meanes, kinsfolkes, friendes, and followers, else neither the aduenture had beene made vp, nor the iourney perfourmed, It being no allowed action of her Maiesties, but a mere aduenture of priuate men. And when I was so farre in, I confesse I was not of their humour, that loue to wager vpon other mens hances, or sit at home like merchants, whilst their hopes and goodes are ventured abroad.

For my going without charge, or leaue, I must auowe, the one, as out of counsell and excuse, the other, as by necessity. I chose to goe without charge, that I might bee free to execute the lesse: I commanded not, that I might not be obnoxious to the successe, and because I had ouerthrowne the vioage, If I had stood vpon the commission. And I could take no second place, hauing before the same time and in the same army had place aboue the generall. But though I had no chardge, yet I made my brother generall of the horse, and my faithfull friend Syr Roger William▪s colonell generall of the infantry, 7. or 8 of my fast friendes colonels, and 20. at the least of my domestickes, captaines, so as I might haue authoritie and party enough when I would. For my want of leaue I must plead necessitie, her Maiestie hauing resolued to sende none of my qualitie, and many at home shewing enuie inough to those poore gent▪ that were named, which made me foresee with what successe I should haue sued for leaue.

For my conducting her Maiesties forces to the French King in 92. I must alledge, that the sending of the succours was resolued on before my name was in question. And if I had not offered myselfe to the iourney, some other noble man that neuer had place in the warres, might (as the phrase is in the common law) haue beene promoted p •• Salium: and so I that neuer had her Maiesties commission to commaunde in chiefe, should haue seene my puis ••• leape ouer my head. Also I felt that my fortune had bred mee enuie, and that enuie procured mee strong and dangerous opposition, and this opposition would not be ouercaryed, but by her Maiesties great fauour, and that the greatnesse of her Maiesties fauour, must growe out of the greatnesse of her seruantes merite: and I sawe no way of merite lie so open to me, as by my seruice in the warres, the times themselues and my owne beginning fitting vnto it, and at that time none of my countrey, of my rancke disposing himselfe that way: If besides all this it be con • idered that I went to a king, who for his admirable valour, and often fighting with his owne handes, was not onely the most famous king, but also the most redoubted Captaine of all Christendome. That the inte • ded seruice was to free the maritine partes of Normandy, from the handes of the league or power of the Spaniard: that therby the common enemie should finde lesse succour or fauour in these Seas If these thinges be well considered, I doubt not but my French iourney will be thought sufficiently iustified.

But perhaps in these actions, wherein either I had no charge at all, or was commaunded by others, or offered myselfe to the seruice, when the imploiment was before resolued on, I hauing no parte or interest in that counsell, my Apologie will be the better allowed of, then in my two last Sea iourneyes, wherein I am charged to bee the authour of the counsell, aswell as the executor of the seruice, wherefore first for the first.

For the counsell of going into Spaine, I protest I had no more parte in that, then my L. Treasurer, my L. Admirall, and master Secretary, who were all priuie from the beginning, and did assent, and aduice to the iourney as much as I did, her Maiestie did first moue for the defensiue, vppon intelligence that the king of Spaine did both purpose and prepare to assaile her, finding that she did strengthen the low countries, and fortisie against him, molested him in his Indies, choaked him by Sea: So that his counsell resolued that to be the shortest and easiest way to all his ends, to begin with England. And when her Maiestie was armed, and able to take the starte, it was thought both a wise and safe counsell, not to lease so great, and so faire an opportunitie. For the proiect of going to Cadz I haue euer confessed it was my Lord Admirals my colleagues. If any man will single me out to chardge me alone with any thing, it must needs be that whè all the charg of preparation was past the armie leauied & marching to the Randeuous, and the low countrey fleete that was to ioine with vs in the way, that then I was as constant in the iourney, as I had bin all the while before when I might haue sold the honour of my Soueraigne, the securitie of my countrey, the contentment of our confederates, the hopes and almost whole fortunes of hundreds of my friendes that I had drawne into that iourney, for some priuate gaine vnto myselfe. If any man will vse so base a speach, as that wee offended the kinge of Spaine so deepely in that iourney, as that he is nowe implacable, and further from peace: I answere vana sine viribus ira, wee brought away and burnt his shipping, and destroyed his Sea prouision • ▪ yea, we put him to such chardge and losse, as he shorte •• after played banckrupte with all his creditours. Let mee euer see his strength decrease, though his malice increase • ather then beleeue in his faith and good nature, when his strength is great. If any man will on the other side obiect, that though • e had good hap, yet our designement was naught, for it drew the warre to no end, I must confesse, I neither performed what I purposed, nor thought that which was done sufficient: I purposed to dwell in a port of the enemies, and so to make a continual diuersion of the warres: witnesse my letters to the Lordes of the counsell▪ dated from Plymouth the first of Iune 96 and deliuered by my Secretory Rainolds at Greenewitch the 6. of the same moneth. And when I was possessed of Cadz, I offered to stay with 3. or 4000. men, if that whole fleete could haue furnished vs but with three moneths victuals, witnesse the whole counsell of warre. And by these means I doubted not to haue brought the warres in those partes to a shorte ende, and also to haue made the king of Spaine weary of seeking to dislodg me: But my letters was neyther answered nor liked here, nor I at Cadz able to feede my selfe, and the men of warre, till a supply might haue come. So that except to bee of that minde my fellowes were, that were called to councel, or to haue ioyned with my Lord Admirall when he offered to take an equall commission of commaundement with me, both by Sea, and by land, to haue sought • s we could to weaken him, that by all meanes he can, seeketh to destroy and conquer vs: And if to haue failed in doing that which I had no warrant nor meanes to •• e, be a fault in▪ my iourney in 96. I committed no fault.

For my last iourney in 97. let it be remembred howe I was brought into it, with what counsell and designes I went out, and what was the true causes of the want of such successe, as in our owne hopes wee promised to our selues, and that If I vndertooke more then dutie laid vpon me, or aduised any thing that reason made not probable, or failed of any thing, that any possibilitie inabled m • vnto, I will thinke the hardest censurer of me do • me no wrong. But first it is well knowne that her Maiestie had armed and victualed 10. of her owne shippes, and caused the states of the lowe countries to prepare the like number, before euer I was spoken of to goe to Sea. And when my Lord Thomas Howard, and Syr Walter Raulegh, who should haue beene sent foorth with this fo • ce, thought their hopes of doing any great seruice weake and vncertaine. And the newes of the Adelantadoes preparation at Farroll and the Groine were newly confi • med: a new counsell was called, in which her Maiestie resolued that this force prepared, was to great for a discouerie, and too litle for an attēpt. That a fleet inferiour to that the Adelantado commaunded, might light vpon some merchants, o • take fishermen to learne newes, but should neuer be in possibilitie to take any of the king of Spaine • treasure, or should safely li • on the coastes of Spaine and Portugall, being able to commaund no port, nor daring to fight with the enemies fleete, when it should come out. And lastly that a fleete without an armie to land, might • ayle from Cape to Cape, and returne when their victuals were spent without doing other seruice: For the Adilantado would not come foorth, if he liked not his match, and the Indian fleete might be stayed at the Ilands, or by the aduise • s direction, so alter their course as they should hardly be intercepted, then a newe consideration was had, what might be done by a sufficient force by Sea and land. It was resolued that not onely Farroll, where the Adelantado lay, but any port of Spaine might be entred, and the • orces of the king, that should be found in it beaten and destroyed: Or any Port or Iland of the enemie taken and fortified, besides the commaunding of any fleete of warre, or of treasure that should be met with at Sea, if 6. ships of her Maiesties and 5000. land souldiers, with 500. Sayle • s to transporte them were added to the former preparation. All which conditions being agreed vnto, and my Lord Admirall •• cusing himselfe from the iourney, by the indisposition of his body▪ I had warning to prepare my selfe to take the charge. When I went • oorth, my first designe was vppon Farroll, both by her Maiesties commaundment, and mine owne choise, for when I hadde defeated that force, I might go • after whether I listed, and doe almost what I listed, (I meane) vpon any places vpon that coast. And of doing what I would vpon that fleete and army at Farr •• ▪ I had little cause to doubt, if God had giuen me a fauo • rable passage and season, to land the armie, and enter the Porte, their preparation to resist being all knowne, and litle moouing any distrust of the possibilitie, or facilitie of this kinde of enterprize. I thinke I haue satisfied you i • some of my former papers, especially in my discourse, written as I came home from Cadz, and I will satisfie • n • reasonable man, that will speake with me of it. The aduan •• ges that would haue growne by it are manifest: H •• Maiesties dominion for a long time, from any inuasion from Spaine had beene secured. The king of Spaine hi • fleete both going foorth, and comming home, vtterly vngarded, the taking of the Spanish and Portugall Iles more easie, the enterprise vpon the East and West Indies warranted from two of the greatest daungers, an encounter by Sea, and an inuasion by land, whilst her Maiesties forces were absent: To conclude her Maiestie had beene such an absolute Queene of the Ocean, and her enemie so disarmed by Sea, as shee might eyther enforce him to any conditions of peac • or make warre to her infinite aduantage, and his vtter ruine, I had also thought vppon some places which I might haue holden for the diuersion of the warres, and if euer the taking of the Indian fleete were likely, I know I should haue beene in a faire way for it: though I confesse these hopes were so vncertaine, as I reckoned them but by chaunce. My first, chiefest, and maine designe being to assayle the Adelantado in Farroll: Farroll was the Randeuous I gaue, to Farroll I directly shaped my course: and at Farroll I had mastered the fleet, that lay there whole yeares threatning my countrey, or driuen that armie into the hils, or sacrificed my selfe. The causes frustrating this designe, were first the violent long tempest, which tooke vs in the height of 46. scattered our fleete, disinabled and almost drowned most of our principall shippes, And when we could no longer beate it vp against the winde, draue vs backe vppon our owne coast: Next that vnreasonable stormie weather, which kept vs a moneth after we were put backe from attempting to goe foorth againe: and lastly our wantes, which forced vs to discharge our whole land armie sauing 1000. men, for mine owne excuse how long I dured ere I turned backe, and to what desperate case I brought my shippes, there bee witnesses enough. Also her Maiestie and her counsell know, what proffer of seruice I made her, when I came vp post from Plymouth, accompanied with Syr Walter Rawleigh, if shee would but haue let me gone, but with halfe the fleete, and lesse then half the land armie to such place as my selfe and the counsell of warre had chosen for to be. sure the enemie and not her Maiestie should feele the waight and charge of the iourney. And when her Maiestie accepted not of that offer, euen a little before my last going foorth, I went to her Maiestie to offer the attempting of the fleete in Farroll, if she would giue me leaue to hazard the 1000. land souldiers, with some number of the flie boates, and merchantes ships, and the Saint Mathew and the Saint Andrew for my selfe, and one other commaunder to goe in, as a guard for the rest, as • it ships to beare the greatest of the Gallions, leauing al the queen • shippes and the other principall commaunders, without in the Bay, till we had tryed our fortune. Of this letter I receiued answere, tying me to hazard none but these, and yet with some limitations: But I lost the Saint Mathew by breaking the fore mast, and I lost company first of the S. Andrew ere I came to the opening of the Groine: and then the same night while I was faine to lie by the lee, for stopping of a desperate leeke, I lost the company of my Lord the vice admirall, by a mischaunce that fell to his shippe, and 30. sayle amongst which were many of the companies of the souldiers, so that in effect I wanted all those meanes that were allotted for my attempt. And then I houered vp and downe those coastes, in which I had directed such as should lose company to seeke me in, and sent out Pinnaces euery way till the Admirall of the squadron that was missing, sent me word, when I was in the height of 40 that the Adelantado was gone foorth with his fleete, and gone straight to the Terceras to wast home the Indian fleete, then I resolued after I had called a counsell to goe foorth to seeke him, and though I fayled of him, because he neuer offered to come foorth, till long after, yet I missed very narrowly and vnfortunately, of the west Indian fleete, if I had met them before they got to the Terceras, there could none of them haue escaped: And meete with them I had, if a false intelligence had not made me stand one night a contrary way. But it was the wil of God there should bee ino blowe strooken at Sea that yeare, else when at the same time I returned from the Ilandes, and the Adelantado bare for the coast of England, we had not so narrowly missed the one the other as we did.

I haue nowe shewed you (worthy Maister Bacon) with what minde I vndertooke these forraine imploimens and actions of the warre. A word for my friendshippe to the chiefe men of action, and fauour generall to the men of warre: and then I come to the maine obiection, which is the crossing of the treatie in hande. For most of them which are accounted the chiefe men of action, I doe intirely loue them: they haue beene my companions both abroad and at home: Some of them began the wars with me, most of them haue had place vnder me, and many of them had me a witnesse of their rising, from Captaynes, Lieuetenants, and priuate men, to these charges which since by their vertues they haue obtayned. Now I knowe their vertue I would chuse them for friends, if I had them not, but before I had tryed them, God in his prouidence chose them for me: I loue them for my owne sake, for I finde sweetenesse in their conuersation, strong assistance in their imployment with mee, and happinesse in their friendshippe, I loue them for their vertues sake, for their greatnesse of minde: For little mindes though neuer so full of vertue, can be but a little vertuous. For their vnderstanding: For to vnderstand little or thinges not in vse, is little better then to vnderstand nothing at all. For their affection: For soft lo • ing men, loue ease pleasure and profit. But they that loue paines, daunger, and fame, shewe they loue the publique profite more then themselues. I loue them for my countries sake, for they are Englands best armour of defence, and weapons of offence. If we may haue peace, they haue purchased it, if we must haue warre, they must manadge 〈◊〉 , yet whilst we are doubtfull, and in treatie, we must value our selues by what may be done, and our enemie will value vs by what hath beene done, by our chiefe men of action. That generally I am affected to the men of warre, it should not seeme strange to any reasonable man: Euery man loueth those of his owne profession: the graue iudge fauours the student of the lawe, the reuerend Bishoppes the labourers of the ministerie, And I, since her Maiestie hath yeerely vsed my seruice in her late actions, must reckon my selfe to the number of her men of warre. Before action, prouidence makes me cherish them, for the seruice they can doe, and after action, experience and thankefulnesse makes me loue them for the seruice they haue done. I know great scandal lieth vpon the profession of Armes, as if it were a schole of dissolutenesse: but that groweth by cōmandemēt & charg giuen to dissolute chiefs, & it is a fault of the professors not of the profession. For a campe ought to be, (and if it be well go ••• ned) is the b • st schoole, to make religion truely felt, and piety and honestie to be duly practised. For my selfe I am sure, they that loue me least, (if thou know any thing of my gouernment when I am abroad) wil taxe me rather for being to be too seuere, then charg me for being to remisse & popular. But I long to leaue these disputations, which are but skirmishes, and will come to ioyne with my aduers • • ies in that encounter, wherein they labour both to ouerthrowe my credite, with my Soueraigne, and my country. They say that England cannot stand without peace, peace cannot growe but by treatie, treatie cannot bee had, but when the enemie offers it, and now when the enemie offers to treate, the doubtes I cast, and argumentes I frame, doe shew I would not haue her Maiesties commissione • sent ouer. I answere in a word: that if I saw them to build vpon any true principle, I should not so much dissent from them as I doe: but if they will promise themselues, they may haue peace without ground, or thinke that peace may be good for vs without reason, or leape blind folded into a treatie, without due circumstances, I say then I do • not suspect too much, but rather they too little. For a ground that we may haue peace, it is alledged, that a commission is come to the Cardinall out of Spaine, and that by vertue of that commission he offers to send his deputy, to meet with her Maiesties. What is the conclusion therfore? The enemie desires and intends peace: Allow this for a good syllogisme, and you may put to schoole al the L • gicians in Christendome. It were well concluded, this shewes that he meaneth to treate: But remember howe heretofore the Spanish kings Lieuetenant, and other ministers haue pretended commission when they had none: yea haue drawne vs to treatie, before they had there power from Spaine: to conclude, Remember also howe that king hath sent a commission from Spaine, to bee openly shewed that treatie might be entertained, when it is notorious to the world, he neuer meant to conclude any peace, witnesse of all this the Duke of Parma, his want of commission, when by his letters, he drew my Lord of Darbie, Cobham, and other commissioners to the treatie of Berborch. And afterwardes that comming of a commission, when their great Nauie did presently appeare vpon our coastes, for the conquest of England. But doe they offer to treate, and meane no peace? What is then their meaning? If you will haue me to interprete, I will tell you▪ Their first maine attempt against England, was in 88. from that time to this present is full tenne yeares, the iust time of the siege of Troy, An • now they see open force cannot preuaile, they in shewe retire and giue ouer armes, but they haue prepared a Sinons horse, which cannot enter if we • ast not downe our walles. But because we are thought more credulous then the Tro • an were, the bare letter of a base beggerly traiterous fugitiue, assuring vs that good faith is meant, is the vttermost stratagem they vse to deceiue vs with: but though some beleeue it, yet I say, Time • Dan •• s & dona serentes, If they appeale from my expositiō, let their actions expound themselues: will they charge vs at Berborch with fayling to agree to peace, or wil they haue vs to allow that the Duke of Medina came with that huge fleete and armie onely to be witnesse to the contract: O • if they had rather their owne wo • ds should expound their meaning, then their actions, Here Emanuell Lewes the Portugal, that brought Lopu • and Stephano Ferrara assurance of the 50000. Crownes, to be paid so soone as their diuelish conspiracy, against the life of our precious soueraigne, should t • ke effect: heare him I say, who at his arraignement in Guild hall London cōfessed at the bar, that in their Cipher and Targon when they wrote of peace, they intended the murther and death of her Maiestie. Or if the peace must not be condemned to be insidious, but vnder two witnesses, here also Anthonie Rowles nowe prisoner in the tower of London who comming hither out of Spain • with a pretence of making a nouerture of peace, and for better colour bringing letters to her Maiestie, to your self and me, from Teswell the Iesuite, to that end confessed vpon his examination taken by maister Secretarie, and my selfe, that his true etrand giuen him by some of the king of Spaines chiefest ministers, was, to discouer the state of our preparations, to assure the Papistes of England, that they might shortly expect their deliuerance, to win some counsellors about her Maiestie, or noblemen in this kingdome to fauour their case, and to offer me from the Spanish king, what euer portion or summe of money I would desire, so as I would be wonne to take their part. Nowe iudge (worthy maister Bacon) out of the clearenesse of your owne iudgement, how I should vnderstand their offer and speach of peace: and thinke • ut of the worthine • of your owne heart, what peace my heart could take with them, that haue attempted to conquer my countrey, practized to murder my Soueraigne, and sought out me a • a fitte man to be tempted to betray both my Queene and countrey. But if God had not put me backe, and arrested by contrary winds this last sommer, I should haue taught that proud king what effect his offers had wrought in me: And that the longer the will of God, and my Soueraigne doe restraine me, with the greater interest I hope to pay him in the ende. But our peacemakers may alleadge that times are chaunged, and with the times the humours of princes and affaires do commonly chaunge: So although heretofore their were no trust to be giuen to the enemies word, or faire shewes; yet now his humour, or the consideration of his owne affaires may dispose him to make peace: For my part erel can beleeue that he is of a peace able humour, I must know how his ambitious and reuengfull humours are satisfied, and quenched. Satisfied they cannot be: for he hath receiued ouerthrowe in encounters, ill successe in all attemptes, and losse and scorne in all the warre h • hath had with our Maiestie. Quenched they are not like to be, for if apprehension of death would haue quenched them, he would not the last yeare, when he came newly out of that traunce, which was thought would had been his dead sound, had asked the first worde that he spake, whether the Adelaniado were gone for England: Or if remorse of conscience would haue quenched them, he would not in his deuotions being at masse, haue vowed to be reuenged on England, though he sould all the candlestickes vpon the altar before him Of the first of these speaches, my selfe, and some of my fellow commissioners haue seene very credible aduertisement out of Spaine. And the second was deliuered both to you and to me by the mouth of a principall Iesulte, newly come out of Spaine. But we may well conclude that his humour is not like to be chaunged, for he will neuer thinke he hath sufficient parte of the earth, till his mouth • e full of earth▪ And some of his ghostly fathers the Iesuites, will as well perswade that the inuasion of other princes kingdomes is a worke of pietie: as they, doe teach desperate conspirators, that to murder princes is the way to heauen; And if he should die to morrow his sonnes bloud is hotter, and his humour of ambition is like to be greater, he hath bin breede in domo Regnatri • i, and his minde shewes to be already swollen, veteri at que insita Austriacae samiliae superbia. So as in their peaceable humours there being no hope, let vs see what is the present state of their affaites. Princes and states when they do enter into consideration of their owne affaires, may dispose themselues to peace, for vtilitie, conueniencie, or necessitie. For vtilitie if they can get aduautage. For conueniencie. if peace be sittest to conserue them in the state they are. For necessitie: when they haue no longer meanes to make warre. That it is like the king of Spaine will make peace with vs, because he shall get aduantage, our peacemakers will not agree, and if they doe, it is their owne fault: if we fall into the pitte▪ which they shew vs so plainely. That he should not be inclined to peace with England for conueniencie, if neither aduantage intice him, nor necessiue inforce him, I reason thus: All states doe stand as much by reputation, a • by strength, especially where there dominions are deuided farre, and where a fewe of one nation giue the law to great multitudes of many: Now let the Indies, the lowe countries, Naples, Milla • ne, see that Spaine that hath so long tirannized ouer them, is gladde after so many ouerthrowes, disgraces, and losses to make peace with England, vpon equall termes, and they will know that the Spanish are Hombros commo losotos, and that it hath bin basenes in them all this while, Seruitutem suam quotidié emere, quotidié pas ••• e: so as I conclude, by such a peace, the Spanish shuld loose all reputation of his Armes, and honour of his greatnes, and his countreyes would not be kept from reuolting l • y any possibility. And therefore conuenienty cannot moue him to any peace with vs. That necessity or want of meanes shuld d • iue him to it, I thinke it, both improbable, and impossible, improbable: that he that so lately assailed England, Fraunce and the lowe countries at once, hauing nowe brooken the bande of league, and deuided Fraunce from the other two, should thinke himselfe vnable to make warre with vs. Impossible: that heè shouldé l • cke meanes. Wants he treasure▪ his Partido to pay his armie, is made with the Genowaies for a great time to come: And as his enterprises are his obtides, to make his treasure tunne low, so his Indian retou • nes are his floudes to fill the bankes againe. Wantes he men? why besides all his new allies, he hath those forces, that were imployed in Fraunce free to be vsed against vs. Wantes he ships▪ he buildes euery day, and may embarge in Spaine as many as he list, and is now both combining himselfe with the Easterlinges, and conspiring with them against vs Wantes he victuals? besides the helpes he was woont to haue, he shall now by the peace in Fraunce haue asmuch as hee list. So as I conclude, which way soeuer I turne my selfe I see no likelihood of his disposing himselfe to peace with vs▪ and if no peace be to be had, thē no treatie is to be entred into For from him by intertayning treatie, we can draw nothing, nor succour any body, and he may make vs and our onely confederats so iealous one of the other, as in striuiug to take the start, we should striue who should lose them selues first. But if I allow our peacemakers their assurance of peace, let me see what is their purchase, if they can make any peace with Spaine good for vs, it must be by including our confederates in the low countries, or excluding them, but I suspect neyther of these can be good or safe for vs, therfore I iudge they can make no good peace at all. To include the low countries in our peace it is impossible, except they acknowledge the king of Spaine or him that shall claime vnder him for their Soueraigne, as the Duke of Burgu • die which if they doe all thinges else, which should giue power to the enemie, and bringes slauerie vpon the Netherlandes, and danger vpon, will necessarily follow. The reason is manifest, for when the authoritie of the generall states, and the present forme of gouernment, of the vnited prouinces shall bee broaken and diss • lued, a monarchie set vp and a prince acknowledged, there shall nothing limit the princes absolutenesse, but his owne will The strength of a contract cannot limit it, for neither will he keepe faith with those whome he accounteth Heretiques, and calleth rebels, neither will they make any longer delay to betray themselues, for prouince will striue with prouince, towne with towne, and man with man who shall be obsequious, and shew themselues most seruile, all care of defence neglected by minds bewitched with the name of peace, all memorie of former tirannie blotted out of their heartes, resolued to accept a Soueraigne. Some will seeke for charge of souldiers, some for magistracie in townes, some for gathering of custome, and handling of money, some for offices of iustice, some for benifices, and spirituall liuinges, all for trade into Spaine and into the Inides, euery man for priuate gaine, and no man for pubelique safetie. The magistrates and gouernours cannot limit it, for the chiefe men which now bare rule in martiall and ciuill gouernment, will prouide by flight for their owne safetiz, for if the braue Count Edmoundes bought his trust and confidence in his Maiestie with the price of his head, what shall any lowe countrey subiect hope in, when his many memorable seruices, especially those two memorable battles of Graneline and S. Quintin • , and his putting himselfe into the Spaniards handes, could not ouerweigh the suspition of the combining with the reuolters, what hope of future merit shall weigh downe the offence of those, which haue by counsell or action, maintained the state of the lowe countries against Spaines garrisons. Nor troopes of souldiers cannot limit it, for there will be nothing to pay them, when any thing aboue the kings ordinarie is demanded of the people, it will be answered, is not he our enemie? Why doe wee acknowledge him as our prince? Is he our prince? Why doe we stand out against him as against an enemie? besides all low strangers besides, and the enemie will oppresse vpon any sodaine by force, for his meanes depend vpon himselfe, the others vpon the will of a people that will be glad to spaie the purse, when they see present wars, and the enemies number will be farre greater then the States, banish straungers on both sides, yet the enemie shall be strengthened with espaniolized Netherlandes, and the states defended but by such as shall take oathe to the enemie. Stipulation of other princes cannot limit it, for the state wilbe oppressed on the suddaine, when their helpes will come too late, and those princes that were glad to make peace, when the enemie was weake themselues vnited, and the low countries flourishing, will not begin a new quarrell, when the enemies strength is recouered, themselues deuided, and the lowe countries lost. Yet those that I haue named are the least assurances, that either our peace makers can pro pound, or the vnited prouinces receiue, I wil adde further, that as it is certaine, no peace is to be had with the vnited prouinces, except a Soueraigne be acknowledged: so is it with out all doubt that there can be no peace concluded, except popish religion, be either vniuersally established, or else freely exercised in the townes and prouinces where nowe it is banished, Allowe the first, that they banish Gods true seruice, to bring in idolatrie, the leaue truth to receiue faslhood, they refuse the protection of the most merciful god in heauen, to win the fauour of the most tirannical prince in the erth, Allowe the second you bring in a pluralitie of religions, which is no lesse crime, and which is against the pollicie of all states, because where there is not vnitie in the Church, there can be no vnitie nor order in the state, for as the mingling of poyson with wholesome liquor in one vessell, doth not corrupt that which is Letheal, but corrupteth that which is wholesome, so the poysoned doctrine of these espaniolized Iesuites once brought in, will quickly leaue no one professour in al the vnited prouinces. So that I conclude it were both folly and impietie, for them to make any such peace, or for vs to drawe them to it, yea more folly in vs, then euer was committed in any state. For what will not the enemie be able to doe vpon vs, when besides the forces he now hath, he shall haue a countrey in his handes able to find him 60000. or 80000. souldiers, 500. shippes of warre, besides insinite numbers of transporting vessels, and commodious Portes that are but a dayes sayling from the very heart of England. But the low countries shall be giuen to the Infant, shee marryed to the Archduke Albert, and so that state deuided from the crowne of Spaine in a farte safer hand. For the disuniting of them, I answere, the Infant is (if the Prince of Spaine haue no children) to be heire to her brother, and her brother in like case to her, and then are the states vnited, the onely likelihood of their remayning seuered is if they both haue children, and yet since none of that house doe marry farther of then cosen Germaines, I see n • t why we shuld not suspect their coniunction by such a match. But allowe them • euered, is not Albert sonne in lawe to the late king, and brother in lawe to the present • is he not to be backed by the force of Spaine, and maintained by the purse of Spaine • will hee not serue the Spanish kings turne aswell to ioyne in warre against England, as the Duke of Sauoy that marryed the other sister did in war against Fraunce? Nay hath he not a suspected streng •• of his owne, by being brother to the present Emperor, and in no vnlikely hope, to bee Emperour himselfe hereafter 〈◊〉 Nay is not the Infant, the person whose title to the cro •• of England, Parsons so laboured to prooue? Is not the lowe countries the rise by which hee must leape into England Is not such a peace as this in hande, the meanes to assure her of all the Iowe Countries, Is not the armie which is nowe vnder her newe husbande, the force on which the enemie for his enterprize of England must set his rest? yes yes this cohaerence is manifest, and their designe clearely discouered. And it is too plaine what is to be expected of our peace if we include the lowe countries. Now let vs consider how good it may be if we abandon them, I haue euer thought that such a peace might bee good for vs, if they that perswade vnto it, c •• prooue three thinges. First, that they of the lowe Countries will haue both will and strength to maintaine th • warre, though we make peace and forsake them. Secondly, so we leaue them wee may haue good conditions 〈◊〉 our selues. And thirdly, that as our affaires nowe stand a neutralitie can be possible kept by vs, while the vnited prouinces and the enemie are in warre. In the will of 〈◊〉 Iowe Countries to continue warre, and to refuse all conditions that the enemie shall offer, I vnderstande the resolution and counsell of the gouernours of the state, 〈◊〉 the conformitie of the people to such a resolution (In t •• strength I meane aswell the strength of the gouernours to force the people if they bee aduerse, as the strength and sufficiencie of their meanes to endure so great and so sharpe a warre, as will fall vppon them.) Of the chiefe gouernours resoluing there, may be these doubtes, that they shall be tempted by the enemies offers, who if he can wil purchase the seuerally, that he may reduce them vniuersally. And that they shall be terrified with the danger of counsell, for it soundes both harshly aforehand, and is •• e to fal out vnsuccessinely at the first, the enemie being so much maister of the fields as some place will be caried. I know they doe pretend to be resolute one way, and protest against giuing eare to treatie, but that may be eyther to moue vs by example or to make vs to leaue pressing of them to a treatie, or to seeme to hold out to the last that we may seeme rather to haue vndone them, then they to vndoe themselues. But if they vpon mature deliberation should chuse the continuance of the warres as the lesse of the two euils, yet that they people will be like affected it is not probable, for when a people that hath been long • yted with the miserie of the war, shall heare the pleasing name of peace, when they that had two mightie Princes ioyned with them in a straight defensiue and offensiue league, shall see themselues abandoned first by Fraunce, and then by England, when one the one side for the maintenance of the warres, they shall haue newe and great contributions demaunded of them, and one the other side they shall be offered all plausible conditions of peace, nay when they shall see England by making peace, get the trade of Spaine from them, and they alone by standing out, shall be barred of that Nauigation which hath made them so mightie in shipping, and so encreased in wealth and riches, what then the multitude is like to chuse, is it not easie to iudge? And if the people be not conformable of themselues, how by the authoritie of the gouernours of the state (which are called the generall states) they may be forced I doe not see, First because it is not an absolutē and necessary, but a limited and voluntarie obedience which they yeelde. Secondly because the state hath not (as the state of Rome had, and the state of Venice hath) one place that as the head doth commaund and direct all the partes of the body, but is compounded of equal parts▪ Zealand is as absolute as Holland, Friseland as eyther of them, yea not onely the least prouince, but the least town holdes it selfe to haue a kinde of Soueraigntie, and will haue as free a voyce as the greatest. Thirdly because of the former manner of proceedinges, which hath not byn to send commaundementes to binde, but deputies to perswade: not to resolue and conclude in the greatest causes in any one counsell, or assembly, but to sound and feele the disposition of euery prouince, and so to winne them to like of that they haue deuised of. And l • stly because that euen amongst themselues, they are for the time generall states, there is not like to be vnanimitie in opinion, and then though they that dissent (being sewe) will not beare the enuie to stande in counsell against the greater parte, yet it is easie for them, when they come home to worke in the particular prouinces and townes, such a distrust of that which shall be generally propounded to all, as the resolution will sticke, and the whole businesse bee ouerthrowne, it being vnsafe for them to denie libertie of voyce to any, such libertie being the true cause of their taking armes, and standing out against the common enemie. But admit both by the gouernours of state and people, it were resolued that the low Countries alone should remaine in war, how are their meanes, or is their strength like to maintayne warre. Of all forraine helpe they are vtterly destitute, Fraunce makes no diuersion, England can yeeld no succours, and in all Christendome their is no other prince or state likely or able to back them. Their owne meanes and abilitie grow either by the fruit of the earth, or by traffique and merchandise, for the fruites of the earth, that meanes is like to be but small, for the enemy being maister of the fields, and able to deuide his forces into diuerse places, will euery day eyther winne from them, part of that they hould, or at the least, so infecte those partes that are already in the States obedience, as except it bee in Holland, or Zealand, which the enimie cannot yet come vnto, the husbandrie will bee ill followed, and yealde little profitte. And as for their meanes by traffique, it is vnlikely that merchauntes, that may remoue their dwellinge, to peaceable places nere hande, where they may haue safe and free trade, will remayne in the Low Countreies, which onely is in warre, of all these partes of Christendome: and if they keepe their dwelling, yet will the Spaniarde without doubt banish them the trade into Spaine, when both Fraunce, and England, and the Easterlinges shall supply him, and will seeke both to banish and impeach them of other trade, as much as hee can, pretending that they are now the onely perturbe • s of the peace of Christendome. So as I conclude, when I thinke with myselfe what the gouernours of the state of the vnited prouinces are like to resolue, what the people in generall will be like to desire, howe hardly the multitude will be forced against their liking, or the meanes of the Low Countries make them subsist to themselues, I see nothing but danger that the enemie will shortly and suddély be master of all the country: which how it importeth vs to preuent, it hath bin before made plain. I will now cō sider what conditions we are like to haue for our selues, so we wil forsake our confederats, restitutiō of places we can not demand, as Fraunce did, for the enemie holds none of ours. Reparation of damage we can as little seeke for, for from him we haue sustained no losse. And trade into the Indies our zealous peacemakers wil not stand for, least the enemie offended wil grant no peace. Traf • ique into Spaine and Portugall we shall haue, and that is the onely condition that carries any shewe of aduantage to vs. But if we consider howe greedie our merchantes will be of such a trade at first, and how easie it will be for a faith breaking enemie to confiscate all our countrimens goodes, and to embarge and vse English shipping against England, wee would not bragge to much of this aduantage. But on the other side he will require alteration in our gouernment, or in the execution of our lawes for matters of religion, deliuering vp the townes her Maiestie hath in the Loue Countries, and reparation of all the damages susteyned in the wars. The first is a condition only for a conquerour to impose, and vnfitte for a braue state (that in all the wars heretofore hath had the better) once to heare mentioned. The second should neuer be asked of a Queene so iust, as shee will not yeald vp the keyes of a countrey, deliuered by her best confederates, into the handes of her greatest enemies, nor of a prince so wise, as shee will not adde strength to him, whose strength alreadie shee holdeth so much suspected, nor inable him to inuade, whose ambition and malice thirsteth after inuasion and conquest. The third condition is vnpossiblè to be graunted, for the losse the king of Spaine hath receiued in these wars, amounteth to a greater summe then the treasure of al the kings in Christendome. If It be asked how I knowe that these conditions will be demaunded, I answere, I learne Albertus mind of Albertus himselfe, and the Spaniards conditions out of the instruction giuen to the Spanish commissioners If it be sayd though in the intercepted letters and instructions, such conditions were to bee asked but neuer meant, they should be insisted vpon, I answere, that in the instruction to the Spanish commissioners, it is expresly set downe in the first and third condition: the lega • e shall be pressed to vrge the French king, to stand with them in obtayning them: and for the second, if the English commissioners doe cut of all hope of deliuering the townes, that then the treatie shall instantly breake of, which is as much as if he should say, except England will giue vs the keyes of the Low Countries, whereby we may reduce them, and let vs haue the Port of Flushing in which our Galleys may winter, and from which we may set out our fleete for the conquest of England whensoeuer we will breake, wee will haue no peace with England at this time. But if it be graunted that the Low Countries wil maintaine the wars alone, and that Spaine will grant vs good conditions so we wil abandon the states, how wil it appear that it is possible for vs betwixt these two to hold a neutralitie. If we do not the vnited prouinces some fauour vnderhand, at least by letting them be serued by such of our nation, as will voluntarily offer themselues vnto them, their state cannot be maintained, nor they kept our friendes whom we suffer to perish. On the other side, if we doe them in this kinde or any other, any fauour which shall keepe them from perishing, we giue the Spaniard and the Archduke a newe quarrell, and so make them of new become our enemies. Besides her Maiestie hath bestowed in the action in the Low Countries at the least 4 millions of crownes, and shee hath in pawne for the debt which the states owē her, the townes of Flushing and the Brill: to reimburse that which is due, and to maintaine the warres the states are vnable, to deliuer the townes without reimbursement were vtterly to loose all the treasure spent, and the authoritie and bridle which her Maiestie hath vpon that people, which is one of the greatest securities of her state: to keepe them (especially Flushing) and to remaine in new treatie in my vnderstanding seems altogether vnpossible, for when the enemie shall see that neither by treatie, nor offer of his large conditions, the states will be wonne, he will assayle them by force, yea he will take that way which will bee shortest and easiest for the reduction of the whole, which will be to bring his Galleys into the riuers, and to transport men into the Ilandes, for so by peircing into zeland, he shall make his way into Holland, and if hee haue once good sooting in these 2. prouinces, he is straight master of the whole state, If Flushing which is the onely bulwarke against the Ilandes and the Castle of Ramnekins, which commaundeth the riuer of Stoad shall notimpeach nor offend the enemie, he will carrie all the rost of the Iland of • aterezen, and so consequently all Zeland: if after he is become her Maiesties friend, he be vsed as an enemie, by that places she holdes the peace is broaken, but though it were proued neuer so fully, that the peace which we might haue (if we may haue any at all) is full of dangers & incōueniences, yet som are so zelous of it that they will say it is the misery of our state, that we neither haue a good peace, nor a good warre, and of the two euils it is better to haue a practised peace, then an insupportable warre. But iniurious are these to the men of warre that fight for them, and defend them, in thinking our Armes which haue euer done honour to our countrey, stricken terrour to the heartes of our enemies, lesse able to defend our countrey, then their treaties which haue neuer beene free from scorne and disaduantage. Iniurious are they to the countrey which bredde them, which being one of the brauest, strongest, and happiest states of Christ endome, is iudged by these men as weak as their owne weake hearts, Iniurious they are to her Maiestie who hath ruled them, who being so great, so glorious, so victorious a Queene, shall be iudged vnable to maintaine warre, when she cannot haue peace but at the pleasure of her enemie. Iniurious and moste vnthankfull to God himselfe are they that hitherto fought for them, in that for an vnsase peace with an Idolatrous and irreligious nation they would leaue an honourable and iust warre: when they haue done all that they can, it the enemie will not conclude peace, we must haue warre. And shall not reasonable men then aswell be perswaded by necessitie of reason, as by necessity of fortune. But wherein doe they find such insufficienci • to maintayne the warres? our Nauy, as also that of the confederats was neuer stronger: nor the enemy in shipping halfe so weake: our nation generally was neuer so martiall, nor neuer had so many able leaders. Our confederates in the Low Counteies who being firmely knit vnto vs, are of more vse then all the friendes in Christendome, (that euer we had or can haue) they I say were neuer more resolute, Fraunce hath left vs, we are cased of many chardges, and shall make warre in fewer places, Ireland is chargeable, that charge may wel be borne, when it is almost the sole burthen that lieth vpon vs, yet if there be any weakenes in our meanes to make warre, it is in our treasure. But if it be considered howe for this present yeare Spaine hath no abilitie to assayle vs, howe the next yeare the yearely subsidies will beginne to be paid, how in Fraunce we haue an end of all chardges, and are to receiue reinbursement of that is due, how in the Low Countries her Maiesties expence may alsocease, and shee receiue some helpe towardes her other chardges, yea, though her Maiesties treasure be drawne deepe into, and the poore husbandmen by these late hard yeres, hath now scant means to liue, yet if our sumptuous buildings, surfeiting dyet, our prodigalitie in garmentes, our infinite plate, and costly furniture of houses be considered, England cannot bee thought to be poore. Can we exceed all nations in Christendome in expencefull vanities? and can we not arme our selues against one nation which we haue alwaies beaten for our necessary defence? was Rome so braue a state as the very Ladies to supply the common treasure to maintaine the warres, spoyled themselues of their iewels and rich ornamentes? And is England so base a state, that the men in it wil not bestow some of their supersluous expences, to keepe themselues from conquest and slauerie? did the kinges and religious people of the old Testament to maintaine the warres against the enemies of God, sell the ornamentes of the Temple, and thinges consecrated to holy vses? and shall not we which haue as holy a warre, spare those thinges which we haue dedicated to our idle and sensuall pleasures? and could our nation in those former g • llant ages, when our countrey was farre poorer, then it is now, leauie armes, make warre, archieue great conquests in Fraunce, & make our powerful arms known as farre as the holy land? and is this such a degenerate age, as we shall not be able to defend England? no, no, there is some seede yet left of the auncient vertue. Remember with what spirit and alacrity, the Gentlemen of England haue put themselues into our late actions, There will euer be found some Valerij that so the state may stand and flourish, care not though they leaue not where with all to bury themselues, though other bury their money not caring what case they leaue the state. We haue thankes be to God a Queene, who neuer hath beene wastfull in her priuate expences, yet will sell her plate and iewels in the tower, ere her people shall be vndefended. We are a people that will turne our silken coates into iron iackets, and our siluer plate to coates of plate, rather then our Soueraigne shall be vnserued, but why should eyther prniceor people be put to that extremity: If her Maiestie will but bestow 60000, pound a yeare which the Low Countries doe cost her, and 20000. pound a yeare which the States doe offer her, and 20000 pound more which I doubt not may be drawn, by way of reimbursement from the French king, this 100000. pound a yeare, with halfe as much more bestowed by the States, who to engage her Maiestie in mainteinance of the warre, will neuer shrinke for their portion, this summe I say of a 100000. pound put into the handes of an honest and sufficient treasurer for the wars, and to bee issued by warrant of a counsell of warre, well chosen, will fully and sufficiently maintaine the war with Spaine, yea, if this be doubted, it shall be made plaine that with 250000. such a force shall be maintained, that her Maiestie hauing a conuenient number of her ships, and furnishing them as she yearly doth, the enemie shall bring no fleete into the Seas, for England, Ireland, and the 〈◊〉 Countries, but it shall be beaten, nor seeke to gather any in Spaine, but the partes of it shall be defeated, before the whole be assembled, yea, those seruices shall be done vpon the enimy, that the poorest Prince and state in Christendome shall haue little cause to feare his malice. But of this question, whether we should think the peace good for vs, which the peacemakers wil procure I haue stood long innough. I come now to the last question of all, whether they doe enter into the treatie of it with due circumstances. My purpose is not to deale with complementall circumstances, or the Pantilios of honour (though I iudge them in their proper time and place worthy of good consideration) but the materiall circumstances which any prince or state should waigh before they enter into treatie, I iudge to be these. The time of treating, whether it yeald most aduantage for peace or warre. The persons of the treators, whether or no the enemy with whom we treate may make aduantage by pretence, if nothing be concluded. The assurance of the treatie, or strength of the knette which is tyed, and the state and condition wee are like to be in, whensoeuer it breakes and dis •• olues. The onely reason which they that would haue peace do vse to proue that this season is fittest, and yealds most aduantage for peace, is, that now the king of Spaine is so weake and poore, that he will be brought to that, which he neyther would heretofore, nor will hereafter euer agree vnto. Therefore say they this is the onely time for peace, but sure except they were better Logicians or could frame better arguments, I would scarse wish them to be trusted with arguing for a treatie. The conclusion is directly contradictory to their owne proposition: for is he now vnablest of all times to encounter vs in warre? then is this of all times the fittest season to make warre. Is this the season he chuseth to recouer himselfe by peace? then of all times peace now should least be granted. Now, now is the fittest time to make warre vpon the Spaniard, his losses are not recouered, his coffers are not filled, his fleete not made, his Sea prouisions not supplied, his Indies not quiet, his sonne in law in new Soueraignty not setled. But her Maiesties late batteries haue made way to her greater and higher attemptes: Terror accompanies the powerfulnesse of her Armies, feare possesseth the heartes of her enimies, and God himselfe by the successe hath iudged her cause: All the world hath seene what hath happened, and the actions past. The common conclusion is, Victrix causa, quia dijs placuit. So on the other side, now of all times is the vnfittest season to make peace, when the state of our best confederates is so vndetermined by practise, threatned by force, and sollicited to their owne vndoing by forrayne princes, as except • wee both incourage them, and cleaue fast to them, their ruine is at hand. Now it is no time to make peace with the chiefe enimy of our religion, when a conspiracy is in hand, against all the professors of it The newes is too rise, and too credible, that this vndertaking Pope, after his victories so glorious in Ferrara, and his powerfull reconciling of two great kinges, in the heate of so greate a war: that now he will not leaue, till he make a generall league against all such, as doe not, or will not acknowledge the omnipotency of his Bulles. Now if we shew our selues so weake, that wee follow not the aduantage we haue, wee shall hereafter be thought so weak, as we may haue any condicions bee inforced vpon vs Now if we refuse the condicions, which our friendes will offer to purchase in our constancy, wee must resolue, hereafter to take such condicious as the enimy will giue, though it bee to our losse. But if wee will needes slatter ourselues, that our agreeing to peace, when the enimy desires it, can make any sounde and durable league betwixt vs: wee shall vndoubtedly finde when it is too late to say, Inter victos victores que nunquam solida fides coaliscit. And vnto the circumstance of time the circumstance of persons, and it will appeare that the pretence and beginuing to treate of peace, without concluding, is like to be very gainefull to the enemie, and preiudiciall to vs: for if he, which now is not able to guard his Indian fleete, may but while we are talking, haue one or two returnes in safetie, if he which neuer feeles the strength of England and the Low Countries; as they are vnited, can for the present seuer them in counsell and affoction, as he may here after more easily deuide them in partes, If he that neuer wantes mallice, but now wantes strength, can sing vs a s • eepe with the name of peace, till hee may rouse vs from sleepe by a thundering warre, his gaine, and our losse by this bare pretence will quickly appeare. Then for assuring, wee giue the enimy as good as he can desire, in forbearing him when hee is weakest, and letting goe our aduantage, when it is greatest, wee shew, that nothing can draw vs to warre, if wee may haue peace. On the other side, if a nation that yet neuer treated with vs, but to deceiue vs, and thinkes our religion but heresie, our church schismaticall, our Queene excommunicated, so as by their owne principles, they are neither to keepe faith with vs, nor let vs receiue good by a contract with them: what assurance, I say, can wee haue of such an enemie, and in such a bargaine? First to deceiue vs, and serue their owne turne, by making peace and then breaking of it, they hold it no fault. Next if they did purpose to keepe it, the Popes dispensation would take it away. And lastly if the Spaniard will keepe a shewe of good forme, and not voluntarily breake faith when his turne is serued: the Pope may to chardge him to breake with vs▪ as conscience and obedience shal couer his malice and pe • fidiousnesse. Last of all let vs consider, what our state and condition is like to be, whensoeuer that running, knot, or vnsure contract doth breake or dissolue. Are wee the breakers? that say that we discouer how grossely wee haue beene cosened, and howe farre the enemies proud and mischieuous designes are aduanced: doth the enemy breake it? then thinke that his iniuries to our state are all made vp. And when he makes them play, he will quickly after giue the assault: his fleete that now is weake, shalbe supplyed but with those Gallions he buildes, and with all the good ships of Christendome that will be bought or hired, his coffers that now are emptyed, wil be so full of treasure, as he will be • ble not onely to trouble kingdomes by warre, but also to purchase them with money, his ministers and best instrumentes for practise, that dare not venture themselues to come ouer, shall then haue free accesse, and our hollow hearted malecontents, if we haue any that now want traffique, will be then ready and confident to intertaine any practise, the Low Countries that now are his strong enemies, either vniuersally by treatie, or in part by conquest shall be reduced to bee his obedient subiects, our victories wilbe forgotten, these men of warre we haue shall either be driuen to seeke new countries and new fortunes, or to be consumed in a miserable beggerly Irish war, our nation generally grow vnwarlicke, in loue with the name, and bewitched with the delight of peace, and the Spaniard courage will bee recouered togither with their strength, which is the naturall roote of all confidence.

These, these (worthy Maister Bacon) are my apprehensions and doubtes, that make mee afrayd to treate: Let this bee answered, cleared, and resolued, or let any man shew me, how we shall haue an honourable, safe, and stable peace, and i will imbrace both it and him, with both mine arms. But till then I say: Iustissimum ij • bellum, quibus necessarium, copia arma, quibus nulla, nifi in armis, spes est.