That I may begin with the Examples of the ſacred Hiſtories;1 Ioab Davidis regis in utraque fortuna individuus diu comes. 1 Ioab who was for a long time King Davids boſome friend in both fortunes, the Captaine of his Guard, and one well ſeene aſwell in Militarie diſcipline as in Civill government, and not ignorant of the faſhion of the Court, by which meanes, hee grew gratious in the eyes of King and people; who to give the King contentment put Vriah to death; having neither law nor reaſon for his warant; and to the end he might endear himſelfe more and more unto him, cunningly2 Rabbathae Ammoniorum urbis captionem regi ſuo reſervavit. 2 he aſcribed the taking of Rabbath a Citie of the Ammonites unto him, by reaſon of which his ſervice hee grew ſo infinitly proud that not conſidering how odious ſuch kinde of perſons are in the ſight of God and men, hee was ſo bold3 Abſalonem contra expreſſum Regis mandatum confodit. 3 contrary to the expreſſe command of the King, to lay violent hands upon Abſalom the Kings ſon; in hoſtilitie hee was with his Father, and by conſequence, by the lawes of armes, worthy of death: yet hee had no Warrant to doe what hee did; and for that the King tooke his death very heavily, hee was ſo preſumptuous as malepertly to upbraid him, and to ſtir up the people to revolt and quit their allegiance; nay it ſo fell out that not long before by a moſt barbarous trechery4 Abnerem ducem Iſraelitarum & Amaſam ducem Iudaeorum per ſummam perfidiam occiderat. 4 hee ſlew Abner a Captaine of the Iſraelites, and Amaſa, a Captaine of the Iewes, that ſtood in competition with him, and were upon the point to bee admitted into his place by the King: to conclude, which is worthy of obſervation, hee ſeditiouſly5 Adoniam juvat. 5 aſſiſted Adonijah, the Kings ſon, to uſurp his fathers territories, in his life time; for the which6 Iuſſu Regis interemptus. 6 by the Kings Command hee was put to death by King Solomon his ſon before the altar, Haman the ſon of Amadathus, of the tribe of Agge, Ahaſuerus raiſed and ſet above all the Peares of his Kingdome, and commanded that all his ſervants ſhould honour and reverence him; which gratious favour of his hee abuſed to ſatisfie his intolerable pride, and cruelty, when as7 Totō gentem Iudaeorum propter odium unius Mardochaei. 7 for the hatred he bare to, Mordochee, he obtained licence of the King, that he might ſacrifice the whole Nation of the Iewes; but fortune turning of her wheele, as God would have it, he by the Kings command was hanged on the ſame tree which hee had prepared for Mordochee. To come unto the Romane Hiſtories, which will ſhew unto us (which is ſtrange) that the moſt flouriſhing times of the Empire will afford us moſt Examples in this kinde. I will begin with Aelius Seianus, a notable patterne of humane frailty, hee was come of a Noble houſe and by his policie ſo wond himſelfe into the favor of8 Illum tam ſuperbum tam ſaevum, tam violentum impe • atorem 8 Tiberius Caeſar, that proud licentious cruell, inconſtant ambitions Emperour, that though he were reſerved and cloſe unto all others, yet to him he was open and free, hee had a body indefatigable; a bold ſpirit, cloſe in any thing that concerned himſelfe, but a deep ſearcher in other mens ſecrets, openly modeſt and ſhamefaſt, but within full of flatterie, pride and ambition; and to accompliſh his ambitious deſignes hee did very often uſe briberie and entertainments in exceſſe, but more often Induſtry and vigilancy; by his Induſtry and cunni • g hee inſinuated himſelfe into the affections of the pretorian company,9 Cohortibus praetoriis praefectus. 9 for hee being Cheife • ommander of them hee ſummoned them very often to come together, and by coming amongſt them and10 Irrepere caepit, in milita • es animos adeundo, appellando 10 calling them by their names he won their hearts, and the hearts of the Centurions and Tribunes; neither did he forbeare to come among the Senators, and to gratifie ſome with honors, others with authoritie; for Tiberius did ſo much honor him that hee made him not only privie to his Councells,11 Per theatra effigies ejus inter Principes legionum coli ſtatuit. and actions, but upon all occaſions graced him in the preſence of the Elders, and the people, 11 hee ſuffered his ſtatues to be adored in the Courts and theater, among the ſtatues of the Princes. Sejanus weighed all things diligently and duely conſidered of things before they happened, and therefore that hee might not loſe the power which hee had with the multitude, and ſuch as dayly did reſorte unto him, hee never abſented himſelfe long from his owne howſe, but came home to entertaine them, where he received them curteouſly, ever ſhewing his readines to procure pardon for ſuch as were delinquents; and that hee might the better bring to paſſe his deſignes12 Vitam procul Româ • maenis locis ducere perſuaſit. 12 he prevailed with Tiberius to leave Rome and to live farre remote in the country; for he thought Tiberius being grown in yeares, and retired into the contry that he might with leſſe oppoſition paſſe through thoſe places which he held; he provided likewiſe that none might have acceſſe to Tiberius, but by him, and that he might have the ſcanning of all ſuch letters as came to the Emperor by the hands of the ſouldiers; but why Tiberius ſhould ſo much favour this man, no reaſon can be given, unleſſe it were for that hee once freed him from a danger that was like to befall him when others forſooke him; for it happened upon a time 13 when Tiberius was feaſted in a howſe called Spelunca, 13 Convivium celebratur in villa quae vocatur Spelunca. the ſtones that lay at the mouth of the Cave, fell downe and ſlew divers therein, which bred an aſtoniſhment in all, and cauſed them that celebrated the feaſt, to runne out to ſave themſelves, whilſt Sejanus ſtaid with Tiberius, hung upon his neck, and with all his might and power kept the ſtones that were ready to fall upon him from him, as the Souldiers that came to aſſiſt him and ſaw him hanging, related the matter; after this Sejanus grew greater and greater, and had the eare of Tiberius ready to anything that he would ſay, though it tended to the ruine of the common-wealth, in ſomuch that hee grew into that height of pride and impudency that14 Nuptias petebat à Liviâ. 14 he preſumed to become a ſuitor to Li • ia the neice of Tiberius, firſt wife to Caius Caeſar, the ſon of Auguſtus, then to Druſus the ſon of Tiberius, whom hee had ſecretly poyſoned; at laſt hee tooke upon him the ſtate of an Emperor, and eſteemed of Tiberius no otherwiſe then the Governor of a poore Iland called by the name of Capreas, ſo that all mens eyes and affections were fixed upon Seianus, and happie did hee thinke himſelfe, that could bee the firſt to bee admitted unto him, unhappy to be the laſt; who as hee obſerved every thing very diligently, ſo eſpecially the words and very lookes of the peeres of Tiberius: by which meanes hee grew ſo gratious with the Senators end the common people, that in every thing they gave the ſame honor unto him, as they did unto Tiberius; their ſtatues in braſſe were ſet up alike, their names in all writings ſubſcribed alike, and the Chariots which carried them unto the Theaters adorned with gold alike; nay more, it was decreed that when they came unto Rome, the Conſuls whom they choſe every fifth yeare, ſhould meete the one in as great ſtate and ſolemnity as they did the other; and ſhould offer the like Sacrifices to the ſtatues of the one as to the other: ſo that nothing being now wanting to Sejanus, or rather the Emperour, (fo ſo indeed he was, having got all power into his hands, and wanted nothing but the bare title of the Emperour, to make him ſo;) Tiberius began to bethink himſelfe of the danger he was in; but becauſe Sejanus had ſo glued to himſelfe the affections of the Pretorian Souldiers, the Senators and ſuch as were neare Tiberius, either with rewards or with promiſes of rewards, that nothing could be ſaid or done in Court, whereof Sejanus had not preſently notice: and nothing done abroad that tended to the diſhonour of Tiberius that came unto his eares; Tiberius wiſely by degrees, firſt ſecretly underhand, afterwards more openly tooke a courſe to ruine Sejanus, and to fruſtrate all his deſignes. Behold here a notable example of humane frailty, and a ſingular patterne for ſuch as are in grace and favour with their Princes, to put them in minde the higher they are, the more reverently and ſubmiſſively to carry themſelves; this man that was in the morning attended upon like an Emperour, in the evening was thrown into priſon like a beggar; whom not long before the people adorned with Crownes of gold, not long after they bound with fetters of iron; whom as their Lord they honoured, they beate as their ſlave: whom they adored and ſacrificed unto as unto a God, they reviled and dragd unto death moſt ignominiouſly like a rogue; the ſame day that the Senate did him all the honour that they could, the people would have carbonaded him, and have pulled him in peices: this man that had ſo much that he could not deſire more, either of God or Man to make him happy whilſt hee lived, before hee dyed had ſo little that he had not wherewithall to gratifie the hang-man; a notable pattern I ſay of humane frailty; yet more of this kinde will I ſhew unto you; In the pulling down of Sejanus, Tiberius uſed the aſſiſtance of Nevius Sertorius Macro, whom not long before hee ſecretly made Commander of the Praetorian Company: and the Senate conceived ſo well of him, that by a decree they conferred all Sejanus his honours upon him; but hee being terrified by an example that was ſo freſh in memory, refuſed to accept them; yet not long after it ſo happened that hee became exceeding powerfull, and applyed himſelfe wholy to Caius Caligula, and ſtudyed how to make him Emperour after Tiberius, inſomuch that when Tiberius underſtood it,15 Occidentem fugientem, orientalem perſequentem ſolem illum exprobravit. 15 hee upbraided him for abandoning the ſetting, and adoring the riſing Sunne; but Caligula in the end requited him for his good will, putting him together with his wife to death with Claudius Coeſar: the moſt powerfull men were his freed men, and amongſt them Narciſſus and Pallas, whom he uſed to ſeverall purpoſes; the one as his Secretary to write his Letters, the other as his Orator to make his ſpeeches, whoſe ſervices hee requited by a decree of the Senate, not only with infinite treaſure, but with places of Authority and Command: inſomuch that upon a time inquiring what the reaſon was that his Treaſury was ſo empty: anſwer was made, that it would be full enough if that the money that was taken forth of it by Narciſſus and Pallas, were put into it; with theſe men and their wives Claudius was ſo enamoured that he became rather their Servant then their Soveraigne: at their diſpoſall were all Honours, Armies, Pardons, and Puniſhments, inſomuch that Sextus Aurelius was uſed to call16 Narciſſum dominum domini appellat. 16 Narciſſus the maſter of his maſter; for as Iuvenal ſaith, unto Narciſſus Claudius denied nothing, nay ſpared not to kill his wife, being commanded by him ſo to do; ſo that Dion affirmes hee was the moſt powerfull Man of that age, and of the age paſt, having a command over Princes, and Cityes, and Poſſeſſions amounting to more then foure thouſand Seſters. This man notwithſtanding as ſoone as Claudius was dead, Agrippina the wife of Claudius, and Neros Mother put to death; ſo that though theſe kinde of men may peradventure during the lives of the Princes by whom they have beene raiſed, live in grace, yet ſeldome doe they eſcape the hands of their ſucceſſors. As touching Pallas, of whom we have before ſpoken, who perſwaded and procured Claudius inceſtuouſly to marry Agrippina, his brothers daughter, and afterwards to be his Concubine, though hee contracted with the Senate that for any offence paſt hee ſhould not be queſtioned; yet Nero obſerving how proudly hee caried himſelfe, exceeding the limits of a free man, grew in hatred with him, ſo that after that he had removed him from all places of Authority which Claudius had conferred upon him, having had indeed the Key of the Empire in his power, he was by Nero put to death; the exceſſive pride of this man is remarkable in this one paſſage: he being accuſed by Nero upon a time for words ſpoken, when hee heard the Libertines named that ſhould be his accuſers, anſwered, that at home hee never ſpoke word, but did all by ſignes and tokens; if the matter were ſhort, hee expreſt himſelfe either by his nod or by his hand; if long, by writing. In the next place, Tigellinus deſcended of meane Parentage, vitious in his youth, vitious in his age, who having by his diſhoneſt courſes, wherein hee grew ſo notorious, that be ſurpaſſed all the men of his time, crept into Neros favour, and attained divers offices of Command and Authority, executed the ſame with all kinde of cruelty, rapine, and villany, having corrupted Nero with all kinde of vices, being moſt inward with him; for when he was angry none except himſelfe and Pappea durſt ſpeake unto him, at length was ſo bold as to make ſome attempt upon Nero himſelfe, yea to forſake him and betray him. But when Vitellius came to the Crown, the people petitioned him that he might be called to an accompt for it, and ſo being condemned in the midſt of his jollities whilſt he was revelling with his Whores, his jawes being firſt cut off with a raſor, he17 Infamem vitam infami exitu faedavit. 17 ended his ignominious life with as ignominious a death. So Vitellius being promoted to the Empire, within four months after that he overcame Otho, 18 Aſiaticum in favorem cepit 18 hee took into his favour one Aſiaticus a freed man of his, no way inferiour in all kinde of villany19 Policletos & Patrob ios vetera odiorum nomina aequabat. 19 to the Policleti and Patrobii the old deteſtable names amongſt the Romans; but immediatly after the death of Vitellius, under Veſpaſian he received condigne puniſhment for abuſing the power conferred upon him; Commodus the Emperour had many of theſe men whom he raiſed and pulled down againe, who after the time that he fell into the hands of the Southſayers and Conjurers, never ſhewed himſelfe in publick,20 Ne quicquam ſibi annuntiari eſt paſſus niſi quod Perrenius ante tractaſſet. 20 neither would endure to heare or be told of anything if it had not firſt been made known unto Perrenius. This man therefore knowing the Emperours minde, found out the way how to make himſelfe powerfull; hee perſwaded21 Perſuaſit Cōmodo ut lipſe deliciis vacaret, & ut curae illi demandarentur. 21 the Emperour to follow his delights, and leave the cares of the Commonwealth to him: which motion of his the Emperour readily entertained; ſo Perrenius is the only man that ſwayes the Empire, puts to death whom he will, robbs and ſpoyls whom hee will, and all that he may make a prey out of every thing, and enrich himſelfe; but why did this man thus tyrannyſe? did he thinke that though he had power for a time, that it would continue for ever? no; for as ſoone as he was made cheife Commander of the Horſe in the Brittiſh warr, his villanyes being everywhere divulged, he was called by no other name then by the name of the Enemy of the Armyes, and was delivered over by the Souldiers to be pulled in pieces; Herodian writes that becauſe hee did conſpire with his ſonne to kill Commodus and uſurpe the Empire, they were both put to death. If either of theſe were true, it ſerves well enough for our purpoſe. To ſucceed Perrenius Commodus choſe Cleander from amongſt them that waited upon him in his bed chamber, being a man of meane Parentage; this man ſo much abuſed the favour of Commodus, that22 Omnes praefecturas pro libitu vendit & diſtribuit. 22 hee ſold all offices of Command and Authority, diſpoſed of them and tooke them away againe, at his will and pleaſure, ſent for ſuch home as were in exile, and preferred them to places of dignities, diſannuld the decrees of the Courts of Iuſtice, and made havock and ſale of every thing, yea ſo bewitcht the Emperour that hee procured Burrhus the Emperours brother in law, his owne Siſters husband with many others that ſtood out in his defence, to bee put to death, for no other cauſe as hee could ſurmiſe, but for ſuſpition that hee deſired to be Emperour; and this diſpleaſure Cleander took againſt him, becauſe that Birrhus obſerving his unruly courſes, freely reprehended him for them, and made the Emperour acquainted with his actions; but theſe enormious offences eſcaped not unpuniſhed, for in the end hee ſmarted for them; Arrius Montanus being by his plots and conſpiracies put to death, for crimes laid to his charge which he never did; It drew the Emperours wrath upon him, and occaſioned deadly hatred in the people, inſomuch that they made an inſurrection; for pacification whereof (as Herodian and Dion obſerve,) the Emperour was compell'd to ſend his Souldiers amongſt them; but untill they ſaw the head of Cleander they would not be pacified; wherefore the Emperour cauſ'd his head to be cut off, and to be ſet upon a pole, which when they ſaw, there was an end of the buſineſſe, all parties were agreed. To ſucceed him were called Iulianus and Regillus, but they continued not long in his favour.

Severus the Emperour raiſed Plautianus Afer from a very meane eſtate, to bee very potent and mighty by confiſcated goods, which hee conferred upon him, yet kept from him all places of Command and Authority, whoſe gracious favour he ſo much abuſed to the exerciſe of his cruelty, that hee became more tyrannicall then any of the Princes of former times; for when Severus preferred in Mariage Plautianus his Daughter to his Sonne Anthony againſt the will of Anthony, for which hee diſtaſted both his Wife and Father, and threatned to kill them both, and ſo to aſpire to the Empire, Plautianus conſidering then what danger he was in, and on the other ſide being ſpurred on with a deſire of Soveraignty, knowing well the age and weakneſſe of the Emperour, and his own power, bethinks himſelfe how hee might kill the Father and the Sonne, and ſo attaine the Empire, and avoyd the danger hee was like to fall into, if Anthonyes deſigne ſhould take effect; the executioner being ſent to do the deed when Plautianus ſhould give the word; the Treachery being diſcovered,23 Convictus juſſu Antonii occiſus eſt. 23 Plautianus was apprehended, and being convicted by the Command of Anthony in the preſence of Severus was put to death. Vnto theſe Roman examples, I will add one of the Graecians, with Philip of Macedon, the laſt King of that name. There was a young man called Apelles that was ſo powerfull that hee might more properly bee called a King then a Favorite; for that every City in Greece more obſerved and feared him then they did the King; the King therefore by the advice of Aratus, taking it to heart that this man looked after nothing more then the Empire, 24 Authoritatem omnem momento ademit. 24 on a ſuddaine caſt him off; whereupon hee was thrown into Priſon, and ſhortly after put to death. Polybius writing this Hiſtory, takes occaſion to ſhew how happy and unhappy they that live in Princes Courts, may be in a very moment of time; he compares them unto ſuffrages, which are accuſtomed to be given in Common-councells; for as in Counſells ſaith hee, it is in the power of the Senators to give Braſſe or Silver, ſo in the Courts of Princes, it is in the power of the Prince to give honor or diſhonor, to make their ſervants either happy or miſerable. Hiero King of Syracuſe in Sicilie, when he dyed left his Kingdome to Hieronymo, his Nephew; and for that he was a child, hee appoynted fifteene to ſee him vertuouſly educated, amongſt whom was Andronorus his ſonne in law; but the King was ſcant laid in his grave, but Andronorus ambitious of Command, eaſed the reſt of that office of truſt which was committed unto them, affirming that Hieronymo was old and able enough himſelfe to governe the Kingdome; but by waving of the office which to him with others was joyntly committed, hee got all the power into his own hand, Hieronymo being young and vitiouſly addicted, fell into all manner of evill courſes, and ſuddainly came to an untimely end. Vpon whoſe death Andronorus poſſeſſed himſelfe of the Tower, and a great part of the City, and fortified it with Garriſons, for he he thought it more ſafe to run with the current, and to yeild himſelfe into the hands of the Senate, though his Wife the daughter of King Hiero mad after Soveraignty, often put him in minde, to the end to encourage him to proceede in the courſe hee was in, of what Dionyſius was uſed to ſay, that a man needed not to ſaddle a horſe to leave a Kingdome, hee might doe it well enough on foot, intimating that it is an eaſie thing when a man will to part with a fortune, but not eaſie to attaine unto it; yet I ſay he thought it more ſafe for the preſent to ſubmit o the Senate, who made him one of their pretors; but25 Nulla quies in • ſt animo dominandi Iibidine capto. 5 his thoughts bein once poſſeſſed with a deſire of Soveraignty, he could not finde contentment in any thing elſe,29 Vxore illum praeſertim inſtigante. 26 his wife principally animating him thereunto, t lling him that now is the time (if ever) to ſtirr in it, whilſt the waters are troubled, whilſt the Souldiers are ready to accept of better pay then the Kings: and whilſt Hannibals Captaines are there ready to further his deſigne. Which perſwaſion ſo prevailed with him that a ſecond time hee took it into conſideration, how he might attaine to the Kingdome, which being diſcovered, he together with Themiſtius to whom hee had diſcloſed the whole matter, was in the Senate houſe put to death.

Wee will paſſe from hence to the Hiſtoryes of other Countreyes and Ages. Richard the firſt King of England, repoſed ſo much truſt in William Biſhop of Ely, as that hee made him Chancellour of England, Keeper of his great ſeale, and Lieuetenant of the Tower of London: at the ſame time hee prevailed with the Pope to make him Legat à Latere of England, France, and Jreland: and when hee was to paſſe the Seas to wage Warr with the Saracens, he left the Government of the Kingdome wholly to him, and gave this charge to his Subjects, that as they loved him and his Kingdome, and as they deſired to live in peace and proſperity, and to enjoy their Poſſeſſions in ſafety, that they would ſhew themſelves obedient to his truſty and well-beloved Chancellour in all things that he ſhould direct them that did concern him, as if that hee were perſonally preſent; ſo this man is now the greateſt man in all the Weſtern parts, being in the Kings abſence the Metropolitan of all England; 27 Dignitates quas pretio com paraverat immodetatè exercuit. 27 hee executed the Diginities which hee purchaſed at deare rates, with exceſſive cruelty, and oppreſſion: and all reſpect of honeſty ſet apart, bent his thoughts only how he might fill the baggs again which hee had emptied; to attain unto them he turned Ʋſurer, and executed the office of Legat à latere, which coſt him a thouſand pound, with ſuch cruelty, that he became a burthen and eyeſore to all the clergy of England: he ſeldome rid with a leſſe number then fifteene hundred of the Clergy to attend him, and a band of Souldiers, as if he had been a King, as my Author ſaith, and not a Biſhop; he was attended by the Sons of the Nobility, whom he married to his kindred, and happy did he think himſelfe that could be gracious in his eyes,; there was no Land to be ſold which he bought not, no Church or Dignity void which he did not either beſtow upon his friends or himſelfe; the keeping of all Caſtles and Townes by one meanes or other he engroſſed, and prevail'd ſo by his power that hee did what he would, and no man durſt once open his mouth to contradict him in any thing. But it ſo happened that Iohn Earle of Mortaigne, the Kings Brother, calling the Peeres together to conſult of the affaires of the State, ſent for this man likewiſe, aſſuring him that he ſhould ſafely come and goe: but he ſuſpecting them, inſtead of coming unto them betooke himſelfe for refuge to the Tower of London; whereupon it was agreed by the Lords, that he by whom the Church of God and People had received ſo much detriment, ſhould no longer govern in the Kingdom. This Chancellour and his Adherents had ſo deceived the Kingdom of the Treaſury, that there was ſcarce any man that wore a girdle that had any ſilver in it, any woman a chaine, any Noble man a ring, or any Iew had mony, and indeed ſcarce any thing of worth was left in the Kingdome; The Kings Treaſury was emptied and nothing but the keyes and empty veſſells found there; The State of the Kingdome ſtanding thus, it was decreed that he ſhould take an oath to relinquiſh all the power he had, not to beare any ſway any longer in the Government of the Commonwealth, and to yeild up all the Caſtles that were committed to his charge, eſpecially the Tower of London; Theſe things hee put in pledges to performe, and left his Office of Legate à latere, which he executed a yeare and a halfe to the great prejudice of the Church of England, and the ſea of Rome; at laſt he put off his accuſtomed habit, and in a womans apparell hee determined to croſſe the Seas: but at Dover his dalliance with a wench being diſcovered by a Marriner, he was hill at, beaten, and afterwards drag'd through the ſtreets to priſon: from whence as ſoon as he was fully delivered, he moſt ignominiouſly, and baſely ſtole into Normandy; his end was the more miſerable, by how much his fortunes were the greater. Afterwards there28 Fuit quidam Comes Warwicenſis qui à Rege E. 4. • ſummam poteſtatem erectus oral. 28 was an Earle of Warwick in the ſame Kingdome, that was raiſed to ſuch a height both of power and Eſtate by King Edward the fourth, that he was not afraid to lay violent hands upon the Queenes Father, and with many of his children and neareſt friends, to put him to death; he placed ſuch Officers about the King as he thought would do him beſt ſervice, and in the end took him Priſoner. But not longe after the King eſcaping into Burgondy, being aſſiſted by Charles the then Duke, he returned home, overcame the Earle, and made him fly for ſuccour into France; the Earle thence returning being aſſiſted with divers Attendants, put the King to the worſt, and made him fly into Holland for ſuccour. A ſecond time the King returning being aſſiſted by the aforeſaid Duke, ſet upon him, overcame him and ſlew him with his Brother and many others.

In the Raign of King Henr • the eighth, there was one named29 Tho. Wolſ • us ſub H. 8. 29 Thomas Wolſey that was very great with the King, a man meanly deſcended, but ſo proud and haughty, that he became an eyeſore not only to the Peeres and Nobility, but even the King himſelfe. By the Kings ſpeciall grace and favour he was promoted to the higheſt dignities, to be Arch-Biſhoh of York, Biſhop of Wincheſter, to be a Cardinall, to be ſent Ambaſſadour, and indeed next to the King, to beare the greateſt ſway in the Kingdom: but amongſt other acts of his, this was not the leaſt that brought him in diſgrace, when King Henry began to diſtaſt Queene Catherine, and to dote upon Anne of Boloyne, this man undertook to procure a diſpenſation from the Pope, which taking not ſo well as the King and he thought it would have done, by degrees he fell out of the Kings favour, and being apprehended by Thomas Duke of Norfolk, was baniſhed the Court, and confined to his Biſhoprick of Wincheſter, which hee taking to heart with very griefe dyed.

The Kingdome of France will afford us many Examples in this kinde; and amongſt thoſe, it is reported of the Earle of S. Paul, that having been advanced by Lewis the eleventh to bee Conſtable of France, and to many other honours, and preferments, out of which he raiſed a very great revenue, that in the end he ſomuch forgate himſelfe, that he ſtudyed how to make the King ſtand in awe of him: and for that purpoſe30 Mediocriter ſe geſſit inter tres principes. 30 he ever carried himſelfe indifferently between the King his Maſter, the King of England, and the Duke of Burgondy, one while ſtanding for the one, another while for the other, ever deſiring to keepe them at variance, that ſo the one or the other might ſtill ſtand in need of him. And ſo it happened that the King his Maſter deſiring to ſpeak with him, hee would not come unto him, but with a power able to withſtand him if occaſion were offered: he met him upon a Bridg where he talked with him as ſawſily as if he had been his equall, and familiar, ſuppoſing that to be the way to preſerve and increaſe the power he had obtained; but he was deceived; for all men ſeeing his malepertneſſe and inſolency, were offended at him, and ſtudyed how to pull him down. And it ſo happened that coming to the Duke of Burgondy, upon ſafe conduct, the Duke apprehended him, and ſent him to the King his Maſter with all ſuch Letters as he had formerly written to him againſt the King. Vpon which being araigned, as alſo upon ſuch Letters as he had written unto the King of England, was thereupon condemned, his eſtate confiſcated, and he put to death.

In the ſame Kingdome under Philip the faire, one Taggerrandus Marrianus attained to ſo much power, that nothing was done in the Kingdome without his approbation;31 Peculatus accuſatus ſuſpendio affectus eſt. 31 yet this man for robbing the Kings Treaſures was accuſed, condemned and hang'd.32 Petrus Landaicus apud ducem Britaniae potens. 32 Peter Landais likewiſe with the Duke of Brittaine attained to the like favour; yet by the violence of the multitude he was taken from the Duke, and judicially condemned and hanged, as Paulus Aemilius in his Hiſtory of France relates the ſtory.

To paſſe over into Spaine; in the Kingdom of Caſtile, there was33 Alvarus de Lunâ. 33 Alvarus de Luna, borne in Arragon, of a Noble houſe, but a Baſtard borne out of Wedlocke, that grew to ſuch a heighth of power with King John, that no man in the Kingdome was ſo powerfull as he; he tooke armes againſt John King of Navarre, and uſed all meanes to oppreſſe Henry Knight of the order of Saint James; but it ſo fell out that the Queen oppoſing him, by the aſſiſtance of the ſecond King of Navarre, and Henry Knight of the order, they ſurprized the King, and compelled Alvarus to live upon his owne poſſeſſions; and happy had hee beene if hee could have ſo contented himſelfe; but hee that once taſted of the ſweetneſſe of Soveraignty, can hardly finde contentment in a private life; hee begins then a ſecond time to bethink himſelfe how hee might attaine to his former height, from which hee was throwne downe: hee ſets the King at liberty, inſtalls him in the Kingdome, ſits at the ſterne, keeps under his Enemies, and incenſes the King againſt them; but this proſperity continued not, and brought him to an untimely death; for, when as by the Kings ſpeciall Commandement, one of the Nobility delivered a meſſage unto him which was not pleaſing, he cauſed the Meſſenger to be throwne out of the window, for the which the King did afterwards ever more hate him then he did formerly love him; for cauſed him to be apprehended, and being judicially condemned, to be put to death.

Vnto the former I will adde the Example of a Germane out of the ſeventh book of the Annals of Aventinus. With Rudolfe, Palſgrave of Rheyne, and Duke of Bavaria, there was Ortho Crondorſer in the greateſt grace and favour; he came of meane Parentage, and comming to Court, by his double diligence in readily obſerving, and gravely executing whatſoever was committed to his charge, within a very ſhort time became very gracious in the eyes of the Prince; by little and little he attained to Honour, and in the end became to be the Kings Vicegerent, being the greateſt officer in Court. This man now relying upon grace and favour which he was in with Rudolphus, began to grow inſolent, to talke wantonly of Rudolphus, and his Mother, and to ſow diſſention between them, which drew the hatred of them both upon him, and cauſed them to make him an Example; for by Rudolphus he was taken and caſt into Irons, and by his Mother his eyes were pulled out, and his tongue that had talked ſo freely of her, was cut out of his head.

The next Example is of Hungary, 34 Ludovicus primus porentiſſimus Rex Hungariae. 34 Lewis, the firſt of that name, being the moſt powerfull King of Hungary left behinde him one onely daughter named Maria, whom by his laſt Will and Teſtament, with the conſent of his Counſell, he bequeatheth unto Sigiſmond Marqueſſe of Brandenburgh, the ſonne of the Emperour Charles the fourth, being but of tender yeares; yet ſo that untill ſhe came to full age ſhe ſhould not marry him, but afterwards ſhould admit him her Companion in Soveraignty and Conjugall ſociety: but in the meane time ſhe ſhould be ſole Commander, and crowned with the title of King; in this time lived her Mother Elizabeth, the Wife of King Lewis, who during her minority had a hand over her; with both whom there was one Nicholas Gara, whom Lewis had formerly advanced to be a Count Palatine, that was nobly deſcended, and exceeding rich, on whom both the Mother & the Daughter ſo much relied, that what hee ſaid was a Law, they would doe nothing without him; hee now attaining to ſuch Grace and Favour, did many ill offices, adviſed the young Queen not to ſuffer her Peers to grow too great, for thereby ſhee ſhould diminiſh her own ſoveraignty, and give them encouragement to attempt new deſignes; but ſo to handle them, that they might have no power to hurt her: To take from ſuch as were growen popular and potent all offices of command and authority, and to beſtow them on ſuch as were men of known Integrity. To conclude, hee was a man gotten into ſo great favour with the Queen, that what he ſpoke was a Law, and what he adviſed onely was put in execution; at which the Peers were highly offended, and did conceive unplacable wrath, not onely againſt Gara, but againſt the Queen, and laid their heads together how they might take from him all government in the Commonwealth; for that much troubled them that ſhe ſhould ſo much dote upon that one man, that to give him contentment ſhee ſhould neglect and oppreſſe all the reſt of the Nobility; whereupon they ſent for35 Carolus parvus. 35. Carolus Parvus out of Apuleia, and in the preſence both of the Mother and the Daughter, ſet the Crowne upon his head, and proclaimed him King. But they being greedy of Revenge, and thirſting to be reſtored againe to the Kingdome, by the councell of Gara, they procured on Plaſius Forgace de Chyines to kill Charles in the conclave; and ſo by his meanes they attained their former government; and this they did for the moſt part by the conſent of the people: for after that Charles was once crowned, the people fell from him, and repented themſelves of what they had done; but ſee what followes, the troubled waters being well ſetled and they going for their recreation to ſee ſome of the lower parts of the Kingdome, attended on by Gara and ſome others of the Court: Ilion the governour of Croatia, a friend and favorour of Carolus parvus, who had beene formerly ſlaine by Gara's procurement, deſirous to revenge his untimely death boldly ſet upon them, and whilſt many run away, Gara ſtood ſtoutly to it, and defended both himſelfe and the Ladies; but in the end neare unto their Charriot was hee vanquiſhed and ſlaine. Pippo or Pippus, alias Philippus Florentinus as Aenaeas Sylvius ſaith, of the family of the Strozzi, having behaved himſelfe oftentimes very bravely in the Warres, attained to ſuch grace and favour with Sigiſmond the Emperour of Hungary, that all men accounted him the ſecond, many men the firſt in the Kingdome; inſomuch that Sigiſmond ſaid, that if Pippo will, it were an eaſie matter for him to ſend him with a ſtaffe in his hand out of the Kingdome. Bonfinus writes That he prevailed twenty times againſt the Turkes: but afterwards being made Generall in the Venetian Warre, and having bravely there carried himſelfe for a long time, was in the end by the Venetians corrupted with Gold to quit the Country, and to returne into Hungary; which being diſcovered to Sigiſmond, hee cauſed Gold to be melted, and to be powred downe his throat, and ſo he came to his death.

Ericus King of Sweden being ill adviſed, committed many cruell and enormous offences; he contracted Matrimony with Catherine his Concubine, and crowned her equally wth great ſolemnity; a principall furtherer of his wicked enterpriſes was Georgius Peirus his Secretary, whom he had exceedingly enrich'd with the confiſcate goods of the Nobility, at which his proceedings John and Charles his two Brothers being much offended, and aſſiſted with many of the Peers of the Nobility, raiſed Armes againſt him: beſieged him, and would not be ſatisfied untill they had George delivered unto them: the King to pacifie them yielded unto their demand; who after they had cruelly tormented him, divided him into foure parts, and ſo hee ſuſtained condigne puniſhment for his many offences. I might produce many Examples more; and as Iuſtus Lipſius ſaith, I ſhould never make an end, if I ſhoud reckon up all Examples in this kinde which every Age doth afford; for this one Age afford us many Examples of note, as Wolfgange Rinuphius who was advanced by Rodolfe Caeſar, M. Euzlius by Frederick Duke of Wittinburgh in France, Charles Duke of Guyſe, Biron, and of late yeares Marqueſſe D' Anchre.

IN the next place ſhall be ſhewed the Cauſes wherefore the proſperity of theſe men is but momentary; and why ruine is for the moſt part the end of them. The cauſes wherefore they continue not in proſperity, that I may briefly ſumme them up, are one or both of theſe. Either becauſe they doe obtaine their greatneſſe by wicked practiſes and diviſes, or that having duly attained unto it, they doe diſhonorably carry themſelves in the execution of ſuch offices as are committed to their charge.

The Counſels of men, and the courſes of their lives are different, and have different ſucceſſe, according to the counſell of him that adviſeth and perſwadeth: if hee adviſeth good things to a good end, the ſucceſſe is good; if contrarywiſe, it is bad; ſo in the world there are divers callings, according to the diverſitie of degrees, ſexes and profeſſions, and every calling different from another; ſome of us are men, ſome women; ſome are fathers, others children; ſome Lords and free men, other ſervants and Miniſters; ſome rule and governe, others ſerve and obey; ſome are ſeparate for the ſervice of God, others for ſecular imployment. To conclude:36 Quiſque peculiari munere devinctus eſt. 36 Every one is called to one calling or other, and we may not believe that this commeth to paſſe by chance, or by the will of man, but by the divine providence of God, who hath appointed to every one both noble and ignoble, rich and poore, a certaine calling before they were borne. David, Cyrus, Jeremy, Saint Paul the Apoſtle, were all of them called by God in his appointed time to a peculiar office; ſome to beare the office of a King, others of a Prieſt, others to other offices. So God in the beginning by the eternall decree of his divine providence made every one of us; firſt man, then woman; Then gave him a charge to look to this or that Countrey; no man is free or called to be idle, for we may not think that God ſo neglecteth any one as that he ſhould not put to a helping hand, and act his part upon the ſtage of the world, for the publike good; there is no man I ſay, no not the moſt contemptible man in the world, on whom he hath not impoſed ſome charge or other, which although for a time it may ſeem but mean, yet God oftentimes in the duſt ſhews his power, and omnipotency. David for many yeeres was a poor ſhepheard, and lived in Exile, yet at length became a king of kings.37 Contemptus à fratribus. 37 Ioſeph was hated of his brethren, 38 Venditus in ſervitutem. 38 ſold into bondage, 39 Conjectus in carcerem. 39 cast into Irons, at length made chief governour in Egypt. Seeing then that there is nothing more certain then that every one is called by God in his appointed time, we ought to attend his good will and pleaſure, and not to run before we are called of him. Therefore in what condition or ſtate of life we are, we ought to live to the glory of God and the good of our neighbours, which if wee neglect we labour in vaine, to our owne deſtruction; this is therefore the firſt cauſe why thoſe that thruſt themſelves into buſineſſes out of their calling, and take upon them things beyond their ſtrength, incurre the hatred both of God and men; for thoſe men never dream of God or goodneſſe, but 40 Per aequa & iniqua gratiam principis acquirere. 40 ſeek by fraud and bribery, calumnies and all other wicked practiſes to attain to their ends.

Firſt, how to procure their Princes favour, then how to attain the chiefeſt place about him, by ruinating ſuch as ſtand in their way. So did Tigellinus, as Tacitus obſervs, by his lewd practiſes, in which only he did excell, ſerue himſelfe into the favour of Nero, and obtained from him rewards due to the beſt deſerving; So did Macro win the favour of Caius Ceſar by relinquiſhing of Tiberius, yea while he lived, a • d by ſtanding for him to ſucceed in the Empire, as the ſame Author reports; ſo did Perenius to make himſelf more powerfull, ſeduce Commodus to all manner of licentiouſnes; ſo did William Biſhop of Ely by his bribery obtaine the chiefeſt places of note both in the Church and common weale; ſo did Seianus of whom wee have ſpoken of before; amongſt many other of his wicked practiſes, that he might remove Denſus his competitor, made love unto his wife, lay with her, and what with promiſe of marriage, and in putting her in hope to be his conſort in the Empire, cauſed her to have a principall hand in her huſbands death. So did Pallas by his adultery win the love of Agrippina the wife of Claudius Ceſar and mother of Nero, and all to keep his former greatneſs; It is a thing moſt odious and abominable in Courtiers, that they ſhould not think of any other meanes to purchaſe their Princes favour, then by commending unto them the beauty and comely feature of mens wives and Siſters, thereby to ſet their affections on fire, and binde him unto them; it is an odious and abominable thing likewiſe, yet a common thing in this age, and in all times hath been, for ſuch as follow the courts of Princes, to obtain or retain their Princes favour, to put in execution any wicked act, if ſo be that he command them: So did Ioab readily put in execution the command of King David, and ſlew Vriah; ſo did Cardinall Woolſey allow of the divorce of King Henry the eight, and Queen Katherine, and all that he might revenge the wrong that he ſuppoſed was offered him by the Emperour. When Nero took diſtaſt againſt his ſometimes beloved Octavia, his Courtiers preſently, eſpecially thoſe of the nobility, fearing their wives, they commended Actes unto him, and in this buſineſſe Annaeus Serenus a great acquaintance of Senacae's had a great hand, he made love unto her, covered and took upon himſelf the extravagancies of the yong Prince, and ſuch gifts as the Prince had beſtowed upon her ſecretly, he avouched to be his openly. But men that deal in buſineſſes of this kinde, are for the moſt part falſe and perfidious; for when they have once tranſgreſſed the bonds of modeſty, their affections are inflamed and they are never ſatisfied: Annaeus Seneca in other things moſt wiſe, was in this kind faulty, when he with Byrrhus in an oration perſwaded Nero to put his mother to death, for that they ſuppoſed that if ſhee lived, hee could not; and although afterwards he made an Oration to extenuate his offence; yet that did rather aggravate the ſame, then any way extenuate it. The reward and deſerved wages of theſe kinde of men is for the moſt part ſin and deſtruction, as Tacitus obſerves of Tiberius: For as Princes would not have themſelves to be circumvented by others, ſo when they have their deſignes once effected, they hate and puniſh the executioners, having Inſtruments ever ready to execute their commands;41 Graviorum facinorum miniſtri ut exprobrā tes aſpiciuntur. 41 for Princes ever behold the inſtruments of villany with threatning lookes; ſo Alexander the great beheld Parmenio whom he imployed in the death of Attalus, for the which42 Exprobrat Hermolaus Alexandrum. 42 Hermolaus was not afraid to upbraid him as Curtius obſerves, ſaying, thou uſeſt miſerable men to be thy inſtruments to take away the lives of men, and anon after thou uſeſt others to take away the lives of thoſe inſtruments.43 Sytacles & Cleander experti ſunt. 43 This Sitacles and Cleander found by experience to be true, whom Alexander had made the inſtruments to kill Parmenio, whoſe hainous offences no death could ſatisfie, as the ſame Curtius affirmes, adding moreover that many of Alexanders friends reioycing to ſee that his anger was fallen upon the inſtruments of his wrath, took not ſo much diſtaſt againſt thoſe inſtruments, for all the enormous offences that ever they committed, as they did for that they had ſlaine Parmenio, and with all adding this, that no power unduely obtained can continue long.

It is a received opinion that they that attain to any command by unjuſt meanes, by the ſame meanes and the like, they ſupport their magnificence; for none ever that roſe unduely governed well, which is well manifeſted in Sejanus and in ſome other, whom we have before remembred; whence it commeth to paſſe that by how much the longer they have continued in their leud and wicked courſes of life, adding tranſgreſſion unto tranſgreſſion, by ſo much the more they become more hatefull both to God and man, and at laſt undergoe deſerved puniſhment.

Theſe men never take into their conſideration the true end of which I have before ſpoken, that is, The glory of God, and the good of the Commonwealth, but bend their thoughts onely how they may ſatisfie their pride, covetouſneſſe, crueltie, and their carnall deſires, whoſe condition Seneca hath ſet forth in his Tragedy, entituled, Hercules Oetaeus, Few hearts love Kings, not few their Kingly might. The glorious ſhew of Courtly countenance Bewitcheth many, where one ſets his delight, How next the King he may himſelfe advance, That through high ſtreets he may as lord of rule, With lofty lookes ride mounted on his Mule. Another would his greedy hunger ſtanch With gubs of gold, and though hee it poſſeſſe, Rich Araby ſerves not to fill his pining paunch. And a little after, Another fondling fancy thus doth guide, To fawn on Kings, and ſtill in Court to bide: As one diſdaining now to be like Will, An ingrain'd clown, the plow to follow ſtill. And though the dying ſwain daily keep at home A thouſand drudges that his land doe till, Yet wants his will, and wiſheth wealth therefore, Only to waſte on other men the more. Another clawes and flattereth ſtill the King, That he his neighbour may to ruine bring.

It is ambition which makes a man a ſtranger to himſelf, that will not endure a Superiour or an equall, that will be Caeſar or none, that poſſeſſeth us with this fooliſh conceit, to think it a diſparagement to goe in the common road, and to bee an honeſt man, that makes a man thinke himſelf 〈◊〉 body, whilſt he ſees another greater then hee, and ſo dazeleth our eyes that if another go before us, we will not beleeve it, but rather that hee ſtands in our way, nay it is an humour that hath this property; that whereſoever it hath once taken up her lodging, it will never ſuffer a man to reſt, untill he hath attained to the end of his deſires, which he ſhall never do, (for as Seneca ſaith)44 Non patitur quem quam in menſura acquieſcere. 44 This is that inconvenience which attends an ambitious humour that it never ſuffers a man to reſt ſatisfied though he hath attained to the end of his former wiſhes and deſires; That makes him beleeve hee can do that which is impoſſible for him to do, becauſe he is powerfull. Wherefore theſe kind of men are aptly compared to ſuch as are ſick of the dropſie, the more they drink, the more they deſire, as is manifeſted in Sejanus who being raiſed out of the duſt to the higheſt degree of honour, could not there content himſelfe, but ſtudied how to make himſelfe equall to Caeſar; nay, how to diſplace him and ſit in his Throne. If theſe kinde of men would at any time caſt their eyes downwards and behold from whence they came, it could not but give them much contentment, and cauſe them to add ſome bounds to their unſatiable deſires; but they ſeldome do ſo, their eyes and thoughts are ever mounted aloft, for the minde of man is ſo unſatiable, that it will not be perſwaded but that it can doe any thing, be it never ſo difficult, or dangerous, if ſo be he had good ſucceſſe in his former undertakings. Wherfore Eteocles in Euripides affirmes, that if nature had given to man wings, he would have aſcended above the heavens; for ſo ſaith he of himſelfe, if I had had ability, I would have tried the paths of the Sun, and have deſcended into the Center of the Earth, that I might have ruled as the Gods doe there.

We have heard of Alvarus de Luna, before he taſted of both fortunes, who though he were once brought upon his knees, hee aſcended on high again, and then reſolved rather to looſe his life, then to change his fortune; therefore it happened unto him as it doth to certaine little creatures, who having once taſted of blood, will ſooner break their bellies then quench their Thirſt. Of the fall of Sejanus and ſuch as he was, Iuvenal in his 10. Satyre elegantly ſaith, That greatnes makes many a man ſubject to the ſtormes of envie and malice, caſts them downe headlong into perdition, cauſeth their Statues to be demoliſhed, bringeth them to untimely deaths, to the Gallows, and to have their limbs broken upon the wheel.

Sejanus that not long agoe carried a great port with him, and had his head adorned with Bayes and Cammomile, within a ſhort time after had his head taken from his ſhoulders to be made a pitcher to drinke in, a baſon to waſh in, and a platter or pan to fry meat in.

Pride is either the mother or daughter of Ambition, and the off-ſpring of immoderate proſperity, with the which Courtiers are infected, eſpecially they they that are moſt eminent in Court, and have attained to the greateſt honours: An example hereof we have in Pallas a freed man of Nero, who was uſed to ſay, That he did never expreſſe himſelfe at home to his ſervants, 45 Dominutu vel manu ſervis ſuis loquebatur. 45 but either by nod or hand, That hee ſometimes made uſe of his pen, but never of his tongue. Wee have ſpoken of the pride of Sejanus already, of whom Marc. Terentius a Romane Knight was uſed to ſay, That hee was accuſtomed to tell his freed men and door keepers, that to nod was a badge of a Magnifico: 46 Faſtus hic hodie maximo in uſu eſt.46 This kind of pride is come in faſhion in our dayes, and is uſed by men of mean ranke and condition. Seneca excellently deſcribeth it, ſaying, That it is the property of a ſuperſtitious proud man to ſtand much upon the going into his houſe, he hath an opinion that he doth highly honour thee, if hee ſuffer thee to goe into it before him; and it is obſervable that they which ſtand ſo much upon terms of honour in this kinde, are of this condition, That they will be ſingular, looke big, and never ſalute any man, ſpeak, walk, or eat with any man; their pride is to become like the man in Seneca, to make the pole Antartick kiſſe their toe, and Cynthia to do homage to their Tayle; they talke of Kingdomes and their Fathers poſſeſſions, which being once attained, they forget God, and all goodneſſe; the ſame Seneca in his Tragedy entituled Hercules Furens ſaith, that God at every turne meets with the proud man.

Which ſaying as Philip Commines obſerves, Lewis the eleventh had often in his mouth, where pride goes before, there ſhame followeth at the heeles: God reſiſteth the proud, and pride goeth before a fall; it is remarkable in the proud man, that he ever hates one of his own condition, and omits no opportunity to do him miſchiefe; wherefore as at all times they are neglected and deſpiſed by ſuch as have any predominant power over them, ſo then eſpecially when they ſtand in competition for any honours and preferments; for as they are inſociable and care not for the love of any, unleſſe it be to bring to paſſe their own deſignes; ſo on the other ſide no man cares for them; ſo that in times of adverſity, the times of triall of true friendſhip, they finde the fruits of their folly and arrogancy; men of this condition being put in places of command, ever abuſe the power committed unto them to ſatisfie their greedy coveteouſneſſe, as we have ſeen in Sejanus, Narciſſus, Pallas, the Biſhop of Ely, and ſome others, that they may pill and pole, and doe what they will, have ever opportunity; their friends being powerful, no requeſt is denied them; all men reſcue them, all men obſerve and obey them; their followers and attendants, are luxury, pride, pompe and prodigality, which ever add ſpurrs to their greedy deſires; for they muſt be maintained, and a little will not do it. But if theſe were not, the minde of man is inſatiable; for coveteouſneſſe is of ſuch a nature, that it will never reſt content, full nor faſting, and therefore is juſtly ſaid to be the root of all evill, the thing that ſubverts honeſty & all ſquare dealing between man and man; that occaſions pride, cruelty, neglect of Religion, and the ſale and ſhipwrack of a good conſcience, and as Saluſt affirmes47 Avaritia bellua immanis, intoleranda. 47 it is a Beaſt inſufferable in a well govern'd Common-wealth, it depopulates Countreys, Villages, private Families, takes away the good name and reputation of a man, makes Religion a ſtalking horſe to effect what it deſireth, and is of that power and efficacy that no Power, or Bulwarke, or Army, is able to withſtand it; it prevails with the Virgin to ſubmit her thoughts to unchaſt deſires; it prevails with the Father to withdraw his affections from his Childe, and with the Childe to make him neglect his duty to his Father; it is a fault, and a great one in a meane man, but it is more dangerous in him that is powerfull and mighty; wherefore Cicero ſaith, that their is no vice more hatefull in Princes, and ſuch as governe the Common-Wealth, then Coveteouſneſſe; for to make ſale of the Common-Wealth is not onely diſhonourable, but wicked and unjuſt. Hence it is that theſe kinde of men are odious in the eyes both of Prince and People; who although they may tyranniſe and oppreſſe the people, and by reaſon of their greatneſſe no man dares once open his lips againſt them: yet God that ever takes the quarrell of the poore into his hands, and puniſheth wrong doers, will diſcover their deviſes and bring them unto ſhame and diſhonour: Their riches ſhall be made ſnares to intrap them, and like ſponges chruſht together ſhall they ſend forth the water which they have ſo greedily ſuckt up. Another Vice which generally attendeth greatneſſe, is Cruelty, which they uſe to keep Inferiours in awe, that they ſhould not dare to do any thing that tends to the diminiſhing of their greatneſſe; their hatred is like Hamans, making of a Mountaine a Molehill; ſmall offences to be capitall, and puniſhing them with utter ruine and deſtruction; for theſe men having guilty Conſciences, never dream of virtue or honeſty, but ſeek by puniſhments to keep men in awe: Yea,48 Dicta in ſe ulciſcuntur. 48 they puniſh words againſt themſelves in a high degree; a Prince by forgiving of haſty words purchaſeth to himſelfe Fame and Renowne; but they, unleſſe they take revenge of their Enemies, have a conceit that the people conceive they are not in that grace and favour with their Princes as formerly they were; for example in this kinde wee may produce Joab, who by treachery ſlew Abner and Amaſa, whoſe lives King David ſpared; but what befell to Haman and Joab, no man is ignorant. Another ill quality that raignes for the moſt part in great men, is, that they reſpecting more their owne private then the publique good, lay heavy burthens upon the ſhoulders of the Subjects, and if they finde the Princes diſpoſition ſo to doe, they are ever putting him in minde of it; if not, they will adviſe him to it; if the Prince require one penny of the Subjects, they cry two; if he doe but threaten, they cry hang him; it is good they cry for a Prince to be terrible, inexorable, cruell; and for men of meane rank to be milde, liberall, and familiar; it is a tenet amongſt them that is better to rule by feare, then by love; that it is lawfull for a Prince to doe what hee will; that every mans Eſtate is in his power; nay, with Polinices in Seneca they cry, The Prince that fears diſdainfull hate unwilling ſeems to raigne, The God that ſwayes the golden globe, together hath theſe twaine Conjoyn'd and coupled, hate and rule; and him doe I ſuppoſe To be a Noble King indeed, that can ſupplant his foes, And Subjects cancred hate ſuppreſſe.

They enveigh againſt Parliaments, and uſe all means to bring the Prince out of love with them, and ſtudy how to hinder them, ever buzzing in his eares, that what is done there, is done for private ends, without any reſpect to the Common good. If the Prince make any wiſe and diſcreet Judges, they muſt preſently become their creatures, doe what they will have them, and keep nothing ſecret which they will have made known;59 Diviſiones & factiones ſerunt. 49 they ſow diſſention, and maintain a Faction ever amongſt the people, ſuppoſing that there is no better meanes to keep them in obedience then this, for that one Faction will be ever ready to aſſiſt the King to ſuppreſſe the other, and be an occaſion to bring ſome griſt to their Mill; ſo that while they are buſied about their private injuries, they conceive publique wrongs which concerne the Common good will never be remembred, and ſo they themſelves by this meanes eſcape unpuniſhed: by their good will they will never ſuffer private quarrels to be taken up, or publique grievances to be fully redreſſed, that ſo occaſion may bee miniſtred of dayly attendances at the Court, but eſpecially upon them, whereby they may ſhew their power of ſuppreſſing the one, and ſupporting the other, as they take affection; for which reaſon they will not ſuffer the Prince to grant a pardon, but in ſpeciall caſes, to any Delinquent, but upon condition. In all buſineſſes between the King and his People, where their Councell is required, they ſpeak ambiguouſly and ſubtilly, for they feare nothing more then that the people ſhould ſuppoſe that they doe not ſtand indifferent between the Prince and them. Such Councellours had Rehoboam King of the Jews, who when hls Subjects complained unto him of heavy burthens laid upon them by his Father, by the adviſe of his Councell, anſwered them, that his little finger ſhould lie more heavy upon them then all his Fathers body; my Father chaſtned you with whips, but I will chaſten you with Scorpions: ſuch a kinde of fellow was Nicholas Gara, a Count Palatine of the Kingdome of Hungarie, who being exceeding powerfull with Queene Mary the daughter of Lewis the firſt, gave his Counſell that ſhe ſhould not ſuffer her Peers to become too powerfull, as wee hear'd before; but how his Counſell took effect, I have before remembred, and what befell to the Councellours of Rehoboam, every one can tell: Sleidan reports that William Poyets the French Kings Chancellour was by the Kings ſpeciall command taken out of his bed and caſt into Priſon, with the generall applauſe of the people; for that during the foure yeares that hee held his office he had offended all ſorts of people. Such is generally the end of theſe ſort of people; for when the Prince is once fully informed of their conditions, to ſatisfie the people, they puniſh them to their ruine and deſtruction. Examples hereof wee have in Cleander, Peter Lindais, George Peiras, and others, concerning whom Philip Comines demands this queſton, and gives this anſwer; who dares, ſaith hee, enquire into the actions of theſe Grandees? who dare call them in queſtion? who dare bee the Iudge to execute judgement upon them if they offend? the anſwer is, the inquiſition will bee the lamentation and cries of the people, whom they have mercileſly oppreſt and trampled upon in every kind; the teares of the Widowes and Orphans, whoſe Husbands and Fathers they have put to death, and generally all they whom they have perſecuted either in their Bodies or Eſtates; theſe will bring in an inquiſition againſt them, and deliver them over to receive their doom of him who is the onely true judge, that will not peradvanture expect any other evidence, but will puniſh them in this life: ſo much hath Philip Comines, 50 Lex talionis. 50 the Law of Talio is juſtly inflicted upon them; It is good juſtice, that they who have deſpiſed and contumeliouſly behaved themſelves to wards others, ſhould be deſpiſed, and contumeliouſly handled by others; that they who proudly inſulted over others, ſhould be reproachfully ſpoken of by others; that they who by rapine and fraud have gotten the Eſtates of others, ſhould ſuddainly have their Eſtates by others taken from them; that they that ſhewed no mercy, ſhould expect no mercy; that they that commanded others to bee dragg'd to execution, ſhould bee dragg'd themſelves; that they that cauſed others that ſtood for the Church to be put to death, ſhould in the Church bee put to death themſelves; that they that endeavoured to deprive the Subject of his rights and priviledges, ſhould not onely loſe the benefit of them, but the benefit of the Law of Nations; that they that cauſed others to bee put to death againſt the Law, ſhould before they bee heard or accuſed, be put to death themſelves; that they which cauſed the rigour of the Law to be inflicted upon others, ſhould have the ſame meaſure meaſured unto them, as is reported of51 Perillus. 51 Perillus, who was the firſt that felt the puniſhment of the torment that hee himſelfe invented. Theſe puniſhments doe not onely belong unto them that attaine unto their greatneſſe by undue meanes, but likewiſe unto them who being deſervedly preferred, do in the due execution of their places misbehave themſelves; for52 Non ſufficet bene coepiſſe. 52 it is not ſufficient to begin well, but wee muſt proſecute our good beginnings with ſutable proceedings, which is a very hard thing for him to do, who hath attained to a great fortune; for53 Fortuna eſt coena & eos efficet caecos quo • om plexa eſt. 53 fortune being blind her ſelfe, makes them blinde likewiſe for the moſt part whom ſhee doteth upon and favoureth; for while we are lulled aſleep in her lap, we grow careleſſe, and give occaſion to ſuch as love us not, to circumvent us; ſo as when there is no other cauſe, yet too too great proſperity willl finde in it ſelfe ſufficient cauſe to bring us to our graves with ſhame and ignorance. Therefore it is no wonder if ſuch as have power to doe what they will, ſtanding in feare of none, become proud and inſolent, and have their imperfections made knowne unto the world; for being on high they can do nothing but notice is taken of it, whereas if they lived in a mean rank, their faults would paſſe unregarded; our nature is ſuch; there is no good thing in the world but it abuſeth, but moſt of all the proſperity and good fortunes wee injoy: And why? becauſe our wils being prone to all wickedneſſe, our proſperity adds ſpurs unto it, and doth not onely move, but continually adminiſter occaſion unto us to ſatisfie our unbridled luſts and affections.

Such as have attained to the greateſt favour with their Princes, by reaſon of their daily familiarity with them, have in the end become moſt odious and contemptible in their height. Sejanus, Tiberius onely minion for the time, for that he ſtiled himſelfe Emperour, and Tiberius governour of a poore Iſland, Tiberius hated and deteſted; the ſervant that hath beene delicately brought up from a Childe will challenge to himſelfe the priviledge of a ſonne at laſt, ſaith Solomon. For preſuming upon the favour of their Princes, they make them the ſubject of laughter, neglect their commands, vilifie them, and mocke them, aſſuming the honour of what is done to themſelves, attributing nothing to the power of the Prince. So Joab ſlew Abſalom the ſonne of King David, with his owne hand of his owne accord, without the Kings approbation: And though it was told him when hee was about to doe the deed, that it was the Kings will to have his life ſaved, and that he would call him to an account for it, yet hee went on grieving the perplext King with moſt unbeſeeming and unmannerly tearms; but ſuch things as theſe Princes forget not, but keep them in a Regiſter.

Tacitus reports how that Pallas through his pride exceeding the bounds of a free man, drew hatred upon himſelfe, and how that Narciſſus for that hee ſlew Meſſalina, the Wife of Claudius without his conſent, put Claudius into a kinde of a phrenſie, and made him in paſſion ſay, that Narciſſus durſt never attempt thoſe things upon his Wife, though ſhe had deſerved it, unleſſe that hee had firſt deſpiſed her Husband. Such another was the Earle of St. Paul that was Conſtable of France, of whom I have ſpoken before, who upon all occaſions relying on the favour of the Duke of Burgondy, and the King of England, would riſe in rebellion againſt his Prince: and that his power and greatneſſe might ſtill continue together with his ſtipends from the King which were exceeding great, hee ever laboured to keep the King in Warr, that ſo he might be beholding to him to aſſiſt him when occaſion offered it ſelfe; for he together with his aſſociats did rather aime at their private good then the good of their Countrey. But theſe and the like deviſes, as they are moſt ridiculous in themſelves, ſo they are to none more pernicious then to the Projectors, as is manifeſted in the Hiſtory of the Conſtable before mentioned, moſt exactly written by Philip Commines, Nicholas Picunnes Generall of the Army of Philip Duke of Millane, after that he had brought the Earle of Francisfort, and the Army of his confederates into ſuch a ſtraight, that he was aſſured of the victory, he broke forth into ſuch a height of inſolency, that forgetting himſelfe and the charge that was committed unto him, he calls to minde how long he had ſerved the Duke in the Warrs, and that during all that time he had not gotten ſo much land in his ſervice as would cover his body when he was dead; and therefore he began to expoſtulate what reward ſhould be given for all his ſervices; and becauſe it lay in his powet to deliver into the Dukes hands the whole Conntrey of Lumbardy, and all thoſe Enemies that did oppreſſe him, he required of the Duke as a reward for his ſervice the City of Placentia: the which unleſſe hee would grant, hee plainly told him he would return home and leave the field; this mans inſolency ſo much offended the Duke, that rather then he ſhould have his will, he was content to leave an aſſured victory; ſo ſuffered himſelfe to be carried away with the inſolency of this man, whom no danger or feare of Enemies could ever move a jot: wherefore hee concluded Peace with the Earle, and commanded Pricinius with his Army to quit the Country, accuſing fortune as a ſtep-dame, whereas there was no fault in her, but in Pricinius inſolency.

Tacitus reports of Lentulus Getulicus, being made Generall over the Army of the upper part of Germany, and being ſuſpected and accuſed by reaſon of the inward familiarity between him and Sejanus, was ſo bold as to ſend Letters unto Caeſar, ſhewing that the familiarity between him and Sejanus, was not occaſioned of his own head, but by the advice of Tiberius; and therefore it was nor ſtrange, but that he as well as Tiberius might be deceived; neither could that be imputed unto him as an errour of wilfulneſſe, for that he ever carried an honeſt heart to him, and reſolved ever ſo to do, though he had been often tempted to quit his allegiance, and could endure no more to heare that Sejanus ſhould ſucceed in the Empire, then he could endure to heare of his damnation. But in concluſion, Tiberius and Getulicus made a League as it were that Tiberius ſhould enjoy his Dominions, and Getulicus his Province. Tacitus affirmes that the bold menacing Epiſtles which Getulicus writ unto Tiberius did him no hurt at all; for Tiberius, wiſely conſidering in what caſe hee ſtood, how he was growen old, and not beloved of his Subjects, and that he had not power of himſelfe, ſuffered him alone of all Sejanus his adherents to live in peace and enjoy his favour. But without doubt this did much trouble Tiberius, that was of a cholerick diſpoſition and a high ſpirit, and if hee had lived long, he would have called him to an account; but hee conſidered that Getulicus lived farr from him, and what hee writ proceeded from the bottome of a good conſcience, and out of an honeſt heart. There is another thing that doth commonly happen to ſuch as are grown proud with proſperity, that the ſame cruelty which they have without controule executed upon their equals and inferiours, in the end they execute upon their Soveraign. Experience hereof we have in England in Richard Nevill Earle of Warwick, who being highly advanced by the King after that he had compaſſed the death of the Queenes Father, her children and many others that were neare and deare unto the King, at laſt was not afraid to riſe in Rebellion againſt the King; wherefore 54 Ne quempiam ſuorum nimia poteſtate afficeret. 54 Moecaenas wiſely counſelled Augustus that he ſhould not ſuffer any of his Subjects to grow too great, leaſt thereby they ſhould grow ſo powerfull as to dare to attempt any thing againſt him. There are others that carry themſelves more moderately, and warily, that relinquiſh the ſervice of their Prince that raignes, and follow and adore the riſing Sunne, apply themſelves to him that is to ſucceede in the Empire, as Macro did; but theſe kinde of people never continue long in favour; for by their behaviour to the former Prince, they are deſervedly had in ſuſpition by the later, and undergoe the puniſhment in his time which they deſerved in his praedeceſſours; peradventure they which ſaucily upbraid their Prince as Clytus did Alexander with what they have deſerved, are not ſo much to be condemned, as the former that abandon their ſervice; yet it is moſt diſtaſtefull to a Prince to be told of any ſuch thing; for that they are more pleaſed in hearing what rewards they have conferred, then in hearing what any man hath deſerved.

The deſerts of a Subject are ſo long acceptable to the Prince, as it is in the Princes power when hee will to come out of his debt; but when he thinkes he hath deſerved ſo much that hee cannot well requite him, then doth hee requite him with perpetuall hatred; for this very cauſe did Adrianus Caeſar remove Tatianus and his fellow from their juriſdiction and government, to whom he was indebted as much as his Empire came to, as Spartianus ſaith; but it was imputed to their popularity; and if there were no other cauſe to make a man hatefull in the eyes of his Prince, this alone were ſufficient; for there is no Prince of ſo poore a ſpirit, or ſlender capacity, that will indure ſuch malepert fellowes; for it is naturally ingrafted into Princes, not to ſuffer an equall or a competitor. And there is good cauſe why ſuch men ſhould be ever had in ſuſpition, and be neglected by them; for that they are eaſily corrupted, and drawn into Rebellion; and it is wonderfull to ſee how that they who have attained to the greateſt favour with their Princes, are ever buzzing into their eares, that they ſhould not ſuffer their Subjects to grow too great, and how in the mean time they ſo dote upon them, that they doe not perceive that they alone are the men, of whom they admoniſh the Prince to have an eye; but in the end the Prince by one meanes or other being made ſenſible of the burthen hee beareth, and being weary of them, caſts them down; and if there were no other motive to induce them therunto, the too much liberty thoſe men do aſſume to themſelves, of doing what they wil, and the fear they ſtād in by reaſon of them, were ſufficient to occaſion their removall; & this was the cauſe why Nero removed Seneca, of whom for a long time he ſtood in awe; hee was uſed to ſay, he knew not where to hide himſelfe from Seneca, no not within his skin, unleſſe hee did diſpatch him out of the way. Councellours were not wanting that did ſuggeſt unto him, that hee being paſt a Childe, growne to mans eſtate, hee ſhould caſt off his Maſter, having Senators at hand that could better adviſe him; ſo Tiberius the Emperour for a long time, for the love that the Souldiers and People bare unto Germanicus, reverenced him, inſomuch that during all the time that hee was adviſed by him, he carried himſelfe very moderately in the Empire: yet in the end for the ſame cauſe hee hated him, and ſecretly cauſed him to bee put to death. For the ſame cauſe likewiſe Nero cauſed Octavia his beloved Wife who ever carried her ſelfe modeſtly and obediently towards him, to bee removed. So55 Galfridus Iuſtitiarius Angliae ſub Iohanne. 55 Jeffrey a Juſticiary of En • land, that flouriſhed in the dayes of King Iohn, being one that was well experienced in the Law, and by reaſon of his riches, his allies and his honours▪ was become the moſt powerfull man in the Kingdome, was in the end more feared then beloved of the King, inſomuch that when the King heard of his death he brake out, and ſwore by the feet of God, that then and not before was he King and Lord of England. Wherefore Alvarus Caſtro perſwaded Sebaſtian King of Luſitania, who died in Africa, that hee was in ſome ſort oppreſſed by his Subjects, Martianus Gouſaleſius and his adherents, and that they were the very King, and he bore but the ſhape and ſhew of a King; inſomuch, that when his Secretary brought unto him a Charter of ſmall conſequence to bee ſigned by him: by the perſwaſion of Alvarus and his aſſociates he affirmed that he could do it ſafely without any ſcruple; for that hee made no doubt of his Soveraignty untill he came to Lizborne. For the ſame cauſe likewiſe, that is, becauſe hee challenged a kinde of Soveraignty over his fellows, was Duke Albinus hated of Charles the Emperour, but more of Philip, although hee obſerved them both, and did them faithfull ſervice from his childe-hood to his old age, for the ſpace of ſixty yeares: wherefore it befalls theſe en as Titus Livius reports of the Romane Empire, that ariſing out of the duſt it grew to ſuch a greatneſſe, that in the end it became a burthen to it ſelfe; for as our bodies when they grow and ſwell too much, as we have ſeen a man in Luxenburgh, are burthens to themſelves, unhealthfull, and ſubject to diſeaſes: So it happens with them that out-ſtrip their fellowes in magnificence, their greatneſſe is oftentimes the cauſe of their ruine and deſtruction; as they which climb on high, whilſt they caſt their eyes alwaies upward, never downwards, are brought at length to ſuch a ſtreight, that they cannot looke downe without being giddy, nor ſtand where they are in ſafety, nor come downe without danger; So it fares with them that ſ • rmount the ordinary pitch of their fellowes, being in as great danger as hee that holds a Woolfe by the eares, and as John Hannois, a Captaine of the Gauntois was, who being circumvented in a certaine Temple by the Souldiers of the Earle of Flanders, when they ſet fire on the Temple, hee betooke himſelfe to the Steeple for refuge; and when the fire came neare him hee was put to his choice, whether he would dye upon the ſpeare, or be burnt in the fire; and he choſe (whereby wee may perceive how dangerouſly they which are on high do ſtand) to dye by the ſpeare; wherefore it is reported, that Maecenas ſhould ſay unto Octavius Caeſar of Agrippa, whom hee had preferred to the higheſt degree of honour, that thou muſt make him thy ſon in Law, or put him to death: greatneſſe is attained with no leſſe danger then Vſurpers doe attaine a Kingdome, which to doe is unjuſt, to relinquiſh dangerous; wherefore Julius Caeſar was uſed to ſay, that they which have once attained to greatneſſe, can never after endure to lead a private life; which ſaying of his wee ſhall finde to bee moſt true, if wee looke into the lives of the beſt men, in whom their • reatneſſe hath occaſioned their ruine and deſtruction; wee may read of many that have been for a time without exception for life and converſation, and by their good ſervices have purchaſed their Princes favour; yet in the end have been queſtioned for their lives upon a ſmall occaſion, and feined ſuſpition. Example hereof we have in Seneca; neither is it ſtrange it ſhould be ſo; for they that ſtand on high are not only troubled with the vertigo in their heads, but with infirmities in their leggs; as they cannot ſtand without feare, ſo they cannot come down without danger; ſo that Tacitus affirmes, 55 Fatum potentiae eſt quod rarò ſit ſempiterna. 56 That is deſtinated unto greatneſſe not to be of long continuance, and he produceth Maecenas for an example, where likewiſe he ſpeaketh of Saluſtius Criſpus, ſo long as Maecenas ſaith he was but the ſecond in the Empire, ſo long he lived ſecurely and happily; but when hee came to be the chiefe man, even hee into whoſe boſome the Emperour did empty all his ſecrets, then he began to decline and to looſe the favour which hee had formerly gained; ſo that what Tacitus affirmes of greatneſſe, is moſt true, if it be not founded upon a ſure foundation.

Fortune is alwaies fickle, and every thing that mortall men enjoy upon earth uncertain, as it is in the Comaedian, and ſo much the more uncertain by how the greater a man is; the greateſt honours are attended with the greateſt cares and feares; neither is there any ſtate more uncertain then the eſtate of great men; wherefore they have need when they have attained their wiſhed deſires, to pray to God to preſerve them in the ſtate which they have long deſired and prayed for.

A chiefe cauſe hereof is for that the favour of Princes is ſubject to alteration, which Tacitus glanceth upon in the examples of Maecenas, and Saluſtius before alledged, where he ſhews a twofold cauſe thereof: the one of deſtiny of which we have ſpoken before, the other their own greatneſſe and fulneſſe, when the Prince hath given them ſo much, that hee can give no more; and they receive ſo much that they can crave no more; then doth he eaſe them of the burthen (as Amiratus hath at large dſcovered) but the true cauſe thereof is for that Princes are men, and ſubject to the infirmities of men: and the minde of man is of a fiery nature and changeable upon every light occaſion; for as the imagination of man will in a ſhort time well conceive a thouſand ſeverall things, paſſe over a thouſand ſeverall places; ſo the minde of man will in a moment be of a thouſand ſeverall opinions; therefore it is truly ſaid that the minde of man delighteth in novelties. Wherefore the French Knig Lewis the eleventh, after he changed his bedchamber, men and others, that waited upon him, was uſed to anſwer all ſuch as taxed him for it, that nature delighted in novelties; many other cauſes may be added as the naturall inclination and diſpoſition of man, and accidents which do often fall out, which doe alter and change the minde of the Prince: as Spartianus affirmes, that Adrianus the Emperour had an open eare to heare any thing that could be told him of them unto whom he profeſſed the greateſt love; wherefore all thoſe that he moſt affected and advanced to the higheſt degree of Honour, in the end he eſteemed no better then enemies; ſo Henry the third King of England, eſteemed of57 Hugo de Burgo pro to juſti • iarius Angliae ſub H. 3. 57 Hugo de Burgo cheife Juſtice of England, being one that deſerved well both of King and Common-wealth, who for the love that he bore unto him, and to the ſafty of the Realme, did incurr the diſpleaſure of all the Nobility of the Kingdom; for by inſtigation of Peter Biſhop of Wincheſter he did not only withdraw his affections from him, but deprived him of his office, and perſecuted him with all extremitie.

But moſt memorable are the examples of the Earle Ʋlrick Cilenſis and Ʋlrick Eizingerus in the Country of Auſtria, when Ladiſlaus ſonne of Alburt King of Hungary and Bohemia, and Arch-Duke of Auſtria, took upon him the Government of the Kingdome; during his minority, both the King and Kingdome were in the power of the Earle; who being an eyeſore to many, eſpecially to Ʋlricus Eizingerus a man moſt powerfull with the King, he privily acquainted him how odiour the Earle was among many of the inhabitants of Auſtria, and unleſſe hee did take ſome courſe with him, hee did verily perſwade himſelfe they would riſe in rebellion: for that hee injuriouſly took from them their mony, pillaged the Common-wealth, filled his own, emptied the Kings Treaſury; and I may Boldly ſay his power was ſo great, that he ruled as King, and did what he would; only he left the bare title of King unto the King. There is nothing that makes us more degenerate from our ſelves, and tranſgreſſe the lawes of God and men then ambition; it was not enough for him to enjoy the ſecond place of the Kingdom, but he muſt covet after the firſt; neither is it a marvell that he that of late would not endure an equall, ſhould not now admit of a Superiour; wherefote Ʋlricus perſwaded the King ſpeedily to baniſh him the Court, who departed thence with four Knights only, & left his place to Eizingerus, 58 Cum quatuor tantum militibus inſultante plebe & vix manibus temperante ex urbe proficiſcitur. 58 the people rejoycing thereat, and hardly forbearing to lay violent hands upon him; But this Eizingerus not long after being complayned of to the King by Pancratius Plankenſtanius, the King before the yeare came about, ſent for the Earle and honourably received him, and reſtored him to his former dignity. Eizingerus left the Court with much grace and favour, wiſely yeilded unto the times, and betooke himſelfe to live upon his own Poſſeſſions; and it is ſaid that the Earle did much applaud him for ſo doing: for that hee had learned by his own example, that the minds of Monarks are carried hither and thither in a moment, which Gerardus de Roo taking into conſideration, commended the ſaying of him who compared the Minions of Princes unto counters with which wee caſt account, which being removed from place to place, ſtand ſometimes for much, ſometimes for little, and ſometimes for nothing. A cauſe likewiſe wherefore Princes doe withdraw their affections from their Minions, is, to give their Subjects ſatisfaction whom they have grieved and oppreſſed; examples whereof we have before alledged, unto which we may add the example of Duke Borgio Valentino, whom Nicholas Machivell hath remembred, who after that hee had reduced Flaminia to his obedience, hee made Remerus Orcus a cruell man and a great undertaker governour thereof, who ſo carried the matter, that in a ſhort time hee had every man at his beck: yet not without a great deale of cruelty, which drew the hatred of all men upon him, inſomuch that the Duke to winn their hearts againe, was faine to acquaint them that if any exorbitances were committed in Flaminia by Orcus, it was done of his own accord without his conſent or approbation; and ſo he took that occaſion early in the morning to have his body divided into two parts, and girding a ſword by his ſide, with a wooden ſcabberd, expoſed him to the view of the multitude in the market place; which when the people ſaw, they went home every one well ſatisfied. Envy is ever an attendant of ſuch a man; and not undeſervedly; for whoſoever is advanced by meer favour, without any deſert of his owne, or approbation of the people, to have rule and authority over others of more worth, the people will hate and deſpiſe; for the favour of a Prince is like unto a faire Virgin, whom many affect, and will not indure that ſhe ſhould looke more favourably, walke or talke more frequently with any then with themſelves; ſo that between men of this condition there is ſeldome or never any true friendſhip or familiarity; for upon every light occaſion they ſtudy how to bring one another in diſgrace. Tully well ſaith, there is no faith or friendſhip obſerved, when a Kingdome is at ſtake; for whatſoever is of that nature, that many may contend for, yet but one can injoy. The contention is great, but faith and honeſty little; hee that dotes upon one, ſeems to neglect all others. And hee is a very bold Prince (as Chriſtopher Beſoldus obſerves) that for the love of one will draw the hatred of the multitude upon him. Examples hereof we have before alledged in Nicolas Gara Count Palatine of Hungary, and in others: and during the raigne of the French King Henry the ſecond in Amiralius Comeſtabilius, and the Chancellour, who having attained to the chiefeſt degrees of honour, envied each others proſperity. How incertaine the condition of mortall men is upon Earth, Sleidan hath ſufficiently ſhewed by his owne example. And who is ignorant of the civill Warres which have been in France, both in the dayes of our progenitors, and in our owne memories, for this cauſe onely, that the government of the Kingdome hath been committed unto ſuch, unto whom it did not belong? This Hanniball the great Captaine of the Carthaginians found to be true by wofull experience; for he being forced to leave his Country, betook himſelfe to Antiochus, King of Aſia; who ſo well behaved himſelfe during the time that he was with him, that within a very ſhort time hee became very gracious in his eyes; therefore when the King made warre againſt the Romanes, hee would have made him commander of his fleet, had not Thoas A • tolus diſſwaded him to the cōtrary, ſaying, it was too much honor unto him to make him Generall of the Royall Fleet: that there ought to bee but one King, one chiefe Commander, and one Emperour; for admit it ſhould ſo fallout that Hannibal ſhould loſe the honour of the day, the dammage would redound unto the King; but if things ſhould ſucceed proſperouſly the honour thereof would redound unto Hannibal, and not unto Antiochus; and that if fortune ſhould ſo favour Hannibal to overcome the Romanes, what hope could Antiochus have to expect that this man would be true to him, that was falſe to his Country? That it was ſafe for Antiochus to uſe him as a Councellour, but not as a Commander in the Warre? By theſe perſwaſions, for that they were grounded upon good reaſon, did Aetolus alienate the minde of Antiochus from Hannibal, and occaſioned him to leſſen, if not to take away all power and authority out of his hands. This befals often-times where the Gentry and Nobility be had in eſtimation, eſpecially to ſuch that from the dunghill are raiſed to an extraordinary greatneſſe, and want kindred and allies to ſupport them; for it is incident to humane nature to looke upon men raiſed out of the duſt with ſqiunt eyes, and to expect that they of all men, who not long before were their equals and companions, ſhould not inſult and domineer over them: therefore did Caius Sinlius of an ancient and noble Family, bitterly enveigh againſt Seneca, and reſolved rather to undergo any puniſhment then to ſubmit himſelfe to his late purchaſed Gentry. Theſe kinde of men ſtand upon ſlippery ground, and every man is ready to throw them downe, and if they once fall, they ſeldome or never riſe againe. Of the like condition are they that being borne in another Kings dominion, aliens and ſtrangers, attaine to honour and authority in a Country where they are meer ſtrangers; for no men are more hated then theſe men,59 Inqui •• ni ſui putant juris eſſe, ut ſui generis hominibus gubernacula rerū committantur. 59 Every man thinking it to bee a part of his Birth-right to be governed by men of his owne Nation, and not by ſtrangers: for this very cauſe have the ſubjects of all Nations at one time or other rebelled againſt their Soveraignes. When Albert, the firſt of that name, Duke of Auſtria, placed neereſt about him Eberhardus Henricus, and Ʋdalricus, the brethren of Waſer Hermanus, Handenburgins with others, and advanced them to the higheſt degrees of honour, the native Inhabitants tooke it ill, that they who had quit their owne Countries, becauſe they had not where withall to give them livelihood, ſhould come into the flouriſhing Country of Austria, and there enrich themſelves by marriages, whilſt they being natives were neglected, and were not permitted to open their mouths for the common good; ſo that they petitioned the Prince, that hee would be pleaſed to remove the Swedes from having any hand in the managing of the affaires of the Common-Wealth; for that they had thoſe amongſt themſelves, that better underſtood the ſtate of the Common-Wealth, and could better mannage the affaires thereof. Unto which, when the Prince would not liſten, nor remove from him the aforenamed perſon, the rich & powerfull men of Auſtria, eſpecially the men of Vienna, joyning their forces with their neighbours, raiſed armes, thinking to remove them by force, which although it tooke not that effect as they ſuppoſed it would have done, yet hence we learne how hatefull a thing it is to the natives of a Country to have ſtrangers rule over them; and as all ſtrangers are odious, and ſtand upon ſlippery ground; ſo eſpecially they that quit their owne and fly for refuge into an other Country, and there as often it happeneth, do attaine to any command and authority. This Thoas Aetolus aforenamed objected againſt Hannibal, who being an exiled Carthaginian, became ſo powerfull with Antiochus King of Aſia, that what with his wit, and what with his power, within a ſhort time hee was able to alter the Government; and therefore Polybius commended Xantippus a Lacedaemonian for this that hee having brought the Common-Wealth of Carthage into a good order, hee left it and returned home into his own Country. Famous and worthy atchievements are ever attended with envy and malice, and it is the condition of the natives of a Country by their friends and allies to vilifie the acts of ſtrangers, and to ſtudy how to bring them into diſgrace and danger.

To conclude, this one thing, that is to ſay, to take too great a burthen upon themſelves, and preſume with their owne wit and judgement to mannage and rule whole principalities, doth very much hurt theſe kinde of people; for if that one man though qualified with rare and admirable gifts of art and nature, cannot ſo uprightly carry himſelfe in the mannageing of a buſineſſe of ſmall conſequence, but that hee ſhall deſerve reprehenſion of the multitude, and incurre the diſpleaſure of his Prince that laid that burthen upon him: how is it poſſible that one man ſhould mannage as hee ought, the ſtate of a Kingdome, which will trouble the heads of many men laid together? This Tiberius Caeſar found to bee true, who after that the Senate had ſetled him in the Empire, conſidering the greatneſſe thereof, and his owne weakneſſe, ingenuouſly acknowledged, that the minde of Auguſtus onely was capable of ſuch a burthen; as for himſelfe being called to bear but a part of it, he found by experience how difficult and dangerous the burthen of a Kingdome was, and how much ſubject it was to change and alter. Therefore in a Citie where many able and deſerving men are, ſpeciall care is to be had, that one man beare not the ſway alone; for that many heads together will with more eaſe and ſafety mannage the ſtate and affaires thereof, which as it is moſt true, ſo I deſire that they eſpecially take notice thereof, who dare of themſelves undertake to beare ſo great a burthen; for it cannot bee, but that theſe men which take ſo much upon them, muſt neglect to do many things which they ought to doe, and ſo deſerve a juſt reprehenſion; it is a common ſaying, that no man can ſerve two maſters: Whence Plato in his eighth Booke of Laws, affirmes, that it is a moſt difficult thing for a man, be hee of ever ſo good a wit and capacity, to excell in two ſeverall arts; ſo that Diodorus Siculus ſaith, with the Indians, it is not permitted for any man to apply himſelfe to two ſeverall ſtudies. Aſſuredly theſe men, though never ſo wiſe, vigilant, and induſtrious, being ever in the Sea, troubles and turmoiles of the world, in the end muſt of neceſſity fall upon a Rocke, and though they forecaſt all things warily, and turne over every ſtone, provide ſalves for every ſore, and have ever inſtruments at hand to execute their commands; yet in the end they muſt come downe, and fall full low, as mariners, be they ever ſo skillfull, if they continue on the Seas, when their tacklings faile, muſt of neceſſity yield unto the waters; ſo it is with them; for it is moſt true, Who ſo doth headlong daily into dangers run, Will hardly in the end thoſe dangers ſhun.

He that hath dealings in the world, findes that the wheele of fortune is ever turning, and that ſhe never dotes ſo upon any man as to ſatisfie his expectation, and to give contentment to him in every thing; and I deny not, but that theſe men may, during the raign of one King, continue in their greatneſſe; yet regularly60 Plerum que iſti atque omnes ferè à ſucceſſore evertuntur. 60 both they and all their adherents are ruinated by his ſucceſſour, as the Examples before alleaged doe ſufficiently manifeſt unto unto us; Theſe therefore and the like cauſes ſometimes raigning all together in one perſon, ſometimes but ſome of them, nay, ſometimes but one of them, are the meanes to ſtrip them out of their magnificence, and to bring them upon their knees.

SEeing then that all theſe things are grievous both to Prince and People, and oftentimes the cauſe of the ruine of the one or the other, or both; in the next place wee muſt thinke of ſome antidote how we may prevent the diſeaſe before it commeth, rather then of a cure when it hath once ſeiſed upon us; for this purpoſe I will ſet down ſome few rules, not that I will preſcribe unto Princes a platforme of government: farre bee it from me to thinke of any ſuch thing, being a thing beyond my capacity, and not within the compaſſe of my profeſſion, but rather to refreſh their memories, and the memories of their ſubjects with ſuch things as have come to my underſtanding, and the underſtanding of others of my coate and profeſſion, and to ſet before their eyes ſome lively patterns and examples, that ſo they purſue thoſe things that are profitable both to themſelves and the Commonwealth, and avoid thoſe things which are hurtfull both in the beginning and the ending. Princes therfore in my opinion cannot think of a better meanes to avoyd the aforeſaid inconveniences, then not to ſuffer any one of their Subiects to grow too great, and to burthen him with too much power and authority; of this Moecaenas amongſt many other things admoniſhed Augustus Caſar, leaſt ſuch a man by reaſon of his power might attempt any thing againſt him; of this opinion was John Bodyn, who out of his own experience found it to be true that there is nothing more dangerous to a Prince, then to ſuffer any one to come ſo neare him as to be able at one ſtep to ſtep into the Royall ſeat, and ſo far to excell others in authority that they muſt depend upon him; and this hee found to bee ſomuch the more dangerous when any one is permitted to rule without an aſſociate, and to enrich himſelfe with the Treaſure of the Common-wealth; wherefore Adrianus Caeſar would never acknowledge any of his freed men in publick, nor ſuffer himſelfe to be led by them; hee was uſed to ſay that all his predeceſſours were too blame for liſtening ſo much unto them: and if any one had vaunted of the power hee had in former times, it was a ſufficient matter to condemne him; wherefore Princes ought to have in perpe • uall remembrance the procedings of ſome of the Majors of the Court of France, who riſing by little and little, at length grew ſo great, that they attempted to depoſe their Kings, and to ſit in their Thrones; at firſt they had no power but a miniſteriall office in the Kings houſe; but under Locharius the ſecond they began to uſurpe the title of the Goveroment of the Kingdome; under which title whilſt they did aſſume to themſelves the defence of the rights of the Kingdome, and drew all power and authority into their hands, the authority of the King began to decline and fall away, for the Kings (whether by the ſubtilty of the Majors, or their own fatall idleneſſe it is hard to ſay) left the care of the Kingdome and government thereof unto them, and gave themſelves wholly to their pleaſures and delights; only once a yeare in the Calends of May they ſhewed themſelves unto the people; in the meanetime the Majors took upon them the Government of the Kingdome, ſummoned Parliaments, gave audience and anſwers to Ambaſſadours, made Leagues with forraign Princes, promulged edicts and decrees, and did all things as fully that did belong to the Kingly power as if they had beene Kings indeed; whence it came to paſſe, as the minde of man is inſatiable, that they began by degrees to make their way into the Kings Throne, to ſet them at defiance, and to drive them like Captives and Children into corners; and if the King had attempted to ſuppreſſe them, they with all their might and power had not been able to have done it; for they got the the whole power of the Kingdome into their hands; and by the long connivency of the King, they did ſeeme to challenge the Government of right, and to allow unto the Kings but the bare name and title of Kings.

Pippin the father of Charles the great, after that hee had attained to the Honour to be Major in King Childericks Court: firſt began to traduce the King, to buzze into the eares of the people his ſloth and ſimplicity, to extoll himſelfe unto the cloudes, and by all wayes and meanes to winn the hearts of the people; having laid this foundation, hee knew there was no better way to effect his deſigne,61 Nihil ad perſuadendum hominum mentes efficacius religione ſciebat. 61 then to uſe Religion as a cloake; wherefore hee ſent unto Rome unto Pope Zachery in the name of the people to know whether of the two were more fit to raign, either he that took upon him the whole burthen of the Kingdome, or hee that cared for nothing, gave himſelfe wholly to idleneſſe, and had no more underſtanding then a Beaſt; who preſently delivered his opinion for Pippin, and abſolved the people from their allegiance to Childerick, hopeing that Pippin would aſſiſt him againſt the Lumbards; Childerick thereupon from a King became a Mounk, and Pippin was crowned King of France.

Let all Princes take into their conſideration, as well for their own ſafety as the ſafetie of their Poſterity, this example of King Childerick, that the ſame miſchiefe may not fall upon them and theirs, as did upon Childerick and his poſterity; wherefore if a Prince ſhall at any time ſee any of his Subjects grow too mighty and popular, let him alwayes have an eye upon him, and clip his wings in time; and if that will not do, yet if any juſt occaſion be offered, let him rid hi • out of the way; for a Prince muſt know that it is with theſe men, as it is with all other things, they come not to full maturity on a ſuddaine, but by degrees, by little and little, and no notice for the moſt part is taken of them untill they come to their full growth; wherefore hee muſt bee watchfull and uſe the remedy which I have before preſcribed, and ſuch others as I ſhall now acquaint him withall. For this purpoſe the Counſell which Moecenas gave unto Auguſtus Caeſar, is not to bee neglected touching his Officers, that hee might without danger to himſelfe, or prejudice to the Common-wealth, ſuffer ſuch as had no power to hurt him, to hold their places in perpetuity: but not ſuch as had Command of Armyes or Provinces; for when they ſhall conſider that within a ſhort time they may bee private men, they will be more carefull how they offer any wrong to any man; of whoſe opinion was Seneca, who affirmes that there is nothing ſo profitable to the Common-wealth as62 Nihil tam utile Reipub. quā brevem eſſe poteſtatem quae magna eſt. 62 that great offices ſhould ever be at the diſpoſall of the Prince; wherefore Mumercus Aemylius being a dictator in the Romane Common-wealth, for that hee ſaw the Cenſors to continue in their places for the ſpace of five yeares, and not without prejudice to the whole Commonwealth, called a Councell together to adviſe, touching the liberty of the people, where he affirmes that nothing was ſo prejudiciall to the Common-wealth as to permit Governours that had great power committed unto them, to hold their places without any limitation of time; that other officers hold their places but for a yeare, the Cenſors for five yeares, during the greateſt part of which time they gave themſeluer wholly to licentiouſneſſe: wherfore hee thought it fit that the office of Dictator ſhould not continue for a longer time then a yeare and ſix Moneths; and ſo by a generall conſent there was a Law made to that purpoſe; and that hee himſelfe might bee an example unto them, hee ſpake after this manner; that ye may know, ye Noble Romans, how diſtaſtfull a thing it is unto me, to ſee Magiſtrates continue long in their offices, I quit my ſelfe of my Dictatorſhip.

With Aemylius and the others before named, accords Nicholas Machiavell in opinion, who poſitively affirmes, that it is a moſt dangerous thing to ſuffer any one to have a perpetuity in any great place, for that hee hath thereby opportunity to effect his deſignes, and this was the cauſe why the63 Decemviri 63 decemviri in Rome did abuſe their authority, when being 64 Dictatores 64 Dictators they did not; becauſe they had time enough to worke their deſignes; therefore hee ſaith, if wee looke diligently into the form of government of the Romane Common-Wealth, wee ſhall ſee, that the chiefe cauſe of the ruine of that famous Common Wealth, was by reaſon of the contention that aroſe among the common people, concerning diviſion of grounds, and prorogation of magiſtracie; for although that few or none took notice that the prorogation of magiſtracy was the cauſe of ſeditiō in that Common-Wealth; yet it is moſt manifeſt, that they that continued any long time in magiſtracy, attained to ſo much power, that it became fatall to the Common-wealth; it was this alone that adminiſtred to Marius, to Sylla, to Caeſar, to turne topſie turvy the ſtate of the Common-Wealth. Wherefore we learne this of Caeſar, who after that he had ended the Warres in Affrica, made a law, that no praetor ſhould hold his office above a yeare, or Conſul above two years, having learn'd ad unguem, a leſſon which Dion hath in his three and fourtieth book; and this hee did by his own example; for that hee having had a Command in France for the ſpace of many yeares together, he found in himſelf an ambition to continue that cōmanding power ſtill; for the attaining of which ſwelling honor65 Athenienſibus inventus eſt Oſtracismus. 65 among the Athenians the puniſhment of Oſtraciſme, and among the Syracuſans, the puniſhment of Petaliſme was deviſed; which Ariſtotle and Diodorus Siculus condemne as a remedy too violent and pernicious;66 Syracuſanis Petalismns. for it is one thing to make a Law to keep a Subject within a meane, that he get no further then the Prince will have him, and another thing to baniſh him his Countrey for no reaſon but only for that hee excells in vertue and riches; therefore both in Prince and People the golden meane is ever requiſite. Hence a Prince may learn by the e • amples of the Majors in France, that if at any time he ſhall be ſo farr enamoured with any one man, as that hee ſhall commit all power into his hands, yet by 67 Periculoſum eſt ut authoritas in filios deſcendat. 67 no meanes to let that power deſcend and be hereditary to his Poſterity; for there is no ſuch inducement to make a man forget himſelfe, and to raiſe his thoughts beyond the ordinary pitch, as the hope of propagating of honours by his owne witt and induſtry unto Poſterity; therefore let a Prince ever uſe the aſſiſtance of many in managing of his affaires, and not commit all things to one, nor liſten to that only which one man can tell him: for if any one of a Kings Subjects ſhall be ſo great that all the reſt ſhall ſtand in awe of him, hee indeed as Philip Commines obſerves, is very King and Lord; therefore68 Neceſſarium eſt ut Princeps plures oculos, & plures manus ſibi faciat. 68 Ariſtotle admoniſheth Princes to uſe many eyes and many hands in the governing of their affaires, which they then do when they uſe many Councellours; for therefore are Princes ſaid to have long hands; not that their hands are longer then other mens, but becauſe they have many ſervants, by whoſe help and aſſiſtance they can ſee and heare and manage the affairs in the moſt remote places of their Dominions; for many eyes ſee more then one; and moſt often that which one man underſtands not, another will, and many hands will with more celerity and dexterity diſpatch a buſineſſe; wherefore Mecenas againe told Auguſtus, that it was the beſt courſe to uſe the helpe of many in the mannageing of the affaires of the Common-Wealth, that ſo the profit might redound unto many, and many gaine experience thereby, and be enabled to doe him ſervice; by which meanes hee ſhould not onely gaine the good will of his Subjects, but he ſhould ever have able men at hand to doe him ſervice in every kinde. The ſelfe ſame counſell doth James King of great Brittaine give unto his ſonne, that he ſhould not rely wholly upon the counſell of any one man in every thing; for ſuch a man in the end will not only be a burthen to his Lord and Maſter, but be ſubject to the envy and diſpleaſure of all men elſe, as is before ſhewed: againe it is impoſſible for one man to be able to undergo all buſineſſes, as Scipio Amiratus hath at large diſcovered, and before him Ariſtotle, who affirmes,69 Poſſimum eſt unum plures magiſtratus obire. 69 that it is most inconvenient to ſuffer any one man to undergo divers offices, for that many men will ſooner, and better, execute the ſame; eſpecially where the Country abounds with able and ſufficient men; wherefore bitterly doth Waremund of Erenburgh deride certaine Princes of Germany; as many of the Nobility ſaith he, doe uſe one and the ſame horſe, ſometimes for the Cart, ſometimes for the Saddle, ſometimes for the Warre, even as they did in ancient time, the Delphian ſword for divers purpoſes, ſometimes to ſacrifice to the Gods, and ſometimes to puniſh malefactors; ſo doe the Princes make choice of the ſelfe-ſame counſels, to aſſiſt them in all kinde of buſineſſes; ſometimes to plead cauſes, ſometimes to ſit as judges, ſometimes to treat of armes, ſometimes to make lawes, ſometimes to play the part of Orators, nay, ſometimes of the Phiſitian, Mathematician, and Artificer; whence it commeth to paſſe that they have neither good Souldiers nor good Councellors. It comes into my minde, that not long agoe I was told a ſtrange ſtory, that a certaine Prince writ that a Doctor of the law might be ſent unto him, whom he would uſe as his Councellour, and withall declared himſelfe how hee would have him qualified, that hee ſhould have a head able to carry his cups well; but for mine owne part I had rather have a ſober man to be my Counſellour; and if my judgement faile me not, I thinke there is no ſuch plague unto Princes, as to have about them theſe nimble undertakers, that dare adventure upon any imployment, eſpecially if they bee, as uſually they are, boaſters of themſelves. For theſe Polypragmons, for the moſt part, are never ſetled in any courſe, but are alwayes deſirous to try concluſions, and as the winde and tide doe ſerve, ſo doe they deſiſt their former courſes, and leave their maſters. Yet Livy writes, that Marcus Cato ſenior was ſo rarely qualified, that in what place ſoever he had been in he would have raiſed a fortune out of it; in that he knew what appertained to the duty of a private man, and the office of a publique magiſtrate; and that he was experienced aſwell in the affaires of the City, as the Country: and whereas ſome raiſed themſelves to honour by the law, ſome by warre-like diſcipline, hee was excellent in all, and whatſoever he undertooke hee performed with that dexterity that a man would have thought that he had beene borne to doe that onely which he undertooke; but ſuch kinde of wits are very rare, and there is a great deale of difference between him and ſuch as ſeem to bee like unto him; therefore doth the ſame Livy write of Scipio Africanus, that hee was a man of great account among the Romanes, and memorable for many things; but yet that hee was better experienced in military diſcipline then in civill government; and this may ſerve as a motive to a Prince, never to truſt any man alone, but to joyne others in commiſsion with him, that may overſee him and obſerve his actions; ſo will he be more cautelous and wary to do any thing that ſhall be prejudiciall to the Common-Wealth, when hee ſhall ſee others to be judges of his actions, and to be ready at hand to reprehend him if he doe amiſſe; wherefore Mecaenas againe adviſed Auguſtus, that he would appoint two ever to guard his perſon, that if the one ſhould go about to enſnare him, he might pray in aid of the other; ſo Tiberius Caeſar ſent Germanicus into the Eaſterne Countries with a large commiſſion, to compoſe the differences there; but yet hee joyned Piſo with him, that had a great wit and ſpirit to curb him, and keep him a little under. As that mariner cannot be ſaid to be wiſe, that truſts only to one anchor; ſo that Prince that relies onely upon one man; for what can be the iſſue of it? admit this man ſhould dye, or ſhould fall off from him, a thouſand accidents may happen to occaſion him to deteſt the courſe he is in, and then the Prince ſhould be left alone unarmed, as it were, unleſſe he had imployed others in buſineſſes of the like nature, and thereby enabled them to doe him ſervice; therefore it is moſt fit that Princes ſhould uſe the ſame order in trayning up of Councellors, that huntſmen do in their hounds; for as they enter their young whelpes with their old dogs, ſo70 Hoc idem oportet principem obſervare circa conſiliarios quod obſervant venatores in v • narionibus. 70 Princes ſhould ever with gray head Senators joyne diſcreet young gentlemen to obſerve the manners and cuſtomes of thoſe aged Fathers; but the moſt ſure and ſoveraign remedy of all other is, for a Prince ever to keep the reines of the government of the Kingdome in his owne power. Yet I do not ſpeake to this end, that I would have a Prince doe every thing by himſelfe; for that doth Tacitus reprove in Claudius Caeſar, ſaying, that the Prince that takes upon him the offices of judicature and magiſtracy hath daily occaſion adminiſtred him to prey upon his people; wherefore Tiberius blamed the Senate for caſting all the care of the Empire upon him alone; which place of Tacitus, Scipio Amiratus perſues very farre, ſaying, that to lay all the burthen upon the head alone is to make a confuſion, and to deprive the reſt of the members of the body of their proper office; in this kinde Bonfinus reports, that Matthias the firſt of that name, and one of the wiſeſt Kings of Hungary, was faulty, who was uſed to ſay, that he was able to mannage the affaires of his Kingdome of himſelfe, and to confute his Counſellours when they would perſwade him to any thing; and further, that he often heard him ſay at Vienna before his death, that in the government of his Kingdome he never uſed another mans advice; and that from the beginning of his raign, he could not indure to heare the advice and direction of a councellour for a yeare about; but what became of it? flatterers ſwarmed in his court, and he run into many dangrrous and deſ • erate errours. Quintus Curtius in his fourth book writes, that Alexander the great would ſeldome liſten to the Counſell of his friends, when hee was in greateſt danger; and that Xerxes was more wilfull then hee, who intending to make Warre in Greece, having called the Princes together, ſpake in this manner unto them; I have called you that I may not ſeem to doe any thing of my owne head; but yet remember that it is your duty rather to obey then to perſwade. I ſay, I doe not allow of this, for a Prince wholly to rely upon the ſtrength of his owne wit, and to mannage every thing of himſelfe; but with Juſtus Lipſius I would have him to impart the cares of his Kingdome unto others, to obſerve the golden mean, not to ſit idle, and lay the burthen wholly upon others; but as the Governour of a Ship allots to every Mariner a proper office, whilſt he ſets at the ſterne and over-ſees them; and as a Generall in the Warre doth not alwayes fight, or take upon him the whole burthen of the War, but commands and enjoynes every one what he ſhall do: So I would have a Prince ſit at the ſterne, caſt his eyes every way, that he may ſee and know what every Servant and Counſellour of his doth, or at leaſt, that they may believe that he ſeeth them, and knoweth what they do; the which, that Prince whoſoever he bee that ſhall perform, though it cannot be that a Prince ſhould ſee every thing, heare every thing, and be preſent everywhere; yet the very conceit that he doth ſee and heare them, and is preſent with them, will make them to be more vigilant and carefull; and as the Son diſpels the clouds, ſo will this conceit diſpell many ill thoughts out of their mindes, and hinder them to put in execution many ill counſells; therefore as the beſt and warieſt Husbands are not alwayes preſent with their Servants and workmen, but are about other affaires in the world, yet ſometimes ſtep in upon them on a ſuddaine, as the maſter of the Family in the Goſpell did; ſo a Prince ought to doe, when his ſervants think him ſafe enough, farre remote, recreating himſelfe in his pleaſures and delights, then to ſtep in upon them, and ſee how they behave themſelves. But when I ſpeake of ſervants; I do not ſpeake of ſervants that ſerve him in a low place, for they have others which will over-ſee them, and if they doe not as they ſhould, will puniſh them; but ſuch as are neer unto him, and ſerve him in high places, who as they have the higher power, ſo they have the greater liberty to wrong and oppreſſe the people, whom none dare controull but hee himſelf; eſpecially if they bee more gracious then othes in his eyes; wherefore upon them the Prince ought to have a ſpeciall eye; otherwiſe all thoſe inconveniences which I have before remembred may eaſily enſue. Of theſe men, as Popiſcus reports, Diocleſian the Emperour was uſed to ſay, that they meet foure or five of them together, and conſult how to deceive the Emperour, and determine what ſhall paſſe, or not paſſe; the Emperour they ſay keeps home cloſe, underſtands not the truth in any buſineſſe, or what occurrences happen, unleſſe that they do impart them unto him; hee makes ſuch Judges as are not fit to be made, and removes ſuch as ought to be retained; what ſhould I ſay, but as the ſame Diocleſian ſaid, the beſt, the moſt noble, and moſt cautelous Emperour is bought and ſold by them; wherefore the Counſell of Philip Commines is not to be neglected, that71 Princeps praeter cōſiliarios alios debet audire. 71 a Prince ought oftentimes to converſe with others beſides his Councellors. Neither are thoſe Princes to be condemned that ſometimes in a diſguiſed habit come among the multitude; for there they ſhall underſtand many things as well touching themſelves as their Officers, which otherwiſe they ſhould never have heard.

Alexander Severus the Emperour when he made any Governour of Provinces or chiefe Officers, did uſually ſend the names of them unto the multitude, to this end that if they could juſtly accuſe them of any crime, they ſhould not forbeare to doe it; but if they did wrongfully accuſe them, that then they ſhould expect no other puniſhment then that which was capitall; for hee conceived that it was as fit for Emperours by this meanes to examine the integrity of the Governours of Provinces, in whoſe power the lives and eſtates of many conſiſted, as it was for Chriſtians and Iews in ancient times, to try the integrity of them that were to take upon them the Order of Prieſthood; ſince then there is72 Nihil dif. ficilius eſt, quàm bene imperare. 72 nothing more hard as Diocleſian was uſed to ſay, then to govern well; Princes ought ever to be mindfull of the great charge that is committed unto them, and not to think that God hath ſet them on high to doe nothing elſe but to follow their pleaſures and delights: but they muſt know as hee hath ſet them in degree above others, ſo their care muſt bee greater then others, and that one day they muſt give an account of their Stewardſhip, and of the people committed to their charge; it is their vigilancy that keeps ſubjects in ſafety; their labour and travell that affords them eaſe and reſt and delight; they like ſtarrs in the firmament muſt ever be moving, yet not ſo much for their own good as the good of others, as Homer hath it in the ſecond book of his Iliads. Wherefore their thoughts ought ſometimes to deſcend to men of the loweſt ranke: for there is no man ſo meane in a Kingdom but in ſome kinde may bee able to doe him ſervice; and in this ſhall they follow the example of their Creator, who hath numbred the very haires of their heads; let them ever beare in minde the ſaying of Veſpaſian the Emperour, that a Prince ſhould dye ſtanding.

Henry the Sonne of Frederick the Emperour was ſo intenſive upon the affaires of the Empire, that hee ſcant allowed himſelfe time to eate his meat; and when hee was deſired to look to himſelfe and have a care of his health, he ſaid that a private man had liberty to eat when hee would, but a Prince that weighed the heavy burthen that lay upon him, had not ſo.

When the Emperour Rodolph ſaw certaine young men that loved him, to bee ſequeſtred from him, in ſome indignation, ſaid, for Gods ſake ſuffer them to come unto me, for I am not therefore called to the Empire that I ſhould bee kept cloſe in a coffin. In this thing thoſe two Noble Emperours Ferdinando and Maxmilian, did not much ſwerve from him; for every day at a certaine houre they gave audience to the poore, and willingly accepted ſuch country preſents as they were able to bring unto them. Of Ferdinando it is further reported that hee ſhould ſay, when hee ſaw one driving an old Woman from him, drive not away the poore from us, for if wee will not heare them, God will not heare us; the ſame cuſtome doe the Princes of Auſtria obſerve, at this day. I was preſent when a poore Woman accuſed one of the Barrons to his face before the Emperour at the top of the ſtaires as hee came from Church, I ſaw the Emperour heare her complaints willingly, and heard him ſeriouſly enjoyne him to make her amends; ſuch Princes as theſe are worthy to be had in perpetuall remembrance: but they that give themſelves wholly to delights, and leave all to their ſervants, they muſt endure oftentimes to heare that of themſelves which Claudius Caeſar heard of himſelfe, that they are ſervants to their ſervants, becauſe that hee was wholly led by his Wives and freed men, and did onely as they would have him; and therefore did not carry himſelf like a Prince, but like a ſervant: for at their pleaſure were all Honours, Armies, Pardons, Puniſhments, conferred and infli ed; and indeed the things were almoſt incredible wherewith the Emperour ſuffered himſelfe to be deluded by them, and how they gloried that by their ſubtility they had circumvented him; ſo we read that the Emperour 73 Galba trium ſolummodò arbitrio res gerere ſolebat. 73 Galba was ruled by thoſe onely whom the Courtiers commonly called his three Paedagogues: which occaſioned Plinny the ſecond to ſay, that many Princes being the Commanders of Citizens, ſuffer themſelves to be vaſſals of their freed men; by their Councells they are guided, by them they heare and ſpeak, by them, nay rather from them, Praetorſhips, Praelacies, and Conſulſhips are ſought. In another manner doth the ſame Plinny ſpeak of Trajan, thou giveſt reſpect to thy freedmen, but ſtill thou makeſt them know themſelves to bee freed men, thou thinkeſt thou doeſt abundantly favour them, if thou thinkeſt them to bee honeſt men, thou knoweſt it adds a great luſtre to thy greatneſſe not to ſuffer them to be too great. Wherefore Iſaacius an Emperour of the Greeks, may juſtly be condemned, who received into his favour a man named Theodor Caſtamonita, who led him hudwinkt as a poore ſervant, or rather as a ſlave, hither and thither at his pleaſure; for Iſaacius put in execution whatſoever hee commanded, who dying, the ſaid Iſaacius as if hee had been born rather to ſerve then to command, received into his favour a young boy that newly came from Schoole, and preferred him to a very high place, who not only led the Emperour as the little Fiſh called Propompes doth the Whale whither hee would, but whole Legions of Souldiers beſides; but it is no wrong unto ſuch Princes ſo to bee wronged and diſhonoured, becauſe they are acceſſary to the wrong, and conſent diſpenſeth with and takes away an errour; but the wrong indeed is as before hath been ſhewed, that it opens a gapp to let in the diſhoneſty of ſuch as are miſchevous into the Court, and adminiſters an occaſion to corrupt the manners of ſuch as are good, by meanes whereof the Common-Wealth is miſerably afflicted, juſtice is trampled upon, and both preſent and future ages ſuſtaine loſſe by it, the Prince beares the blame of all, for whatſoever is done in the Common-wealth be it good or evill, it is laid upon him; and he is regularly thought to be of that condition as they are, 74 Facta miniſtroru • ſive bona ſive ma • a magiſtro imputantur. whom he doth imploy in the managing of his affaires, as Maecenas long ago told Octavius Caeſar: but this ſhall ſuffice touching the Prince. Now will wee ſpeak of his followers, and enquire by what meanes they that have attained to any greatneſſe, by the meer favour of their Princes, or by any other meanes, may preſerve themſelves in that ſtate and condition; for as I have ſaid in the beginning, ſo I ſay ſtill, and think it to be moſt true, that it is a moſt difficult thing for him that hath attained to any great ſtate and magnificence, to preſerve himſelfe in that ſtate all his life time. Some examples we finde hereof in our hiſtories, but very few; for we finde that Joſeph was preferred by Pharoh, to the higheſt degree of honour in the Kingdome, that he had the raigns of the government thereof in his owne power, that Pharoh reſerved to himſelfe onely the bare name and title of King, that hee continued in this heighth for the ſpace of eighty yeares without any cruſhes or croſſes, even untill death, being an hundred and ten y • ares of Age when he died; another example we have of M. Agrippa, who of all thoſe that raiſed themſelves by the Civill Wars, Seneca thought to be moſt happy, and without doubt (as Dion Caſſ: obſ rves) 75 Omnium ſua • •• ratis optimus. 75 hee was one of the beſt men that lived in his time, hee made uſe of Auguſtus his favour for the ſole good of the Emperour and the Common-Wealth, and looke how much hee did excell all others in vertue and goodneſſe, ſo much did hee debaſe himſelfe in reſpect of Auguſtus; he made uſe of his wiſdome and fortitude, his honours and preferments to no other end then to do him ſervice, and to deſerve well of the Common-Wealth; whence it came to paſſe, that he was never offenſive to Augustus, or the people, but eſtabliſhed the government in ſuch a manner, that hee could not wiſh to have it better, and ſo bound the people unto him by good turnes that he did for them, that he became the moſt popular man of his time; inſomuch, that when he beautified Rome with many goodly ornaments, which was thought would have drawn the ill will of the people upon him, he did not only keep their loves ſtill, but hee obtained great honour from Auguſtus; for at ſuch time as hee would have placed in the Temple of the gods which hee built himſelfe, the ſtatue of Auguſtus, to preſerve him in perpetuall memory, and would have written an inſcription thereon to his name; Auguſtus would not ſuffer him to doe it, but cauſed him to put up the ſtatue of the precedent Emperour in the Temple, and his own, and Auguſtus in the entrance unto it, which he did not doe to any other end, but to manifeſt his fervent love and affection to him, and the Common-Wealth, which Auguſtus ſo accepted and highly honoured him for it; for in his abſence he made him chiefe governour of the City of Rome, and that he might ſtill heap honour upon him, being divorſt from his wife, he gave him his Daughter in Law in marriage, unto which he was induced partly for that Maecenas was uſed to ſpeak thus unto him upon good deliberation: Now thou haſt made Agrippa ſo great, that thou muſt either make him thy ſonne in law or hee cannot live. Theſe and many other kinde favours he conferred upon him, which hee enjoyed all his life time, without any manner of change or alteration; for after that he had conferred the office of Tribune upon him from five years to five years, hee ſent him into Pannonia with a larger Commiſſion then ever any man had in Italy, and as ſoone as hee heard of his death, which happened immediately upon his returne into Campania; he came to ſee his dead corps, and after a funerall oration made in praiſe and honour of him, hee cauſed it to bee brought into the City, and to be buried in his owne Sepulchre; and wheras at his death hee bequeathed unto the people a Bath and Garden, where they mig • t freely waſh and recreate themſelves, which he chriſtned himſelf with a name, Auguſtus did not only confirme his gift, but gave to every man in particular a doale, as if Agrippa himſelfe had ſo deſired it; and it was no way prejudiciall unto him throughout the whole courſe of his life, that he deſcended not of a noble Family, but was made Noble; this is another Example of one that continued in proſperity to his lives end, contrary to the examples which I have before remembred; but becauſe it is a rare one, and not many of them to be found, I doe not ſee wherefore I ſhould ſwarve from the rule I have ſet downe. Tacitus likewiſe makes mention of Memmius Regulus that was of ſo great renown, and authority, that ſetting aſide the Emperour no man was greater, inſomuch that Nero being told, lying very ſick, by certain flatterres that waited upon him, that now the Empyre was at an end, anſwered that there was one Memmius alive that would have a care, that it ſhould not fal to the ground; this man afterwards betook himſe • fe to a private life, hee was not of any great eſtate, nor of an ancient houſe, as the ſame author reports; this example of Regulus will give good contentment to them that leave all authority, and in time betake themſelves to live private lives; this man was not ſo great for honors and eſtate, as many of them whom we have formerly remembred, but his credit with his Prince, and his fame, raiſed by his vertuous actions, was as great as the greateſt in our time, wee may remember Granvillanus Veſontinus, who for the ſpace of twenty yeares together held the chiefe place of authority under Charles the fift, and was onely privy to his ſecrets, and died in great grace and favour with him; the Emperour much bewayling his death, as Sleidan reports, and which added ſomewhat to his happineſſe, Anthony his Son Biſhop of Artois ſucceeded him in his place, whom his father in his abſence did uſually depute to manage the affaires of the Commonwealth: here this is remarkable in this Prince, that hee ever uſed one man alone, that was more powerfull then the reſt, to manage the affaires of the Empire; yet ſo, that hee ever had an eye to the government himſelfe, and to the man: of the condition of this Prince, and how a Prince ought to behave himſelfe, that things may fall out ſucceſſefully, I have already ſpoken. Theſe Examples although they be few do teach us, that it is not impoſſible for him that hath a great place in the Commonwealth under his Prince, to live happily in it to his dying day, which how it may come to paſſe, and how ſuch men ought to carry themſelves; I will ſet downe ſome few documents and precepts, and the ſcope of them ſhall bee to advertiſe them that are on high to avoid thoſe rocks, that many of thoſe whom we have formerly remembred have fallen upon; & how it may be done, it will not be loſt labour to ſearch diligently into; the firſt thing therefore as wee have formerly noted is, that thou bee ſure of a calling, and not thruſt thy ſelfe into any place by bribery, or any indirect meanes, before thou be called, for the fabrick cannot ſtand, when the foundation fails; if the beginning be evill, the end muſt needs be ſo; wherefore whoſoever thou art that haſt attained to any place by any indirect meanes, it is thy beſt courſe to relinquiſh the ſame, and to betake thy ſelfe to thy former accuſtomed courſe of life, for that it is impoſſible that thou ſhouldſt enjoy it quietly, when thou commeſt to it by ſuch meanes; every misfortune that befals thee will pierce thee to the very heart, and trouble thee, becauſe that thou injuriouſly didſt intrude thy ſelfe into a place that appertained not unto thee; for if our proper vocations duly attained admiſter unto us many cares and troubles, much more thoſe that are unduly gotten. Tacitus reports of Brutidius Niger that executed the office of an Edile under Tiberius Caeſar, 76 Brutidius Nigerareibus hone • is cop • oſus. that he was well ſeen in many good Arts, and that if he had continued his courſe, was like to have come to the greateſt places in the Commonwealth, but ſtriving on a ſuddaine to out-ſtrip his equals, and ſuperiours, nay, the the very limits of his owne hopes, hee overthrew himſelfe. The ſame Tacitus further adds, that there have been divers hopefull men in the Commonwealth, who deſpiſing that which with little patience might have beene had with ſecurity, have haſtened to that which being gotten before due time hath bred their ruine and deſtruction. Hieronimus Meſſanius ſeeing Alexander ab Alexandro, as he writes of himſelfe living in a mean eſtate and condition of life, blamed him therefore and told him, though he had taken a great deale of paines, yet he had not learn'd to be wiſe, and related unto him a ſtory of a certain man that77 Alegat exemplū cujuſdam qui nullis artibus honeſtis praevalere potuit. 77 uſed all the lawfull meanes that hee could think of to attain to a Biſhoprick, and could not prevaile; inſomuch that hee bethought himſelfe of another courſe; he went and bought two or three tunns of the beſt wine hee could get for his money, and ſent them to the Biſhop; and not long after hee had what hee deſired; hee ſpake of others likewiſe that were the moſt contemptible men in the Commonwealth, ſuch as made it their trade to prey upon the people, who having injuriouſly gotten into their hands the Eſtates of many, put the ſame into the Treaſury, and by this meanes became powerfull and mighty; hee told him of many others that were of the moſt vile condition, that by their wicked and abominable deviſes raiſed themſevles out of the duſt to great honours; but theſe examples of his prevailed not with Alexander, hee ſaid hee had rather live in a low degree with the freedom of a good conſcience, then by diſhoneſt courſes blemiſh his good name and reputation; Machiavell endeavours to prove that78 Plures fraude quā virtute ad honores aſcendunt. 78 more men raiſe themſelves to Honours and Eſtates by fraud then by worth and merit; but that opinion of his, both Scipio Amiratus and others have at large confuted by explaning the Preſidents which hee hath alledged for the confirmation of his opinion, and ſhewed how hee hath no colour for his conceit. Endeavour therefore whoſoever thou art to raiſe thy ſelfe by good meanes, otherwiſe thou ſhalt finde; (and ſo the examples which I have before alleaged will manifeſt unto thee,) that though thou mayſt flouriſh for a time, yet in the end thou ſhalt come to ruine and deſtruction; for it is not poſſible, (which is the greateſt miſery that can befall them) for ſuch men as raiſe themſelves by undue meanes, in future times to bee honeſt; for having once tranſgreſſed the bounds of juſtice and honeſty, they are of neceſſity conſtrained if they will continue their places to be diſhoneſt ſtill, and to preſerve themſelves by the ſame meanes by the which they have been raiſed, which in the end cannot bee but fatall unto them; the favour of thy Prince will doe thee no good if it bee not obtained by good meanes, for there is nothing more uncertaine of its own nature, eſpecially when there is no ground for it, for then thou haſt God thy enemy, in whoſe hands are the hearts of Princes; whatſoever therefore thou doeſt, have God ever in thy minde, ſo ſhall all things that thou takeſt in hand ſucceede well unto thee; and contrarywiſe if thou doeſt not. After thou haſt done this, in the next place, pray unto God for grace, wiſedome, and underſtanding, that thou mayſt be able to undergoe the office committed to thy charge a right; and in this let King Solomon be a pattern unto thee, who although hee had a moſt ſanctified man to his Father, and a wiſe man to his Tutor, from whom hee might learn, touching the Government of his Kingdome as much as the wit of man could inſtruct him: yet hee prayed to God in this manner, O Lord God thou haſt placed me in the Throne of my Father King David, that am a feeble perſon too weake for the underſtanding of thy judgements and Laws: give mee wiſedome that I may bee able to governe thy people in judgement and righteouſneſſe. After thou haſt prayed in this manner for ſuch things as are needfull for thee,79 Exequere munus tuum ſumme cum cura. 79 then goe on cheerefully in thy calling, and execute the ſame with all diligence and integrity; meddle with that which belongs to thy ſelfe only, and put not thy ſickle in another mans harveſt; ſo that no man may juſtly taxe thee that thou haſt omitted any thing which thou oughteſt to have done, or that another man could have performed the ſame with more care and diligence: which that thou mayſt do, thou muſt have a care that thou doeſt not abuſe the power and authority committed unto thee to doe any man wrong, for any private grudge or malice conceived; neither for hatred nor affection to do any thing that belongs not to thy calling: obſerve ever that rule that our Saviour hath given, give unto every one that which is due unto him, unto Caeſar that which is Caeſars, and unto God that which is Gods, and that of the Apoſtle, it is better to obey God then man: honour thy Prince ever and obey him, but ſo that thou muſt know that above him there is a God, whom thou muſt more honour and obey: have a care ever (which many doe neglect) to ſay or do any thing to pleaſe him, which is repugnant to the will of God, for though it be a difficult and dangerous thing to oppoſe a Prince in any thing, and ſo to draw his anger and diſpleaſure upon thy head, yet know it for a certainty, that if thou ſhalt feare him more then God, by avoiding the ſmoak thou falleſt into the fire; curſed is hee that with hope of impunity commits an offence, and though ſuch a man may eſcape for a time, yet in the end God will puniſh him with ruine and deſtruction; for although God bee long ſuffering and gentle, yet when his wrath is once incenſed, nothing will appeaſe him; and be ſure of this, that God whom thou haſt ſerved and obeyed, will ſo aſſiſt thee that though thou mayſt for a time incurr the diſpleaſure of thy Prince, yet in the end thy innocency ſhall be made known to thy prayſe and glory, ſo that the Prince ſhall not only thank thee when hee ſhall know thy integrity, but ſhall commend and applaud thee; and this was Joſephs caſe, whom when his Maſter had made him Steward of his houſe, and committed all things to his power and authority, being ſollicited by his Miſtris to lye with her, he would not conſent, ſaying, how can I commit this great offence and not ſinne againſt God? who though hee was for a time by his Miſtris calumniations wrought out of favour with his Maſter and caſt into Priſon; yer in the end by Gods aſſiſtance he was delivered, and where before he had but the Command of a private Family, hee was advanced to bee the ſecond man in the Kingdom, and heard the ſaying of our Saviour ſounding in his eares, goe to good ſervant, thou haſt been faithfull in a little, I have made thee ruler over much, enter into thy Maſters joy. So when the King of Egypt commanded Sephora and Phua, the two midwives of the Hebrews to kill all the male children of the Hebrews as ſoone as they were borne, they fearing God, did not obey his Command, but kept them alive; for which God bleſſed them and built them houſes. So when Saul commanded his ſervants to kill the Prieſts with whom David ſojourned, his ſervants would not therein execute his Command; Ioab was not ſo well-minded, for he preſently upon the Command of King David, betrayed Ʋriah to death, and though hee diſſwaded the King a little to number the people, yet when he importuned him thereunto, hee liſtned to his ſollicitation and obeyed him: but it had been better for him that he had hazarded his diſpleaſure for the preſent, and ſo have eſcaped and turned aſide the wrath of God and miſeries which enſued. Therefore let him as much as in him lies carry himſelfe uprightly towards all men, not ſomuch to avoid the calumnies of the envious, and the backbiter, or the diſpleaſure of the Prince, as to keep himſelfe in grace and favour with God; for it is the greateſt happineſſe to do no wrong to any. Let him think with himſelfe, that 80 Cogitor multa ſibi non licere quae hominibus in angulo jacentibus licent. 80 it is not lawfull for him to doe many things, which men of mean degree living out of the rode in ſome corner of the Earth, may doe without exception; that a great fortune is a great burthen, that all his actions are expoſed to the view of the world; that his thoughts are ſcarſe ſecret to himſelfe, becauſe that all mens eyes are fixed and faſtned upon him; it is not lawfull for him to intend his profit, his ſtudies, his pleaſures, nor to addict himſelfe wholly to any thing, becauſe hee is not his owne, but his Princes ſervant; therefore let him eſchew Pride, Coveteouſneſſe, Cruelty, and the like, wherewith they that live in high places are uſually tainted; let him caſt his eyes behinde him, and ſee what he was, not what he is, and at no time behave himſelfe violently, or inſolently towards any man; here the Councell of Amuratus is religious, that81 Non ob propriam virtutem. 81 thou ſhouldſt ever thinke that thou art raiſed to that degree of honour, not for any worth or merit of thine owne, but by the divine providence of God, who hath been pleaſed to worke upon the affection of the Prince to favour, and affect thee above other men; this if thou doſt duly conſider, it muſt neceſſarily follow, that thou wilt ever carry thy ſelfe reſpectively to thy Prince, and be lowly in thine owne eyes, giving the glory to God alone: thou wilt be gentle, mercifull, and liberall, and ſpend and end thy dayes quietly in the peace of a good conſcience; and that thou maiſt doe here what Sophocles ſaith in Ajax Lorar, let theſe Examples move thee, that thou doſt not grow proud, or ſpeake irreverently of the name of God, if he hath endowed thee with better endowments, or a better fortune then others; for that when the ſunne is at the higheſt it declines againe, and reduceth all humane things to that they formerly wre, but the love of God cō tinues to the end to thoſe that are good, and his hatred to the wicked. He that is thus reſolved will have a care never to adviſe his Prince to proceed in any diſhonourable action, but to doe that which tends to his honour, and the good of the Commonwealth. I deny not but that many an honeſt man is put to a great ſtrait oftentimes, in buſineſſes of this nature; for it is a difficult thing, for a man to go ſo equally between honeſty and juſtice that are ſtrict and ſevere, and the licentious pleaſures of the Court, that hee doe not runne himſelfe aground either on the one ſide or the other. The Examples of Burrhus and Seneca, the two worthy Counſellours of Nero, doe manifeſt the ſame; they were governours during his minoritie, and well agreeing, bare equall ſtroke in divers faculties; Burrhus ruled in military diſcipline, and in reforming abuſes; Seneca in precepts of eloquence and inſtructing him to carry himſelfe courteouſly towards all men, helping one the other in their charge, that they might with more eaſe bridle the youths ſlippery age with honeſt and lawfull pleaſures, when they ſaw him falling into exorbitant courſes; his Mother was an eye-ſore unto him, being a woman of a high ſpirit, and ambitious of government, of whom when Iturius and Calviſius had reported, that he had made choice of Rubellius Plautus, a man by the Mothers ſide as neerly allied unto Auguſtus, as Nero was to her husband, and ſo to turn topſie-turvie the ſtate of the Cō monwealth, Nero underſtanding therof, being full fraught with wine grew fearefull, and deſirous to diſpatch her out of the way, delaid no time, untill 82 Burrhus necem ejus promittebar. 82 Burrhus had promiſed him to do the deed; but notwithstanding hee did not performe it, but alledged for himſelfe, that ſhee had no accuſers; but one that lived in the houſe of her enemies, imputed what was done to ignorance and raſhneſſe, and ſo deferred the doing thereof untill night, (which was ſpent in rioting,) was paſt, and the day was come; by this time the feare of Nero was well aſſwaged; and when the morning came, Agrippina was heard firſt of Burrhus, then of Nero himſelfe, what ſhe could ſay for her ſelfe, and ſhee did not onely purge her ſelfe from the crimes laid to her charge, but had her accuſers puniſhed, and ſatisfaction for them that ſtuck unto her in the cauſe; and hitherto Burrhus carried himſelfe noblly; but Nero ſtill plotting her death, found out an invention for the purpoſe, took a courſe that there might be a gally made looſe by art in the bottom, that ſhould let her fal into the Sea, when ſhe ſuſpected leaſt; but whilſt Nero expected Meſſengers, that his plot had taken effect, newes came that ſhee had eſcaped the danger; at which Nero being amazed, fearing that ſhee would revenge her ſelfe out of hand of him, adviſed with Burrhus and Seneca, what courſe was beſt for him to take, being not certaine whether they had any notice of his former deſigne; they ſtood mute for a time, and ſaid nothing, fearing their Counſell ſhould not take effect; but in the end they agreed, that if Agrippina lived, Nero could not; then Seneca, the forwarder hitherto of the two, caſt his eyes upon Burrhus, as if that he ſhould have asked, whether that the Souldiers ſhould be commanded to execute the murther: but he anſwered, that the Guard being bound to all Caeſars houſe, and ſo mindefull of Germanicus, would not undertake ſo cruell an enterpriſe againſt his progeny; and that it was better to uſe Anicetus in it, who had undertaken to do it; Anicetus without any delay committed that bloudy fact, ſlew Agrippina the Mother of Nero; and here I doe not think it ſtrange, that the actors of this Tragedy were beloved of Nero: but that they did well, or deſerved praiſe for it, no man ſhall ever perſwade me. To omit to ſpeake any thing of the bloudy fact, Nero being now freed from his Mother, he addicted himſelfe wholly to all licentious courſes, and unlawfull ſports, and delights. Burrhus and Seneca willingly connived at ſome of his imperfections, fearing that if they ſhould oppoſe him, hee would run into more deſperate courſes; for they hoped when he had been glutted with his delights, hee would have became a new man; but it fell out otherwiſe; for having once tranſgreſt the bounds of modeſty, he grew worſe and worſe, ſo that ſometimes in the publique view of the world, in the Vatican he would play the part of a Coachman, drive a Chariot, ſometimes of a Stage-player, and ſometimes of a Harper, in the preſence of his familiars, among whom was Burrhus, who beheld him with a heavy heart, though he durſt not as Tacitus ſaith, but applaud him; at length he came to that hight of impiety, that83 Templ • per Aſiam & Achaiam diſpoliat. 83 he ſet fire on the City, and ſpoiled the Temples, not onely there, but throughout all Achaia, and Aſia; therefore Seneca, that hee might avoid the diſpleaſure of the multitude, and not be thought to be acceſſary to the ſaid miſdemeanour, petitioned him, which he ſhould have done long before, and ſo have avoided his hatred,84 Longinqui ruris ſeceſſum orat. 84 that he would give him leave to ſpend his dayes far remote in the Country; which requeſt being denied, hee betooke himſelfe to a Chamber, and as a ſick man never went out of it. I muſt acknowledge they live in a miſerable condition, that take upon them the government of ſuch beaſts, whom all the world can hardly paralell for brutiſhneſſe; therefore very often as wee have heard, his vices prevailed over their vertues, their underſtanding and conſciences, and in the end overthrew them. Vnto the former Examples, it will not be impertinent to add the Example of Prexaſpes, that ſo thou maiſt ſee how deerly they that are the Counſellours of Princes do ſometimes pay for giving them good Counſell: Seneca who hath written moſt excellently of that, hath this ſtory, Prexaſpes being gracious with Cambiſes, King of Perſia, ſeeing him much addicted to Wine, did adviſe him to drink more moderately, for that Ebriety was an odious thing in a Prince, that ſhould be the patterne of ſobriety to his people: unto whom he anſwered, that thou maiſt know Prexaſpes, that I never forget my ſelfe, I will make it appeare, that though I drink hard, mine eyes and hands are able to doe their proper office; whereupon hee drank more liberally in larger boules then he did at other times: and being full fraught with Wine, hee commanded Prexaſpes ſonne to go beyond the threſhould of the doore, and to ſtand there, holding his left hand over his head; Cambiſes then bent his bow and ſtruck his arrow into his heart, which was the mark he ſhot at; and having ript up his body, ſhewed Prexaſpes his arrowes head, ſticking in his ſons heart, and looking backe upon him, asked him whether his hand was not ſteady enough, who anſwered, that Apollo himſelfe could not have ſhot more ſteadily. This might ſeem to deterre the ſervant of a Prince from giving him good Counſell. But this did nothing at all daunt Craeſus, that was an eye witneſſe thereof; for not long after he being one that loved Prexaſpes, was ſo bold, as to tell Cambiſes of this and other his cruelties, inſomuch that hee thought to diſpatch him out of the way, as hee did the other with his arrow: and when hee ſaved himſelfe by flight, he commanded his ſervants to kill him; whereupon they apprehended him, and kept him cloſe priſoner, to this end, that if the King would free him, he might, if not, they would execute his command; but Cambiſes afterwards repenting himſelfe of what hee intended, was glad to heare that Craeſus was ſafe and ſound, and commanded the miniſters that apprehended him to be put to death; the innocencie of this man kept him alive, but I muſt confeſſe not without a great deale of danger; but all Princes are not of Cambiſes or Neros minde; nay, very few, which is a great bleſſing of God, throughout the whole world; for I am of opinion that moſt of the Princes will liſten to any advice that tends to their honour, and wellfare of their people, and if not reward them that ſhall ſo adviſe them, yet not puniſh them, or at leaſt not puniſh them to their utter ruine and deſtruction. 85 Ars Miniſtri eſt non importunè nō intēpeſtivè, non acerbè principi contradicere. 85 It is the wiſedome of a ſervant, at no time to oppoſe and contradict his Prince importunately, unſeaſonably, ſharply, ſuperfluouſly, without reſpect of time, and place, but to take his opportunity, and with all reverence, and reſpect, when they ſhall ſee him wandring, to bring him in the way againe, having no other aime or end in it, but onely the good of the Prince, and the welfare of the Common-Wealth; for as Eraſmus ſaith in his Book of the Praiſe of folly, that truth hath ever in it ſelf a certain naturall inbred force to delight the hearer, if there be nothing in it that may offend; therfore when fooles ſpeak the truth they are heard with delight, which if wiſe men ſhould doe, would be capitall unto them; and the reaſon is becauſe that fooles ſpeake without the leaſt ſuſpition of love or hatred, but ſo doe not wiſe men that know and underſtand the buſineſſe they ſpeake of. Therefore as far forth ss he is able let a Servant approach the preſence of his Prince with all dutifull reſpect, and in a due time: and then let him make no doubt but truth will prevayle, if it ſavour not of ſpleene or bitterneſſe; an example hereof we have of Auguſtus, with whom Maecenas was in ſpeciall grace and favour, and not ſo much for any thing elſe as for this, that when hee was tranſported with choler and fury beyond himſelfe, Maecenas would undertake him and bring him to himſelfe againe; as for example, when upon a time Auguſtus ſate as judge himſelf in perſon, and was minded to have condemned divers to death, Maecenas ſeeing what hee was going about, and being not able to come unto him, hee writ theſe words in a Table, ariſe from thence executioner, and threw it unto him as if it had contained ſome other matter: which as ſoone as he read, he aroſe and condemned no man; and this paſſage of Maecenas did not offend Augustus, but hee was86 Gaudebat ſe talem amicum habuiſſe. 86 glad that hee had a friend that would put him in minde of that which was not fit for him to doe, which in his choler without obſerving a decorum he was about to do; and it was remarkable of Maecenas, that though hee did oppoſe Auguſtus in his beloved ſins, yet hee was ever beloved of him, and commended by the multitude; and let that Prince that doth not follow the Example of this Emperour, know aſſuredly that hee doth expoſe himſelfe to imminent danger; for thoſe Princes whoſoever they are that carry themſelves ſo that their Councellours ſhall not dare to tell them the truth, or any thing that is diſtaſtfull unto them, let them aſſure themſelves that no good can come thereon; nay it is better for them to bee without ſuch Councellours then to have them; for when a Prince ſhall underſtand the truth of things, hee will peradventure more ſeriouſly conſider of them, and be more wary how to proceed therein; but when no man ſhall dare to croſſe him, then what comes firſt into his minde is approved of and conſented unto as a thing done ſo well that no man could doe better, no not hee himſelfe.

This did much hurt Sebaſtian King of Luſitania, that dyed in Affrica, of whom Hieronymus Conneſtagius thus writes, In the mean time ſaith he, King Sebaſtian called his Captaines and Peeres together to adviſe concerning the removing of their tents, and when hee demanded of them what they conceived concerning the matter, many were afraid to ſpeak their minds freely; for although they thought it moſt convenient to ſayle to Laraceen, yet becauſe they ſaw the King was of another other minde, they thought it ſafer for them againſt their conſciences to flatter him in his opinion, and ſo by councelling him ill to keepe his love, then by adviſing him well to purchaſe his diſpleaſure.

Of Marcus Agrippa that was both powerfull with Auguſtus, and beloved of the people, we have heard of before, and of Byrrhus whom we have likewiſe remembred, Tacitus affirmes that he is beloved ſtill in the City for his vertues, which I would to God the Courtiers of our time would ſeek for; but many of them have a certain fooliſh conceit, let them pardon me if I give them a true Epithite, that then they doe the offices of faithfull ſervants, if they can prevaile with their Prince to oppoſe their Subjects and people in every thing, if they can oppreſſe them, afflict them, vexe them, diminiſh their priviledges, and ſo bring all their eſtates if it were poſſible by one project into the Princes Treaſury, forgetting that by this meanes they make the Prince but a private man, no better then a Merchant or Uſurer in pilling and polling the People committed to their charge, for whoſe good God hath put all power and authority into his hands; but who receives good by this? the Prince is noe way enriched, or made more powerfull by it; for there is no ſuch fortreſſe to a Prince as the love of his Subjects: but this is done that they may divide the ſpoyle among themſelves: and that thoſe good men which ſtaud for the Common-Wealth being brought to diſgrace, they alone may beare the ſw • y; let him therefore whom wee inſtruct have ever before his eyes, as the end of all his actions, the common good and ſafety of the people, being the end and ſcope of all Lawes and Government, the which if he ſhall doe, as Agrippa, Seneca, Maecenas, Byrrhus, whom we have before remembred did, hee will doe his uttermoſt endeavour to perſwade the Prince above and before all things in the world to look after that which tends to his own honour, and the good of the Common-Wealth; for as it is no way profitable to the ſtomack, if at one meale it ſhall be ſo glutted, that it be ready to burſt, or in a few daies ſo much meate be thrown into it as will ſerve for ſix months: ſo it is no way profitable to a Prince at once to take all mens eſtates to himſelfe and to care more that hee may have much then well to have gotten it, and to enjoy it long; therefore if thou wouldſt well conſider of it thou ſhalt finde that there are none that do more endammage the Prince, then they that do adviſe him to intend his own private good: and indeed if thou wouldſt ſearch into it, thou ſhalt ſee that thoſe men doe not look ſo much after his private good as the good of themſelves; and therefore by all manner of meanes they ſeek his favour; but they that ſeek not ſomuch their owne good, as the good of the Commonwealth, have ever a care that as well the people as the Prince, without whom he is but a ſingle man, may flouriſh and proſper; for the head cannot be perfect, if the other members of the body be impotent, and not able to performe their proper office. Of this Seneca in his Tragedy entituled Octavia takes notice, ſaying,

This then is the ſcope of all, that a Princes ſervant ought ſo indifferently to carry himſelfe between him and his people, that as he honours and loves the Prince, ſo he ſhould the people, yet not for their ſakes, but for his; therefore let him alwayes be carefull, that he may not juſtly be taxed, as Seneca was, that he drew the hearts of the Citizens fron the Prince to himſelfe; for as it88 Civilia in genia filiorum regnantibus diſplicent. 88 is diſtaſtfull to Princes to ſee their ſonnes have popular wits; ſo it is to ſee their ſervants; and this he ſhall bee ſure to doe, and keep himſelfe from all ſuſpition, if he follow the Example of Agrippa, and ſo honour his Prince, that he may be ſure that he ſtudies nothing more then his ſafety and honour; and above all things, let him have a ſpecial care, that he do not provoke him in word or deed; for89 Pertinax memoria eſt verborum acerborum. 89 bitter words take a deep impreſſion in the mindes of great perſons, and the deeds which enſue thereupon, ſtrike more deep into them: and though they doe not for the preſent either take notice of them, or at leaſt revenge them; yet when any ſmall occaſion is given, they are called to remembrance; and when they little dream of it, they are ſeverely puniſhed for them. Joab ſlew Abſalon, contrary to the command of the King his father; and afterwards ſeeing him condole his death, ſharply with menaces upbraided him, which the King took very ill, and although hee did not at that time inflict any puniſhment upon him; yet upon his death-bed he commanded his ſonne to puniſh him, and without doubt, for that cauſe, though he did not then expreſſe it. The ſame doth Alexander the great confeſſe in the caſe of Philotas; this man, ſaith hee, when I writ unto him out of love, and familiarity, to acquaint him what fortune had befallen me by the oracle of Jupiter Hammon; he was ſo bold as to anſwer my Letter, that he was glad to heare that the gods had accepted me to be one of their company; but yet I muſt have compaſſion of them that live under me; the gods doe not as men doe; they give, and take nothing from any man: theſe are markes of a minde long ago eſtranged from me, and of a man that envies to ſee my proſperity; which griefe, my Souldiers ſo long as they could for the love they bore unto Philotas, prevailed with me to conceal. The very ſame thing doth Chalchas teſtifie in Homer; now ſaith he, doth Jupiter give reines unto his power, and now doth hee perſecute with eagerneſſe the man of low degree; and though for a time he concealed his wrath, and made a faire ſhew, yet afterwards it returned into his boſome againe, and would not be ſatisfied, untill it had revenged it ſelfe. Therefore I ſay, he muſt have a ſpeciall care, that hee doe not provoke his Prince with any harſh language; eſpecially that hee doe not carry himſelfe ſo, that his Prince ſhall ſtand in feare of him: which wee have before obſerved to be a great fault in the Earle of St. Paullont of Commines, and in Joab that threatned the King, that unleſſe hee would obſerve him, the people would renounce their Allegiance unto him; therefore Philip Commines ſaith, that if that he had a friend, he would adviſe him to carry himſelfe ſo, that his Maſter might love him, not feare him; for that he never knew man, of whom his Maſter ſtood in feare, that ſped not ill in the end: Examples whereof wee have very many. This preſumtion oftentimes proceedeth of the good ſervice he hath done; for he thinks his experience ſo great, that hee cannot bee ſpared, and his deſerts ſuch, that his Maſter ought to bear all things at his hands; but Princes on the contrary ſide both ſay and think, that hee is bound to doe him ſervice, and deſire nothing more then to be rid of ſuch malepert fellows; and he alledgeth a ſaying of the King his Maſter, that good ſervic • s ſometimes undoe a man, and are recompenced with great ingratitude, not alwayes by the Maſters forgetfulneſſe, but ſometimes by the ſervants owne fault, who preſuming upon their good ſervice behave themſelves arrogantly, either towards their Maſters, or their fellowes; and further touching thoſe that come to court, this was his opinion, that he is more hapier, that receiveth a benefit of the Prince; he ſerveth without any great deſert, wherby he ſtandeth bound to his Prince, then he that hath done ſo great ſervice, that his Prince ſeemeth indebted to him: adding that hee for his part loved thoſe better that were bound to him, then they to whom hee was bound.

Againe let not the ſervant of a Prince opprobriouſly be bragging, and boaſting of his owne merits, nor in other affaires be troubleſome to him, but let him containe himſelfe within the bounds of modeſty, and aſſume rather too little, then too much, unto himſelfe. Quintus Curtius affirmes, that it 90 Commemoratio meritorū ſuorum in miniſtro gravis eſt principi. 90 was fatall unto Clitus and Philotas, that Alexander heard that they boaſted what they had done in his ſervice, and therefore did ſuſpect them both of diſhoneſty and diſloyalty to him.

Againe,91 Ne praemiorum petitione ſit gravis. 91 let not a ſervant be ever craving and begging of his ſoveraign; for of ſuch kinde of people a Prince deſires to be freed, eſpecially if they be proud with all, or malepertly upbraid him for what they have done for him.

Againe,92 Injurias principis hilari valtu ferat. 92 if thy Prince ſhall offer thee any hard meaſure, as thou conceiveſt, undergo it with all alacrity, and by no meanes mu • mur and repine at it; for as Seneca well obſerveth, they will doe it againe, if they conceive they have done it before; for men of great fortunes have this property, that they will hardly be reconciled; and whom they once diſtaſte they will ever hate. The anſwer of him is well known, who being demanded how he did continue til his old age ſo gracious in Court, whē many others were caſt off, anſwered, by paſſing by and taking no notice of injuries offered him; ſo Prexaſpes whom wee have before remembred, being asked by Cambiſes King of Perſia, that ſhot his Sonne to the heart with an arrow, whether any man had a more ſtedfaſt hand then hee, anſwered, Apollo himſelf did not ſhoote more ſtedfaſtly; ſo Harpagus when the King of Perſia feaſted him, being asked how hee liked his entertainment, anſwered that the Table of Princes is the mirour of mirth; ſo when Chriſtophorus ſent Morus a ſpecial Ambaſſadour after the death of Sebaſtian King of Portugall, to congratulate with him that was to ſucceed in the Kingdom, John Silvius that was Leiger Ambaſſadour there before, ſeeing himſelfe neglected, and hearing divers rumours raiſed of him, hee interpreted all to the beſt, and took it as a ſpeciall favour, becauſe he ſaw there was no remedy. Wherefore whoſoever thou art, if thou deſireſt to bee powerfull thou muſt patiently endure whatſoever befals thee.

Againe, if thy Prince hath been beneficiall unto thee, as it muſt needs be if thou haſt ſerved long in any high place, make it knowne unto to all the world, and to himſelfe when occaſion is offered; ſo did Seneca ſpeake of Nero, that hee had been exceeding gracious unto him in conferring upon him much Treaſure; ſo that hee oftentimes took it into his conſideration why he that deſcended not of any noble Familie, ſhould be ranked among the Peeres of the City.

Againe let him be carefull that hee never aſſume the honor of any achievements to himſelf, eſpecially if they be of any great conſequence; for ſo the moſt prudent of all Nations have ever done; Ioab a Generall of King Davids Army, when he beſieged Rabba a City of the Ammonites, and was upon point to have it delivered unto him, he ſent unto the King that hee would be pleaſed to come in Perſon thither, leaſt the honour thereof might be attributed unto him; ſo did Craterus a chiefe Commander under Alexander when he beſieged Artacena, after all Articles were agreed upon betweene them; he ſtaid only the Kings comming, (as i • was fit) that hee might have the honour of it. In the acting of this part, Agrippa was moſt expert; for although hee atchieved many great and famous enterpriſes, and obtained many glorious victories unto Auguſtus, yet never did hee aſſume the glory of them to himſelf; and whatſoever he beſtowed upon him, hee imployed it not to his owne private profit, but for the good of Auguſtus and the Common-Wealth; when hee had overcome the Cantabrians, he did not ſomuch as write to the Senate of it, or triumphed according to the Decree of Auguſtus; hee brought the water which is called Virginalis at his own charge into the City, and named it Auguſta, which Auguſtus took very kindely from him againe, when he returned home out of France, where he bravely quitted himſelfe having ſubdued his enemies; hee forbare to ride in Triumph, becauſe not long before his Maſter had been in a fight at Sea by Sextus Pompey, and hee thought it would not become him to ride in Triumph, his Maſter having had ſuch ill ſucceſſe; for it is reported of him that hee was uſed to ſay that very many Princes will not endure that any man ſhould bee accounted more excellent then themſelves; and therefore they doe uſually goe themſelves in perſon upon deſignes wherein there is ſmall difficulty and danger: but upon deſperate attempts they ever put others: and if at any time they are compelled to commi • the charge of any enterpriſe to others, wherein there is little danger, yet they will not endure that they ſhouid have the Honour of the buſineſſe: for as they do not deſire to • eare of their ill ſucceſſe, ſo they will not have the honour of the day to be aſcribed • o • hem. Antipater was well experienced in this, and herefore when hee obtained a famous victory againſt t • e Spartans and their confederates, knowing the fame thereof would but draw envy upon him, being greater then did belong to a Generall, and withall well knowing that though Alexander had a deſire to have his enemies vanquiſht, yet hee would not have Antipater to bee the man to have the honor of it; for that he ſuppoſed it would bee derogotary to his honour; therefore I ſay Antipater well knowing the minde of Alexander, would not preſume to hazard the glory of the day upon his own judgement, but adviſed with the Graecians what was beſt to be done; for he thought it more ſafe to himſelf for a ſtranger to have the honour of it, then a Citizen, becauſe the Citizens would envy his greatneſſe, and ſtudy how to levell it with the duſt; the ſelfe ſame doth Cornelius Tacitus commend in Agricola, that hee never gloried in any thing that hee did, but as a ſervant hee ever aſcribed the honour to the chief Captaine and Commander: by which his humble and modeſt carriage he lived without envy, but not without fame and reputation. It is reported that after that hee had obtained a famous victory againſt the Britaines, and thereby raiſed an immortall fame to himſelf, that Domitian began to be jealous and afraid of him, that hee being but a private man, his glory and fame ſhould be greater then the Emperours; whereupon Agricola having delivered up his charge, returned home unto Rome; and that hee might avoyd the concourſe of the people and his friends that would have met him, came ſecretly to the Emperours Palace in the night, as he was commanded, where he was received with a ſhort complement, and not ſo much as a word uſed to any of his followers; and now being at home among peaceable men, unto whom the name of a Souldier was diſtaſtfull, hee ſo tempered his military vertues with others93 Otium penites auxit. 93 that as before he advanced Warre, ſo now hee ſtudied to encreaſe and advance Peace, and Tranquility; hee was in his apparell comly, in his ſpeech milde, and gentle, going, ever accompanied with one or two of his friends; ſo that hee that had ſeene Agricola, would not have judged him to have beene a man that had affected fame or popularity.

Againe, let not a94 Ne • a • iliarem ſe nimispraebea • . 94 Princes ſervant make himſelfe too familiar with him, by abuſing his favour and love unto him; for this hath undone many a man, w • o by reaſon of their familiarity have forgotten their duties, and have carried themſelves towards them as if they were equals and companions: an Example hereof we have in Veſtinus Coſſe a Romane, that was ſlaine by Nero. The diſpleaſure that hee firſt took againſt him, did ariſe out of his overbold, and malepert behaviour towards him; for hee being privy to Nero's imperfections, did oftentimes ſcurrilouſly put jeſts upon him; which when ſoever they ſavour of truth, leave a ſting behinde them; wherefore Nero fearing the fury of his f iend, took a ſuddaine courſe with him. So Dagobert the ſonne of Clothar, the ſecond King of France, whipt Sadragſilius, and cauſed his beard to be ſhaved, having been ſometimes his tutor, though afterwards preferred to be governour of Aquitane, under the King, becauſe hee carried himſelfe towards him as if hee had been his fellow and companion; for amongſt many other paſſages of his, ſitting once near unto him at a ſolemn banquet, hee was ſo ſawcie as to ſnatch the cup out of Dagoberts hand, and to drink up all the drink, as if they had been fellowes and equals; wherefore though Clothar at firſt took it ill from his ſonne, that hee did deale ſo with Sadragſilius, whom hee had preferred to be governour, under him, of a Country; yet in the end hee forgave him, and puniſht Sadragſilius for his malepertnes and ſawcy carriage of himſelfe towards him.

The people of Arragon being deſtitute of a King, they by the Popes authority, ſent for one Ranimirus, a Baſtard-ſonne of Sancius, out of a Monaſtery, and put the Crowne upon his head; who intending Warre againſt the Moores, after the Nobility had fitted him with a horſe for that purpoſe, and had put a buckler in his right hand, and a ſpear in his left, they reaching unto him the reines of his bridle, hee deſired them that they would put that into his mouth, for that his hands were full already; the Barons obſerving his ſimplicity, in that, and other things, ſmiled, and derided him, whereupon ſetting aſide his former monaſticall ſimplicity, ſent for eleven of the chiefeſt of them to Oſea. and cauſed their heads to bee cut • ff, telling them of a Spaniſh proverbe, that the Woolfe would not endure jeſts.

So that as I have ſaid, and produced Philotas for an Example, who relying upon the favour of Alexander ſpoke too freely unto him: let him never with offenſive words or deeds provoke his Prince, let him with all circumſpection reflect his thoughts upon himſelfe, ſo ſhall hee never runne into this errour; we read that Anna Montemorant was very gracious with the French King, Henry the ſ • cond, and admitted to bee his bed-fellow; but who can ſay if the King had lived long, that hee would have continued his former favour unto her?

Againe, let him bee carefull, that hee doe not as Sejanus, and Perennius did, and as many doe at this day, take 95 Ne princepem a rebus gerendis avertat 95 upon him to direct the Prince, and to divert him from his intended deſigne, but rather to doe what he doth, eſpecially in buſineſſes of conſequence by the Princes ſpeciall command and authority; for by this meanes if the buſineſſe ſucceed not according to expectation, or if hee be queſtioned for it, hee may eaſily anſwer it, and give ſatisfaction both to the Prince and People.96 Cautè omnia agat. 96 let him be ever cautelous and wary, and think that every place he comes into is beſet with traps of Treachery, hatred and calumny for him; this doth Cicero elegantly preſcribe in an Oration, which hee hath made in the behalfe of Flaccus, wherein hee ſhews the unhappineſſe of ſuch as are powerfull and mighty: O the miſerable eſtate (ſaith he) of them to whom the governments of Provinces are committed, who if they be diligent they be hated, if they be negligent reproached, if liberall un • ewarded, if they ſpeake it is misinterpreted, if they heare it is dangerous, upon whom all ſmile, when many think full ill, being ever expoſed to publick and private diſpleaſure; at their firſt comming they are ſaluted, whilſt they ſtay they are obſerved, but when ehey depart they are neglected; therefore as much as lies in his power, let him take heed of envy, the moſt generall ſcourge to ſuch as are in high places, which as hee may by divers meanes prevent, ſo eſpecially, if he lay this foundation of which we have ſpoken before, that all his actions ſhall tend to the good of his King and Country, and not to his own private profit, or to ſatisfie his luſts and affections, 97 Sit modeſtus, humilis. 93 whoſoever propoſeth this end to himſelfe, will alwayes be of an humble lowly and temperate Spirit, and ſo ſtop all the paſſages of envy hatred and calumnies which otherwiſe would have acceſſe unto him.

Againe, the higher hee is let him ever the more lowly and reverently eſteeme of himſelfe, and conſider that the greateſt fortunes have the leaſt freedome, and by how much the larger his Commiſſion is, by ſo much his moderation ſhould bee the more in the execution of it; let him feare the turning of the wheele: for fortune never prefers a man but ſhee threatneth to bring him down again.

98 Immo • icos honores fugiat. 98 Let him never deſire to climb too high, but avoid thoſe honours which make him equall with his Soveraigne, for that high places are ſubject to thunder and lightning, and if Elpenor fall it is fatall unto him, when he that is below may fall and riſe againe without any detriment: this did Macro doe, whom we have before remembred, and this did Clodius Albinius, who when Commodus Caeſar for his good ſervice would have conferred upon him the Title of Caeſar, and have given him a power to grant Penſions, and inveſted him in a Princely robe, refuſed his courteſies, ſaying, that Commodus ſought to overthrow him. And as great honours,99 Immodicas opes declinet. 99 ſo great Poſſeſſions in my opinion are not to bee deſired; I am not ignorant that in the judgement of many this that I ſay will ſeeme to be a paradox, becauſe they cōceive the more they enjoy, the more fortunate they think themſelves to bee; they ſeldome conſider that great eſtates are attended with great hatred and envy, nay they are of Plautus minde, I had rather mine enemies envy me then I them; for to bee envied is a badge of proſperity, to envy of adverſity; the poore are envious, they that are envied have the world at will: but whatſoever they ſay, this Counſell is not to be neglected, unleſſe they will miniſter unto themſelves an occaſion of ruine and deſtruction, as the former examples doe ſuffic ently teach us. I will not here produce any thing, either out of the writings of the Philoſophers or Theologians, which have written very judiciouſly in contempt and deriſion of riches; neither will I ſhew that the great fortunes of many men are provocations unto them to carry themſelves proudly towards their inferiours, and inſolently towards all men: and ſo by abuſing of them never attaine their hopes and deſires; for it is a very difficult thing for a man to bridle his affections, when he hath ſuch Inſtruments to ſpurre him on, ſo that he that accuſed P. Anteius unto Nero, told him the cauſe of his licentious courſe of life was his riches, which had undone many a man; for he that hath gotten the Eſtates of many rich men into his hands, will eaſily be perſwaded that he is a Prince; therefore I will put them in minde of that which Seneca heard from his enemies, that upon many of them that followed the Courts of Princes, their riches have drawn envy, upon many ruine and deſtruction; what a maſſy Eſtate did Seneca raiſe under Nero by his wit and learning within the ſpace of foure yeares? with what eagerneſſe did hee ſearch after Wils and Orphanes at Rome? how did he drayne Italy, and the Provinces adjoyning with his exceſſive uſury? how did he endeavour to winn the love of the Citizens, and in his Gardens, and houſes, to exceed, as if he had been a Prince? The ſame thing, that is for that he did not add bounds to his riches, but out of a Stoicall pride, which makes ſuch as are active turbulent, occaſioned Plautus his death. The ſelfe-ſame thing overthrew Valerius Aſiaticus under Claudius, of whom Soſibius, that brought up Germannicus, under a pretence of friendſhip gave the Emperour a Caveat, affirming that eſtates too great in ſubjects are prejudiciall to Princes. Dion obſerves, that he refuſed to accept the conſulſhip a ſecond time to the end, that he might enjoy his riches, and free himſelfe from envy, and danger; but that did him no good; his riches in the end occaſioned his ruine: many other Examples hath Dion to that purpoſe; and Scipio Amiratus evidently demonſtrates, that great fortunes, and eſtates, are as dangerous to great men, as extreame poverty is troubleſome to poor men: on the contrary ſide, as Tacitus obſerves, in extremity of ſickneſſe, Nero thought Memmius Regulus newly raiſed to be a Gentleman addicted to Peace, and Tranquility, worthy of the Empire; his courſe of life was out of the compaſſe of danger; it nothing availed Valerius Aſiaticus, as wee have a little before remembred, nor Seneca to doe as they did to avoid danger; nay, Seneca had done more warily, and wiſely, if ſo be he had obſerved his owne precepts, ſtopt the paſſage of his immoderate deſires, and forborne to have made that cold and poor excuſe that it was no good manners to refuſe the curteſies of a Prince. A meane therefore as well in this, as in every thing elſe, is to be preferred, and the holy Prayer of King Solomon to be had in perpetuall remembrance. Two things have I required of thee, ſaith he, before I die, deny mee not them, remove from me vanity, and lies, give me neither poverty, nor riches; feed mee with food convenient for me, leſt I be full, and deny thee, and ſay, who is the Lord; or leſt I become poore, and ſteale, and take thy Name in vaine. So that the ſame our Seneca affirmes our Patrimonies ought to bee contracted into narrow roomes, that ſo wee may not be ſubject, and expoſed to the ſpoiles and ſports of fortune; thoſe bodies that are low, and little, and may be contracted into narrow roomes, are not ſo ſubject to the dangers of the Enemy, as thoſe that are high and mighty; hee is the happieſt man that is not in poverty, yet is a neighbour unto it. Againe, the ſame Seneca ſaith, that in this Sea of the World, there is ſuch a viciſſitude, and alteration of eſtates, that it cannot be but that hee that is full fraught, muſt bee aſſaulted with many ſtormes, and tempeſts; therefore his Counſell is not to be neglected; let them reduce their eſtates into a narrow roome, that the weapons of envy and malice may doe them no harme; hee that loves the golden meane, lives neither in a ſordide Cottage, or golden Palace.

Againe, let ſuch a man have a ſpeciall care,100 Ne publica praedia ſibi acquirat, 100 that hee doe not at any time make a prey of the Commrnwealth, which is a thing too too common with many that are in grace and favour with their Princes; for goods gotten by ſuch meanes do like a moth, or canker uſually conſume goods well gotten, and give occaſion both to Prince, and people to envy their eſtates; for although great eſtates, if well gotten, ought not to be hurtful, and prejudiciall to a man; yet a very little occaſion will perſwade a Prince, that ſuch eſtates joyned with authority, may prove dangerous unto him; for generally we doe not prye into mens actions, and obſerve what they doe, but what they are able to doe; but truly when I perſwade a man to obſerve a meane in the getting of an eſtate, that hath opportunity to exceed a meane, I ſpeake to a man that hath no eares; wherefore though hee reliſh not what I ſay, yet let him obſerve in the getting of his eſtate, the rule which Seneca preſcribed the Philoſopher; if he have a deſire to have abundance, let him ſatisfie his deſires, yet let him not raiſe himſelfe by wronging, or ruinating of any, in queſtioning them for their lives to gaine their eſtates, or by any ſordide or baſe projects, and then no doubt they will continue with them and their Poſterity; and none will envy them but malignant ſpirits.

Againe the Councell that wee have given to the Prince, the ſame do we give to his ſervants, that hee would not take upon himſelfe the ſole Government of the Common-Wealth, which many doe ſeek with all eagerneſſe, being of Gneius Pompeius minde that would not end • re an equall, or that any man ſhould beare any rule but himſelfe; but let the man we ſpeake of, if hee love his owne ſafety, deſire that one may bee joyned in Commiſſion with him, though the Prince deſire to repoſe the whole truſt in him alone; and if the Prince doe ſo much favour him that hee will have him to bee the chief man ſtill in power and authority, which cannot bee without exceeding great danger unto him, yet let one or other bee privy to all his actions with whom hee may conſult and bee aſſiſted: ſo ſhall he with more eaſe and ſafety undergoe buſineſſes, and if things ſucceed proſperouſly, he ſhall have the honour of them: if not, he hath ever a witneſſe to cleare him, upon whom if occaſion bee, hee may lay part of the blame; and this all wiſe men ever did, and doe at this day; ſo did Diomedes whom Homer hath remembred, who being commanded in the night to take a ſurvey of his enemies, deſired that one might goe along with him, becauſe that two heads would be able to ſee and underſtand more then one, and with more boldneſſe and alacrity proceede: for one man may think of a thing that is profitable, and his heart may faint, and feare occaſion him not to proceed therein; but when two are joyned, their Courage and Councells are more reſolute and conſtant: whoſe requeſt being granted, hee choſe Ʋ lyſſes for his Companion, ſaying with him hee did not feare to goe through a band of armed men, through fire and water, and to adventure upon any deſigne were it never ſo dangerous; ſo Byrrhus and Seneca were Neros governours during his minority, in equall authority, well agreeing, and bare equall ſtroke in divers faculties; but when Byrrhus dyed, Nero gave himſelf to licentiouſneſſe, and Senecas authority began to decline, becauſe he wanted his friend to adviſe withall; but the examples of Publius Furius, and Lucius Craſſus two Noble Romanes which are remembred by Valerius Maximus, are moſt pertinent to this purpoſe: the one of them being choſen to goe Ambaſſadour into Spaine, being an imployment which hee much deſired, compelled Q. Metellus, and Q. Pompeius two conſulary men, and his deadly profeſt enemies, to accompany him; the other from a Conſull attaining to be a governour in Gallia, Caius Carbo whoſe Father he had condemned came thither to pry into his actions, who was ſo far from removing him, that he aſſigned him the office of a Tribune, and for no other cau • e, but that hee might aſſiſt him with his Counſell and Advice. Theſe are famous examples, but they relliſh not with them that deſire to have all Dominion in their own power, howſoever they are inſallible ſignes of innocency, and without perill and danger.

Againe I would adviſe the ſervant of a Prince to ſtand firme and conſtant unto him in his allegiance to the end, and not for future hopes to adore the riſing Sunne, and to decline the ſervice of his preſent Soveraign: for as ſuch a man deſerves puniſhment of his Prince, ſo the memory of him is hatefull to his ſucceſſour, and upon the firſt occaſion rhat is given hee is ruinated; ſo it ſell out with Joab, who after that he had followed King David for a long time, and performed all the duties of a faithfull ſervant unto him, at length in his old age hee neglected him, and followed Adonijah that was to ſucceed him in the Kingdome; ſo Macro forſook Tiberius while hee lived, and applied himſelfe to Caius Caeſar, which Tiberius perceiving, in ſome indignation told him how hee looked after the riſing, and neglected the declining Emperour; ſo Tigellinus that was moſt neare and deare unto Nero at the firſt, at laſt fell of, and became a Traytor unto him: but all of them received the deſerved wages of perfidious temporiſers by the ſucceeding Princes, and were put to death as wee have before heard.

Above all things I would have the ſervant of a Prince take into conſideration the uncertainty of all humane things: but more eſpecially the inſtability and ſlippery eſtate of ſuch as have attained to any great fortune, and in time ſeek to prevent imminent dangers, or at leaſt how they may undergoe them without vexation if they befall them; which how they may bring to paſſe many have read excellent leſſons unto us, but eſpecially Seneca: they ſaith he, whom Fortune hath ſet in ſlippery places, ſhall bee more ſecure,101 Super • iā fugiat. 101 if they baniſh pride and arrorogancy out of their thoughts, being incident to great fortunes, and carry themſelves as if they were private men; indeed many that are on high muſt of neceſſity ſtick unto their places, for that they cannot come down but they muſt fall; yet let them deſerve this Teſtimony, that it is their griefe that they muſt bee grievious unto others, and that they did not intrude themſelves but were placed there; let them arme themſelves with juſtice, milde and gentle behaviour, and with liberality, that ſo they may ſtand ſafe and ſecure.

Again, it will be very advantageous unto them if they know and beleeve what is ſaid in Titus Livius, that it is the part of a wiſe man, nay more, of a fortunate man, to add bounds to his proſperity, and not to rely too much upon the preſent times, or fortunes favours; for then is ſhe moſt to bee ſuſpected when ſhe ſmiles moſt upon us; of this Sirach gives us a caveat in his firſt Chapter; humble thy ſelfe that thou maiſt not fall, and bring ſhame to thy ſoule; and likewiſe Seneca; as when wee are at Sea in a ſtorme wee deſire the Haven, ſo ſhould wee deſire to eaſe our ſelves of the burthen of our fortunes, and not ſtay untill wee are eaſed of them. This Seneca himſelfe would have done, when after the death of Burrhus hee ſaw his friends faile him, and his enemies accuſe him; therefore in that elegant Oration of his, which is extant in Tacitus, in which hee amongſt other things acknowledgeth, that there was nothing wanting to his felicity but that hee could not containe himſelfe, and add bounds to his felicity; as being weary, ſaith hee, on the way by long travells, I would deſire reſt; ſo being grown old, and not able to mannage my eſtate, and undergo theſe cares that attend it, I dedeſire that you would take it into your tuition, and command your Proctours, that they would have a care of it for your benefit, and give mee leave to ſpend the remainder of my dayes in the Countrey with ſuch allowance as will keep mee from want; but Nero not contented with this, cunningly diſſembled his hatred in flattering termes; Seneca gave him thankes, and began to change his former courſe of life, forbidding any to come to viſit him, but his followers; ſeldome came into the City, kept his houſe, as if hee had been ſicke, or a ſtudent in ſome faculty; and when he ſaw he grew deboiſt, and to give himſelfe to all kinde of wickedneſſe, that hee might be out of the reach of his envy, he deſired his leave that he might live farre remote in the Country; which being denied, he feined himſelfe ſick, and never came out of his Chamber; but how came it to paſſe, that doing as he did, he did not avoid the diſpleaſure of the Tyrant? and may not the remedy now preſcribed bee ſaid to be no remedy by the Example of Seneca? truly I will not ſay any thing that may derogate from the underſtanding of ſo wiſe a man, yet I muſt ſay what I think, that Seneca, either102 Tardius hoc uſus eſt. uſed the remedy too late, when Nero's anger was much incenſed againſt him, or that hee took not ſo fit a time as hee ſhould have done, to move Nero in it; or rather which I doe moſt incline unto, that what was done may rather be imputed to his beaſtly cruelty, from which the moſt innocent man in the world cannot be ſafe, and againſt which no remedy may be preſcribed; therefore as we cannot finde many Princes of the world like unto Nero, ſo by his Example the remedy before preſcibed is not to be neglected, or condemned; but doe thou as Sylla the dictator did, as Diocleſian, and Charles the fifth, and many other Noble Princes of the World have done; who of their own accord, without any ſuch cauſe moving thereunto, in the declining times of their ages, laid downe their Scepters, and retired themſelves. Doe thou I ſay provide for thine owne ſafety, add bounds to thy proſperity, and expect not fortunes comming to eaſe thee of thy burthen. Hiſtorians affirme that Polycrates a Tyrant of the Samnites lived happily, and enjoyed his honours and preferments without any manner of croſſe all his life time; but Amaſis King of Aegypt did feare the end of him; for he was of opinion, that where there is no entercourſe, or change of fortune in the whole courſe of life, that the end will bee fatall; therefore his advice was, that if a man hath had no croſſes all his life-time, that he would afflict himſelfe, and depart from that thing which hee moſt affecteth. This Counſell I would give unto them that are in power and authority, that they would voluntarily eaſe themſelves of that burthen; It is harſh I know, but yet it is good and wholſome Counſell, and not to be neglected; and why? doe we not ſee that death is advantageous to many, whom ſhee takes away in the midſt of their proſperity; for had they lived they might have ſurvived their happineſſe; wherefore Seneca adviſeth, that they that are moſt fortunate, in the very heighth of their fortunes ſhould deſire to dye, becauſe there is nothing certaine in this World, but that what is paſt. And Lucan ſpeaketh thus, of • neius Pompey, that103 Deſtruit ingentes animos longius aevum. 103 long life is a diſhonour to a man, when he ſurvives his honour; and Juvenal ſpeakes of him and Ca. Marius; who had been ever more famous then Marius, if he had died at Rome in the midſt of his Army, when hee returned out of Germany? or then Pompey, if hee had died of the fever which took him in Campania? Titus Livius reports of Alexander, that hee was happy in this, that he dyed in the ſpring of his age in the heighth of his proſperity, before he had taſted of both fortunes; on the other ſide ſaith he, to omit many other noble Princes Examples of humane frailty, what was it that gave occaſion and opportunity to fortune to work upon Cyrus that was ſo famous among the Graecians, as alſo upon Pompey, but onely long life?104 Quod mors invito hoc tu ſponte fac 104 that cure therefore which death may doe to thee againſt thy will, doe thou to thy ſelfe willingly, and without doubt it will adminiſter ſolace and comfort unto thee. Theſe are almoſt all the meanes by which thoſe that are powerfull with their Princes, may avoid the change of fortune, and deſcend without a fall: yet to theſe in their owne wiſedomes and diſcretions, as they ſee the ſtate of the preſent times, they may add many more; ſome there are that think themſelves ſecure enough by reaſon of the ſacred order they are entred into, as Sleidan reports of G. Poyets Chancellour of France; others by reaſon of their allies and kindred, as is reported of Duke Lerma in Spaine; but unleſſe their ſupportors be better then theſe, as the Examples before doe ſufficiently manifeſt unto us, they cannot ſtand; but doe not thou my friend look ſo much after theſe things, as that ſoveraign Antidote of the Chriſtain Poet; he is a happy man, ſaith he, and moſt like a Saint, that relies not upon the fading glory of the World, that delighteth not in pompe and pride, that lives in the Countrey contented with a meane habite and eſtate without cares or feares, that is ſecure which way ſoever the Scepter fals; that never feares the direfull menaces of the Planets, nor the prodigious prognoſtications of the Comets, or that relies upon the fraile and fickle favour of greatneſſe, or is ever diſtracted with ambitious thoughts; wherefore • eneca wiſely, beware of ambition, for it is vaine and windy, and never ſatisfied, nay, it is of ſo troubleſome a nature, that it will neither endure any one to goe before it, nor yet to com • after it; it is ever attended with a double feare within and without; for as it hates all men, ſo it is hated of all men, and therefore moſt miſerable; doſt thou not ſee how the houſes of ſuch as are powerfull are annoied with the brawlings and quarrellings of ſuch as meet therein?105 Multum habent contumeliarum ut intres plus cum intraveris. 105 thou canſt not come into them withou reproach, nor ſtay there without greater; and if thou chance to paſſe up the ſtayrs, they are ſo ſlippery that thou canſt not ſtand there without danger of falling; wherefore apply thy ſelfe unto wiſedome, which will not onely afford thee reſt and tranquility, but riches in abundance; all the honours and preferments in the World, though they are ſmall, in reſpect of other things, yet they are hard to come by, and the way unto them is tedious, and troubleſome; and if fortune ſo favour thee, that thou doſt attaine to • he top of them, thou ſhall ſee all thoſe wayes that did ſeeme unto thee when thou was below to be mountainous and ſteepie, to bee plaine and eaſie, and that through that plain thou didſt aſcend to that heighth.