Those rare Counsells should be ex­posed in the houses of Kings and all puplick places to the view of men, to be knowne of all in theire respective dignitys and callings: and it would be a pious and noble action, if our gra­tious souveraigne would be pleased to consider seriously with himselfe, how [Page] farre these just and Laudable Counsells haue been regarded during the tyme of his raigne, especially in conferring of estates and lands from one part of his subjects, to another part of them contrary to all due course of Law, and without hearing of the partys oppressed, which hath been procured to be done by the undue information, and perswa­tion of certaine of his Councellers, and Ministers of State, and chiefly of the Chancellor the Earl of Cla­rindon.

If his Majesty shall doe this grace, and justice to his Catholick subjects of Ireland, thousands of Widow's and Orphans will be eased and relieved, who now sitt downe in great poverty, Lamenting extreamly their Lands, Houses and all they had wrongfully taken from them, and this day possessed and injoy'd by those invaders.

God bindes all Kings, and Iudges by this commandement: Levit. cap. 19. Thou shalt not doe that which is uniust nor Iudg uniustly. Consider not the person of a poore man, [Page] neither honour thou the countenance of him that is mighty. Judg justly to thy Neigh­bour. God alsoe forbids to give away one subjects bread to another; reason, vertue, and the lawes of God, Nature and Nations are the rules that ought to guid all Princes and Magistrats in the goverment of the people under them. Did not God himselfe com­plaine of Evell Iudges in this Kinde.

Certainly it is [Page] against Gods just Iudgment to omitt such things, and crimes unpunished. There are thousands of distressed Ca­tholick Pupils, and wedowes (his Ma­jesty cannot chuse but know it) that have not gott Iustice; whose cause and complaint had noe Entrance into his Courtes; they cry'd out for Iustice, and were not heard, they Cry'd for mercy, and found it not; and such as live of those oppressed soules are still crying to heaven, and the King for re­medy; Poore desolate and dejected, they are waiting at the doore of the Kings pallace and noe regard is had of theire tears, prayres, and peti­tions.

Wee are indeed becom the reproach of all Nations round about us, by the craft and iniquity of States men, that have poysoned the Fountaine of Iustice, It is said of some of those that theire vices have farre exceeded theire vertues, and that in all theire proccedings against our Nation, there was found in them noe truth, noe integrity, noe Religion, [Page] noe shame; but an insatiable covetous­ness, and a flameing ambition of ma­king themselves great and powerfull: and are not such men say you able to poysen the Fountaine of Iustice (and mercy toe) in a Kingdome.

This sore oppression, and our neces­sitys every day growing greater, for­ceth us to implore Iustice and mercy, and to minde the King of what the Apostle saith to a King. Ad Rom Cap. 13. Non enim sine causa gladium portat. If the Law of God will alow of soe many thou­sands of innocents to be destroy'd, is a maxim, that toucheth much his Royall Wisdome, and to be distroy'd and sa­crificed to augment the estates of men, that were great and rich enough before: can Iustice suffer this? can the merci­full brest of a Clement King endure to see soe many sad spectacles of woes, and miserys without all relief? will not God at long running look downe, and examin these cruell proceedings? It hath been a principall care, and study of some statesmen neare the King, to [Page] oppress and overthrow the Catholicks of Ireland, and at the same tyme to perswade his Majesty, that wee ought to be destroy'd by Iustice and Law.

Theire Malice they have eviden­ced in theire language, and viperous writings. Of this stuff you have enough in the Earle of Orerys answer to Peter Welsh his letter to the then Marquis, now Duke of Ormond desiring ajust and mercifull regard of the Reman Catholicks of Ireland: what could be more ratio­nall then such a demaund? yet Orery must quarrell with the contents of said letter, and beleh out poyson against the whole▪ Nation and theire Religion. To this answer P. W. replyed and solidly confuted Orery: lett the in­different Reader after deliberation Iudge of which side truth, sollid rea­son, and learning is in the writings of both.

It vexed Orery above all measure that P. W. advanced these two propo­sitions. 1. That the worst of the Irish Papists were no Regicids, 2. That [Page] the Irish Papists fought against such men, when England, Scotland, and the Protestants of Ireland deserted the Ro­yall cause.

To the first Orery makes this pitti­full answer. That the Irish Papists are no Regicids; let it be considered, that the Doc­trin of Regicids is common in Romish Schools, and the practice in theire courts. This is a false Calamny, tell us Orery in what Romish University or School is this Doctrin Common? in what Catholick Court is this practice? you can not tell us, and therfore you are convinced of Calumniating Catholick Schools, and Courts, which is no creditt for you.

In the meane tyme wee demaund Orery in what School was the Doctrin had, by which Crumwell and the rabble of blooddy Rebells murthered the good King Charles the first, in the School of Geneve or Rome? Speak freely your minde, and tell us on what side were you when the King was murthered, of Crumwells party or the Kings? of Crum­wells [Page] party you were then, and had you been then in London likely (this is the opinion of many) you had been a high man in that blooddy jury; and after that Kings death noe man desired more (as was generally spoken of you) to King Crumwell, and unKing our present so­veraigne then you.

To P. W. his second proposition you answer thus. That to touch the annoyn­ting, is virtually to touch the annoynted, take away the regalia, and in effect you take away the King. Orery all this is true, but what Illation make you of this? who I pray are those that touched the annoyn­tings, and the annoynted, the Catholicks of Ireland; or Cromwells party? (whose faithfull Ianniser you haue been.) The annoyntings you haue touch'd for­mally, all the Regalia, the Kings Cittys, Townes, Forts, Militia, and for addition to your treason you made open warre against the Crowne and King, (it was Crumwell and you all touched then the annoynted virtually) and here you stayd not, but touch'd the annoynted for­mally, [Page] when you put him to death by an unheard and most blooddy solemnity, and as it were by Iustice or course of law, an asacinate, that hath contaminated the glory of the English Nation, though the best and most of the Peers and good people of England abhorr'd it. Your an­swer to this second proposition you conclude thus. Had the Devill had leave to touch Jobs person, hee would not haue spar'd him, when hee touch'd all that was his. You say right Orery; but what say you to this; that you and your Companions after touching all that was the Kings, have touched his sacred person, and Barbarously kill'd him. See and recken among your selves, what Kinde of Divells you were then, and if you haue not gon a stepp farther against your owne King, then the Divell did against Job.

Orery you might take us for men of short memory, if wee should forgett, how you by a way of rallery said of 54. Catholick Gentlemen Nominees, that were to be restored, (and made account [Page] they should be soe) to theire chief houses, and 2000. Akers of ground, that it was intended by the act, they should be only Nominees, Nomine resto­rable, but not re. You have play'd the Prophett Orery (though you spake in a leering way) for as yet none of them have been restored, (as wee are infor­med) nor likely shall; yett at that tyme you abused the Kings goodness and credulity, assuring his Majesty, there was a sufficient stock of reprisalls to sa­tisfy all.

After taking some paines, in reading over the hott (papering) contention between the Earl of Orery, and Father Peter Welsh Frier Minor Lector of Divi­nity, I found Orery's answer to P. W. his letter to the then Marquis now Duke of Ormond, to be an Eloquent, Polli­shed, Elaborated piece, but full of Cavills, artifice, fallacies, untruths, and sophistry; all his study and paynes tend to render the Catholicks of Ire­land odious, and infamous, and theire peace of 1648. voyd: (Rem non bonam [Page] facis Orere, ultra vires tuas est negotium) hee showes in his writings a bitter soule, and a great pride and presump­tion, (I owe not soe much to his de­gree as to spare telling him truth, nor want I confidence to defend truth, and my Country, against a person of higher quality then hee is.) Neuer came in my way an Author, that writes of a whole Nation, and theire Religion, less Christianly, less nobly, and less truly; and for his paynes hee is worthy of the praise S. Angustin gives to such aman, as this: Ingenium in malo venenum in auro.

Upon a Bull of Vrbanus 8. to the con­federate Catholicks of Ireland Anno 1643. he makes a mocking malicious coment. This Bull imports noe more then an ex­hortation to the Catholicks to free them­selves from the oppressions, and gri­vous Injuries, theire fellow subjects the Protestants did them, who had designed to pull them up roote and bransh, (as was evidently made appeare) hee alsoe praised the Catholicks for indevouring to defend [Page] themselves, and theire Religion, and gave them Indulgences in soe just and good a quarrell; his Holliness speaks not a word in all against the King, nor obe­dience due to the King; Richard Be­lings esquire Agent to that Pope from the confederate Catholicks hath atested, that his Holliness commaunded him to tell his Children the Catholick Con­federats, that hee would have them in defending themselves, and Religion, to continue constantly obedient to theire King, and after his Holliness sent an excellent and pious letter to the su­prem Councell of the confederate Ca­tholicks, of which I shall speak more hierafter. Will not the world rather believe his Holliness owne Letters, and the Messenger wee sent him, in decla­ring his sence in the aforsaid Bull, then Orery the Popes enemy? What I pray is contained in that Bull, that an honest man can reprehend? would Orery have the Pope be soe madd, as to forbid his Children to defend themselves and Religion against him, and his Compa­nions?

[Page] Good God how this man doth abuse this Popes pious and good meaning ex­pressed in foresaid Bull, which Orery tells the world was a Cherishing of the Catholicks in Rebellion, as if our tak­ing up armes for our necessary defence of lives, and Religion against the Pro­testants our fellow subjects could haue been a rebellion, as hee would faine perswade his reader, and that the Popes aforsaid Bull was a Cherishing of the Catholicks in a Rebellion: to which purpose hee speaks thus. If the Popes power over the Irish be soe great, theire obe­dience to the King must be little: as if the Religion of the Catholicks had an in­consistency with theire duty and obe­dience to the King, which is most false. The Popes power over the people is in spiritualibus; the Kings power in tempo­ralibus; and those powers doe wel agree (as is evidently knowne over all the world) in the power of Catholick Princes over theire subjects, and in the Popes power over the same people; those powers, and Juridictions in Catholick [Page] tymes in England did not Clash, nor doe they now in theire nature, the Ca­tholick people paying theire duty to both; it is true the Luminare Ma­jus (the Pope) Catholicks venerate more, then Luminare minus (the King) because Luminare Majus hath the greater light and influence; yet they doe not ther­fore omitt to pay due veneration to the King. Orery brings noe proofe, or sound argument, to prove what hee as­sumed, (that the Pope's Bull was sent for Cherishing a Rebellion,) but his owne authority, which with us hath little creditt, and will soe with any, that shall know his ways and dealings.

I pray Orery to make this reflection, whether there have ever been in the world more execrable and blooddy Re­bells then himselfe and Companions▪ who had noe dependence upon the Pope, but quite contemned his authority, and his person hated. Hee will not (I hope) say the Pope Cheris'd theire Rebellion.

The man hath much strained his brains in impugning the mentioned [Page] Bull; and as if hee had done a great bussiness, says thus of the Irish Catho­licks. If they succeed, heaven and Ireland is theirs; if they succeed not, heaven is theirs. Orery by the quarrell, wee in­tended to hold what of Ireland was ours, against invaders; who can blame us for this? and fighting for Religion, wee had a good claime to heaven; and though wee succeeded not in fighting, our claime to heaven is still good by our faith and good works; this claime all our Ene­mys, with the Protestant Parlaments of England, and Ireland are not able to take from us. Orery and all of his band, and Combination hath dealt with us as the Divill did with Iob; the Divill touch't all that was Job's, except his life; Orery and his people have touched all that was ours except our soules, which wee hope in his De­vine mercy God will preserve for his owne Worship and glory, soe as wee have still title to say, heaven is ours: but hee and his cannot say for themselves, heaven [Page] is ours, untill they shall change, theire Religion into a true faith, doe good worcks, and restore what they haue uniustly taken from us.

I will here sett downe a few of Orerys propossitions, let the reader after peru­sing them, Iudge of them.

In his auswere to P. W. his Letter to the Marquis of Ormond hee calls the Irish Nation a beast, the Country a very pest-house, and the Religion of the Catholicks somthing that pinns them upon the sleeve of the Pope. Was ever such a diffinition given of Religion? Ad Hebr. cap. 11. S. Paul defines faith thus. Est fides sperendarum substantia rerum, argumentum non appa­rentium. The Apostle speaks nothing here of pinning, or of the Popes sleeve. Orery this kind of scoffing rallery in holy things is ignoble, and better be­coming Comedians then Counsellors. Wee owe the Pope and his sacred Dig­nity due obedience, which wee will with Gods blessing Religiously pay all our lives, fremant, frendeant, rumpantur invidia Oreri & mille impij nugatores; and this [Page] obedience did neuer take away, obedi­ence due to our King, nor ever will. Who but a beast would call a noble and ancient Nation a beaest? sum will tell him he kicks against the whole Na­tion, because hee is a beast, highly pam­pered, and fed with honours, lands, and Riches. Did ever any call the faire Country of Ireland a Pest-house but this man? why came soe many poore indi­gint men out of England this age into this Pesthouse to make theire fortunes? why came his Father thither (likely hee hath herd, in what state, and plight his Father then was) hee found himselfe very well for many yeares in this Pest-house.

In his answer to P. W. hee speaks these Godly words. Let it not seem strange or hard, at least to P. W. and his Country­men, if a continued Series of Covenant-breaches, rapines, Murthers, Massacres, Crueltys, perfidies, treasons, and Rebellions, exercised against the Crowne, and Protestant Religion, raise jealousies in the harts of all Iudicious Protestants.

Is not this a pious gloss of a Geneua [Page] Presbiterian upon a wicked theme? doth not hee show the spleen, and rancor of a cankered hart, in this high tone, and storme of Language against a whole Catholick Nation? Orery it is a great Callumnie, that the body of the con­federat Catholicks exercised, Rapins, Murthers and those other abomina­tions, or acted any thing against King and Crowne. To the contrary in theire oath of association you will finde an ex­press branch of defending the Crowne, King, and Royall Family. Wee are not accountable for what Murthers, some of the common people at the first rising in the North, committed against poore Protestants, with the taking away of theire cattel and goods; which wee pittied with all our harts: the body of the Catholicks were not, as yet com into the quarrell (but awhile after were forced to take Arms to avoyd theire owne Destruction which could not be otherwise avoy­ded) and since taking Arms they have done all a long what the lawes of a [Page] just warr allow'd. But when you have your selfe commaunded a part of the Parlaments Rebellious Army have you contained your common soldiers from Murthering, and Robbing the innocent common people? wee found the con­trary by experience.

Orery Pagina 28. of his answer to P. W. plays the Hypocrite with a great show of holiness. However (saith hee) the once seduced Protestants of Ireland are willing to take shame to themselves, and give glory to God in confessing their guilt such, (though not by causing, yet by com­plying wtth the late usurpation, though to a good end) that they redily acknowledg, they owe theire lives and estates to his Maje­sty's grace and Indulgence. This is humble and dutifull language, and such as should be spoken to a King, but all is spoken to a King coming home with tryumph, and entring, into Ierusalem with Osanna in excelsis, Benedictus qui venit in Nomine Domine: But to this Kings Father, a King and the Foun­taine of Iustice, as well as the Royall [Page] Sonne, sorely afflicted, what were the Salutations, and cry's of Orerys Compa­nions? Tolle, tolle, Crucifige: some men have witt to change theire dialect of speaking according to the change of tymes, and fortune, Orery is said to be one of these.

I pray you heare the scurrill impu­dency of this people in tyme of theire Rebellion, sending in a derisory man­ner Huae and cry after his Majesty, when they could not light on his Royall person.

Who may not doubt but these kinde of men are those crept in unawarrs, who [Page] (as the Apostle Jude tells us) despise dominion, Iudae Epist. and speak evill of dignities: did not the same Apostle foretell, that there should be such mockers in the last tyme, whoe should walke after theire owne ungodly Lustes.

I hope Orery will not say the great Re­bells, the Irish Catholicks (such hee would haue them be) did ever revile afflicted Majesty in such a scoffing way: truly they did not, but at all tymes, and upon all occations in theire Pul­pitts, theire congregrations, and pu­blick assemblyes they spake of the King with all veneration, and Com­passion.

Now his Majesty coming home in prosperity, those mockers of his Father are all becom purify'd Musaellmans and speake nothing but Magnalia of the King. For all this, there are thousands of good true Protestants, Royallists in England that still feare, those new penitents, for abusing Royall Autority (or at least faigne themselves soe to be) would be glad to heare once more [Page] that millitary word as you were, and if this shall com about, the King will not have soe dutifull language from them.

That Orery says hee and other Pro­testants complyed with the usurpation to a good end, is a strange expression, hee needs explaine himselfe. They in­vaded all the regalia, that is, they took away the Kings Navy, Forts, Townes, Militia, and in the end they Murther'd the King himselfe. Does Orery call this a good end of complying with the usur­pation.

The truth is, Orery and his Compa­nions in Ireland came home, when they could noe longer stand of; the King may thank Generall Muncks ingenious stratagem for theire coming in, theire intention and ways were well knowne. Now the Kings worke being don by Munck with all wished success (soe as those in Ireland had noe power to hin­der it) then Orery and the rest thought fitt to cry out let the King live; and as hee and his trusty comrades syding [Page] with the usurpation, had goverment and places of trust and profitt (they then all danced to Crumwells pype) soe now they court the King returning home, and show themselves great penitents, taking shame to themselves of theire guilt, and giving Glory to God. Is not this a great glory to God, to confess a rebel­lion, they could noe more deny, then wee can deny its day when the Sonne is shining and scorching the earth. That which much troubles Orery, is, that the Irish Catholicks doe not ac­knowledg themselves guilty of a re­bellion with him, and give glory to God that way, but they being, not guilty of such rebellion and treason a­gainst the Crowne answer with S. Au­gustine, Praestat magis innocentem esse quam poenitentem.

Orery ingag'd (as aboue was said) in a horrid rebellion, if hee could make the Catholicks confess themselves to have been Rebells, if this hee could com­pass, hee would indeed triumph, and say in a leering way: behold the [Page] Irish Catholicks Confess they have been rebells as well as wee; but wee have obtain'd pardon, which was de­nyed them, and have gott theire estates and lands to boot; let them now walk through out the world like poor and naked rebells.

But of our side some will say, that at the tyme Orery and his people had pardon, and the Catholicks not: Non erat Rex Iupiter omnibus idem. And that his Majesty's censure in the case between us was that the Poet speaks of. Dat veniam coruis, vexai censura columbas. Certainly his Majesty, in our, and your case, Orery, hath not walk't according to Plato his excellent rule: Plato legum 2. lib. Non infaelix, sed malus semper castigandus est, ut fiat melior. Not the unlucky, but the wicked man, is allways to be Chastysed, that hee may be amended. The Royall Iudgment went quite another way, for the unfortunate Irish Catholicks were severly punished, and the wicked Crum­welian people have bin pardoned, and rewarded with the estates of the Irish [Page] Catholicks. Kingdoms a broad can hardly believe matters were soe car­ryed. Likely these people are now con­tented, having theire harts desire in this world, soe as they may say without feare Ireland is ours. But theire memory will perish, and themselves, or theire posterity will be distroyd by as wicked men as themselves that distroy'd us. Salomon sayd well: Prov. cap. 10. The memory of the just is with praises: and the name of the Impious shall rott. I will give Orery and his frinds a good counsell out of the wise man▪ Eccles. cap. 21. Stuppa collecta Synagoga poten­tentium, & consumatio illorum flamma ignis. The Sinagog of sinners is as tow gathered together, and theire consummation a flame of fire.

This man for wounding Catholicks makes arrows of all wood, and fre­quently brings out this expression of the King against them. Wee doe extream­ly detest the odious Rebellion, which the recusants of Ireland have without ground or cullour, raised against us, our Crowne, and Dignity. Hee further says: These [Page] words of the King were not spoken in a corner but under the great seal, and were worthy to be written with a beame of the sonne. All this is but an exaggeration to render us more odious. But will Orery tell us, with what Beame would hee have the blooddy Rebellion of Crum­well, of himselfe and the rest written? if there be any brighter then that of the sonne wee are to seek out for it.

Orery knows well there is noe fouler staine, (except Heresy which is a spirituall Rebellion) then that of Rebellion, and therfore leaves noe stone unmou'd to make our warre such: the name is execrable and ignominious, and the marks of reproach inflicted upon Rebells, are full of disgrace. The Civilians speak much of them, as thus.

Seing Rebells are soe odious and execrable persons, Orery is to make in this place a dubble reflection; the first, how infamous and wicked men they have been, whose guilt was a confessed Rebellion; secondly they are for ever to praise the Kings Clemency, who par­doned soe wicked a crime.

The Iudgment of Civilians, of Re­bells being as above specifyed noe greater injury can be done to the Irish Catholicks, who have beene still Loyall [Page] to the King, then to tell the world, theire just warre was a Rebel­lion.

However it imports not much, that our enemys call us soe, for an Enemys testimony against another Enemy, is of small force: my possitive denyall of what hee affirmes is a Iustification good enough; if hee brings not against mee, Tabulas, testes and great Evidences, hee does nothing.

My present subject of writing is not to Iustify the Irish warre of 1641. which, I heare, is already don by a learned penn; yet somthing I will say for confuting Orery's ill affected Iudg­ment of us and our quarrell.

That a defenfive warre can be raised without the consent and Authority of any Prince is a Common Doctrin of Divines, Canonistes, and Civilians, and that it may somtymes extend it selfe in effect to the nature of an offen­sive warre. This Doctrin is warranted by the Law of Nature, (a more bind­ing law then are the possitive law's of [Page] men, (which if repugne to that of nature are noe law' s;) for by this law, aman can defend himselfe against violence with out recurring to the Prince. The Law of God is alsoe for the like defence. Exod. cap. 22. Si effringens vir do­mum sive effodiens fuerit inventus, & accepto vulnere mortutus fuerit, percussor non erit reus sanguinis. If the tbiefe be found break­ing up the house or undermining, and receiu­ing a wound dye, the stricker shall not be guilty of blood. By this divine precept, as alsoe by the Law of Nature, it is cleare and evident a private man may kill another in defence of his hous­hold goods. S. To. 2a. 2ae. q. 6. A. 7. Sed multo magis (says S. Thomas) Licitum est defendere propriam vitam, quam propriam domum. That is to say' it is much more lawfull for aman to de­fend his life then his house. Ergo if aman kills another in defence of his owne life, hee shall not be guilty of Mur­ther: which case is to be understood, that hee intends not to kill t'other man but in defence of his owne life; and though some hould; the man de­fending [Page] himselfe may not intend the killing of that other man, but only the preservation of his owne life, yet the more Common opinion is, hee can, and any other thing else that tends, to the preservation of his life.

The sacred Canons alsoe subscribe to this Doctrin in this Dialect. De grafys ex cap. signifi­casti, desce: 36. M. 35, Sine principis authoritate per aliquod parti­culare bellum Licitum est alicui injuriam repelere. That is: It is lawfull without the authority of the Prince, for any man by a particular warre to repell injuries. If you question by what Authority is such a warre legitimated, answer is given out of the Cannons. Authoritate Iuris: which warranteth all men to prosecute theire right, and defend themselves; In 2a. 2ae. q. 40. & q. 64. and the inter­priters of holy writt in Rom. 13. see the Divines.

By the Lawes of the Kingdom of Ireland, if a private man kills another se defendendo, hee is quitt, because the action is judged lawfull, and yet to Legitemat such an act the Princes Au­thority interuenes not, the reason is evident, because: Id licitum est jure na­turali, [Page] Divino, & Civili, & Canonico: by the Law of Nature, Devine, Civill, and Cannon, it is lawfull by force, to repell force. 3a. part. lib. 2. cap, 1. Azor.

It is here to be obserued that this in­culpable defence hath soe large an extent, that it reacheth to the defence not only of every privat mans life, but alsoe of his goods, Chastity, honour, if such things can not be otherways pre­serued. In 2a. 2ae. q. 64. a 7. Soe S. Thomas. Now if such defense is lawfull for privat men, how much more for a Common wealth or Nation? Bonum enim commune excellentius, universalius ac subendé Divinius est. In 2a. 2ae. q. 40. a 1. dub: 2. con. 1. Bannez. For that a Common good is more exellent, more universal, and somtymes more Devine then a private good. And if it be lawfull to wage warre upon such inferiour mo­tives, as is the preservation, or recovery of temporall goods, honour and the like, how much more lawfull is it to manage warre upon that supreme mo­tive of defending, and preseruing, the Catholick faith, without which there is noe Salvation.

[Page] This was the Iudgment the pious and valiant Machabees made of the warre they undertook, and nobly persued for theire Religion and Laws, which they preferd before theire wives and Child­ren, and all temporall things most deare unto them. Mac. l. 2. cap. 15. The Machabees being ex­horted with the words of Iudas exceeding good, &c. they resolued to fight and to en­counter manfully: because the holy Citty, and the Temple were in-danger. For there was less care for theire wives, and Children, and alsoe for theire Bretheren, and Kinds­men: but the greatest and principall feare was for the Holiness of the Temple.

How farre a defensive warre may extend, the Schoolmen tell us, and say that by accident, it may be somtyms lawfull for the Common wealth to doe, and offer all such damages and Evill, as may be done and offered in a just offensive warre. Aliqnando (saith Bannez) contingere potest, 2a. 2ae. q. 40. a. 1. d. 10, con. 1. ut liceat illis, inferre hostibus omnia illa mala, que possunt in bello justo aggresivo. It may happen [Page] somtymes, to bee lawfull for those ingaded in a defensive warr, to doe all Evills and Damages which can be offered or don in a just offensive warr. Which happeneth when the agressors are publick Enemys, and when there is noe recourse to the Prince, and that those defending them­selves can noe otherwise avoyd the vio­lence offered by the Assailants.

This was truly the case of the con­federate Catholicks as will clearly ap­peare to such as will be pleasd to exa­min it. Moreover the case then stood soe with his Majesty that hee was not able to redress the injuries don us, nor did our Enemys then obay his com­maunds, (I mean a little after the warr begunn) but the Parlament, that fell from the King.

For the better and clearer under­standing the nature of a defenfive warr, those therin ingaged hould not themselves passively, but actively, soe doe the words repell or beat back sig­nify: if the end it be lawfull, then are the necessary means to compasse that [Page] end alsoe lawfull: if the defence of on's selfe be lawfull, then is the killing of the invader (without which the life of the invaded cannot be preserued) Lawfull, soe as to kill is involued in the act of defence, and the lawfullness of the one inferrs the lawfullness of the other. §§. ad L A­quill: L scien­tiam Si vis (saith the civill Law) fiat personae, tunc licitum est se de­fend [...]re, & defendendo percutere, imo etiam occidere, si aliter non potest quis evadere manus ejus. §§. qui cum a­liter. If violence is don to a person, it is then lawfnll for him to defend himselfe, and defending himselfe to strick, and alsoe to kill, if hee cannot otherwise escape the hands, of his Enemys. Thus stood the case with the Irish Catholicks, that they must have kill'd, or have beene killed. Yea soe great is the Iustice of a defensive warr, that devines teach, it is lawfull for the Sonne to defend himselfe against his Father, the wife against her husband, the servant against his Master, the subjest against his Superiour, Instit: Moral: P. 3. l. 3. q. 6. and the vassall against his Prince or King. Soe Azor: Nempe, Licitum esse Filio contra Patrem, uxori contra Mari­tum, [Page] subdito contra Superiorem, vassallo contra Principem sive Regem se desendere. If it be lawfull for the Subject or vassall in a just cause to defend himselfe a­gainst the Prince, it must be law­full to defend himselfe against his fel­low subject,

Here I meet with an objection in which our adversarys put great force. The Irish Catholicks (say they) were the first aggressors. The objection is easily an­swered, as thus. It is a Common Doctrin of the Devines, that it is lawfull to pre­vent an Evill that can not be other­ways avoyded then by preventing it, E. G. I see you take your pistoll in your hand cocking it to shoote at mee, in that case it is lawfull for mee to discharge my pistoll and kill you, other­wise I should be kill'd by you: will any law punish mee for killing you soe, would the Law of God or nature have mee stay my hand untill I am kill'd by you. Tannerus a good De­vine teacheth soe. Licitum est etiam praevi­nire injustum aggressorem, si alia via com­modae [Page] defensiones non supetat, & is jam ali­qualiter est in culpae, sive in proposito aggres­sionis injustae versetur. It is lawfull to pre­vent an uniust invader, if there is noe other way of defence, and that astually the inva­vader is in fault or in a purpose of an uniust invation. q. 6. n. 7. de Iu­stitia & Iu­re. Becanus doth declare (exa­mining this question) an aliquando liceat invasorem praevenire & illum occidere ante­quam nos actu invadat? hee answers. Licere in his casibus, primo, si accedat ad invaden­dum, nec evadere possum, nisi illum preve­niam: Secuudo, si nondum accedat, tamen instructus sit ad invadendum, nec possum effugere nisi priveniam. Whether somtyms it is lawfull for us to prevent the invader, and kill him, afore he actually invad's us? hee answers that it is, in these cases: first if hee coms to invade mee, and that I cannot escape but by preventing; secondly if hee does not as yet invade mee, but is ready and prepared for that invation, and that I can­not avoyd him but by preventing: in this case if I kill him I doe it me defendendo, and consequently (though I struck first) I am the defender, and hee the aggressor.Sotus [Page] Navar Corduba Covar: and many houlds this Doctrin, and Navar gives this example, of a Married man who has a dagger under his pillow, to kill his wife withall, which shee discovering and know­ing may prevent by killing her husband, if there is noe other remedy; the reason is, though actually hee has not done the execu­tion, however hee is in a radiness to per­form it, for which end hee kept her soe boul­ted up, and inuironed, as shee cannot other­wise escape.

This was truly the case of the con­federate Catholicks at the beginning of the warr, they were boulted up in an Iland, as that woeman in the Cham­ber; there was noe doore open for them, then by preventing the Presbi­terians blooddy designe; if this they had not done, there had beene an end of them all.

Richard Bealings Esquire to Vrbanus 8s; from the body of the Irish Catholicks, and the Lord Bishop of Fernes, and Sir Nicholas Pluncket sent to Innocentius X. did not tell those Popes they came from [Page] a body of Rebells, but from a people Catholick the King of England's Sub­jects, and for such they were respected, and vissited by the greatest Princes, and Cardinalls in the Citty: and foure of the gravest Cardinaells were deputed by Pope Innocentius to heare the two last, as Caponi, Spada, Carassa, and Pansirolli Cardinall Secretari, and the afforsaid Bishop and noble Gentlemen, were esteemed over all the Citty for good Catholicks, good Subjects, and able men; and with other instructions received commaunds from theire Holliness to the people of Ireland, to continue constant in the Ca­tholick Religion, and Loyalty to theire King.

Thus much I thought fitt to say by way of digression for Iustifying our warr that it was noe Rebellion, and that this Argument of Orery, the King call'd the warr of the Irish Catholicks a Rebellion, ergo it is a Rebellion doth not hould;

It is true, it is a received maxim, that the King can wrong noe man. [Page] The reason is, because the King is the Fountain of Iustice, and must be suppo­sed not to have a will to wrong or offend any of his people. But there is noe maxim that the King may not be informed by Evill men or Counsells, to the Distruction of his People, which hath been often done by statesmen, and Counsellors, who seek after theire owne interest more then the preserva­tion of the people, which is and ought to be the Kings principal care: in this kinde the Lord Iustices in Ireland, Per­sons and Burlase with a malignant part of the Kings Counsellors in the yeare 1641. informed his Majesty that the Catholicks of Ireland without discrimi­nation had entred into a Rebellion, when only some discontented men be­gan a Revolution in the North, and those (as was generally spoken) men of small estates, and broken fortunes, the Lords and Gentlemen of the other three Provinces, and all the Catholick townes, and Corporations having not taken arms, untill forced thereunto for [Page] the necessary defence of theire estates, and Religion, (as aboue hath been said.) I doe not heere accuse, or ex­cuse the first rysing in the North, but I confidently affirme, the nobles, and Catholick Gentlemen in the other three Provinces (and some of those in the North to, that did not joyn with the first Rysing in that Province) and all the Catholick Townes, and Corpo­rations, lived in soe happy a state and soe opulent and rich, that they would neuer abett a Revolution for gaining other mens estates; it is alsoe well knowne, that all those have bin still faithfull to the Crowne, and theire Fathers before them, as was well try'd in the warrs of Desmon, Tyron, and other smaller Revolutions. Thus it hap­pend, that his Majesty grounded his opinion upon the information of fore­said Parsons Bnrlays, and a mallignant part of the Counsell, corrupt men, (who after fell from the King and adhered to the Kings Enemys, the Rebellious Parlament.) Those represented the [Page] body of the Irish Catholick Rebells; and the King deceived, and deluded by this information, call'd us Rebells, and our just warr a Rebellion, and to this day wee were not heard to speak for our selves, and being unheard▪ ought to be reputed innocent. It is to be obserued, that the first flame of the rising in the Noth, had beene soon quenched, had Parsons and those of the Councell given a Commission to the Marquis Of Ormond now Duke, to raise five thousand men, as hee demanded for that effect, with him had gon alonge, the Catholick Nobility and Gentlemen, and soe they had made a speedy work of it: But the plott of those Crooked Ministers of state was to involue all the Catholicks in the Bussiness, and there by to finde a Cullor of confiscating theire estates.

Orery stays not here, but puffed up with his great Fortune and a gall in Pupe tells the world in a supersilious manner. That the birds of the ayre; noe, nor the flyes contributed less to [Page] his Majestys restauration, then the Ro­man Catholicks in Ireland. Orery this is to much, this great contempt of the Catholicks, coms from a great pride in you, and what you say is very false, for the harty prayres of the Catholicks (though with steel they could contri­bute nothing, being then unarmed, and closed up in prisons by you and your Companions,) have more contributed to the Kings restauration then birds and fly's that want reason could.

Are wee bound to suffer this and other great contumiles from a man soe lowly discended, as to tell us, the whole Nation is a beast, our Country a Pest-house, and our Religion somthing that pinns us upon the Popes sleeve? Shall wee indure all this from a man that hath bin estee­med one of Crumwells spyes, (to be a spy, is an infamous office.) Orery if you are an Englishman (as you would have your selfe to be, and likwise the Duke of Ormond,) it is true the Duke was born in England, and of an English Lady (som say, had hee bin born in [Page] Ireland, hee had been kinder to the Na­tion and favoured them more then hee did upon the last settlement) but his Forefathers have all of them beene borne in Ireland about four hundred and sixty years, and the house had the Crea­tion of Earle in King Edward the third's tyme anno Domini 1332. Orery you can­not say soe much for your selfe in the ranck of Nobility but be what you will, English or Irish, I will tell you what an English Gentlemen writes of you, (I have my selfe seen the man) disguised under the name of William Allen, in a most excellent piece, stiled killing is noe Murther, speaking therin of the quality's of a tyrant applying all to Crumwell, of the fift quality hee speaks thus. In all places they have theire spyes, and delators, that is, they haue Fleetwoods; theire Broughalls, theire S. Iohns, (besides innumerable small spyes) to appeare discontented, and not to side with them; that under that guise, they may gett trust, and make discoverys, Orery in Crumwells tyme was Lord Broughalls.

[Page] This noble man hath used still against us, his sword and penn; but the latter hath made the deeper wound, if men creditt his writings: cannot hee live contented with a good patrimony, his Father provided for him, and agreat lump of Catholicks lands the King con­ferr'd upon him, at once with the place of Lord President of the faire and goodly Province of Munster (a dignity his Fa­thers Child did little think to obtaine, and a reward his perfidy against the Crowne did not meritt) cannot all these great Honours, Estates, and Riches satisfy the man, unless hee see's innocent Maerdochaeus hang'd on a high gibbet? The goodness of God (wee hope) will not allow, what hee desi­res, the exterpation of a Nation.

Noble mindes ordinarily esteem the place where they, or theire parents have gain'd agreat Fortune and Settlement: Orery's Father (it is well knowne) from a lowstate came to one of the grea­test Estates in the three Kingdoms, hee was neither Sword-man, nor Gown-man, [Page] nor favoritt in Court, and yet purchased a prodigious estate, came to the Dignity of an Earl, High treasurer, of the Kingdom of Ireland, marcht two of his Daughters, one to great Geraldin Earl of Killdare (first Earl of Ireland,) another to the Lord Barry Viscount of Barremore; hee used for his Motto in this his great prosperity. Gods provi­dence is my in heritance, a Christian, and modest one, which for all that signifyed hee had nothing left him by his parents. These things I utter not by way of re­proach, for wee are all the Children of Adam, but to minde Orery a little of the low and small nest, in which his Father was hatched, that hee should not soe farr forgett himselfe, as to con­temne and trample under foote a whole Nation, wherin are soe many antient and noble Familyes: and let him give mee leave to till him, it is agreat and an unwary Impertinency for guilty and contaminated men to reproach the In­nocent.

Hee that says much, or displeaseth [Page] others, must heare somthing will dis­please himselfe, as alsoe hee that goes armed against many, expects many armed against him. In tyme of usurpation those that commaunded were very in­solent; it was then indeed men could say of England, what was said of A­thens: that there only small theeves were hang'd, but the great ones were free, and condemn'd the rest; wee hope it is not now soe in England: however Orery for one man hath had the good Fortune to escape in all tymes, and on all sides, and to have a good post and place in Every goverment. It is com­monly said, that against a mischief, badd parents doe to theire Children, there is noe other cure then patience, but Orery being noe Parent, but an Enemy to our Nation, is not to be borne with, and it is more reasonable his owne confusion should be his cure, then our patience. The Catholicks of Ireland, look upon him as a great beast makeing a prey of all that's weaker, and realy hee hath soe dealt with us, [Page] wherfore wee may deal with him in the same way according to our strength, and if hee is soe strong and in court soe much favoured as wee may not have him cited to make answer, the court will give us leave to expose his vertues or vices as wee finde them writ­ten by others. In what I have writt, I have but done my duty, in strycking him that stryck's my Country, for as Tertulean says. In hostem Patriae omnis homo miles est.

I will here take my leave of Count Orery, minding him of what P. W. in his little book stiled the Irish Cullours foulded, printed at London Anno Domini 1662. in pag. 20. therof hee speaks of Orery to the Duke of Ormond as follo­weth.

If Orery be such a man as P. W. discribes him; if hee hath not a trembling in the head, as old Cain the Murtherer had, hee cannot Chuse but have a trembling and great heavenisse at the hart.

After ending with Orery I sinde a nother Kinde of snake in the grass latet anguis in herba full of poyson, this man conceals his name, wherfore I know not (for hee needed not feare to write any thing against the Catho­licks, when all things runn against them.) Likely his fancy was to throw the stone, and hide his hand. Hee [Page] writt at London Anno 1664. a Book full of vennime with this title, Horae Subce­siva.In pag. 83. hee affirmeth that Char­les the second is not obliged in the least by any Law of God or man, of warr or Nations to keep any one particle of the Irish Articles made or granted by King Charles his Father in the yeare 1648. to this purpose hee setts downe formally these words in pag. 81. King Charles the second, May Iure Belli & gen­tium, & lege talionis, without breatch of faith or Articles (not excepting those of 1648. soe much insisted on, and soe migh­tily pleaded for by P. W. by that just Law (soe often used, and prescribed by God himselfe) take the lives, and fortunes of all bloodd-thirsty Popish Rebells, and theire confederats, and assotiats.M

This Godly man doth not cite in what Code or Book this Law often used and prescribed by God himselfe is to be had, nor can hee, nor doth hee give any other reason or proofe for his assertion then his owne Authority; which can be of noe vallue with any pious man. I appeal to all the noble-men and [Page] the worthy Protestant People of Eng­land if this is not rather the proposition of a Murtherer then of a Christian Gentleman, This mans Book (Hor [...] Subcesivae) P. W. did learnedly confute in an Appendix hee added to his reply to Orerys answer, and soe confounded him, that hee neuer writt word after in his owne defence. I remitt the Rea­der to what hee shall finde in said Ap­pendix of this Matter, and after reading all let him Iudge as hee shall finde fitting and reasonable.

Can wee forgit to list in the num­ber of our Enemys the Earle of Claren­don Chancellor of England,(hee deserves to head the first ranck of them) a man of Ruine and Distruction, Out of the Nar­rative of the Earl of Clarin­dons Settle­ment and Sale of Ireland a Pest to Catholicks, and Ireland. Was not this Clarendon, this blooddy and covetous States­maen heard oft to say with a fierce counte­nanc and passionat tone, the Irish deserve to be exterpated, and then hee would after his usuall manner com out with a great oath, and swear they shall be extirpated. Good God what a heathnish Expression is this in [Page] the Mouth of a Christian Statesman, a Chancellor of Engelland. (Is not a Chri­stian King well Counselled in having neare him for chiefe Minister of State such a blooddy man voyd of all Iustice and mercy.) But did this Athist (soe great an Enemy to Godliness can not be a Christian) think that God, that hath appoynted an Angell for the Guard of Every indivtduall person, would take noe care to preserve the body of an intyre Nation, but let them all be destroy'd to satisfy the minde and anger of a blooddy man.

Clarendon was in this Bussiness like that Astronomer, or Philosopher, who look't upon the starrs, and fell into a well before his feet: hee had then de­signed in his owne minde the ruine of the Catholicks of Ireland, and very soon after, hee stole out of England, with a Guilty Conscience and Baggs of Gold in great feare, and left behind him his stately buildings, places of plea­sure, great Riches, and the veneration of many that adored this man like an Idoll, (the glory of the man is gon [Page] away like smooke and his name rotten, and hated in England) and flying into France, walked over some Provinces of that Kingdome in trembling, like an­other Cain before any Settlement of himselfe. Iustum O Domine est Iudicium tuum. And wee are poore soules as yet living as wee can, and hopeing for Gods mercy.

I am here to advertise my Reader of an abominable ingagment agree'd upon in the tyme of usurpation against the Royall Family; the contents will teach you how good frinds they were to the King that conceived this ingage­ment. P. W. hath this oath page 74. of his reply to Orery's answer, and aptly tearms it one of the oathes taken by the Saints themselves the fautors of Crumwells Tyranny, and the wellwishers of his Kings-ship. Which ruuneth thus.

Can any oath be more horrid, or can any written wickedness ascend higher? and consequently can any mer­cy be greater then the pardon his Majesty hath granted to the men that hartily took this oath?

Make now a serious reflextion upon said ingagment out of the same Author.

I defy all the Annalls, and the Hi­stories, of Tartars, Turcks, Scithians, or of what People soever to produce soe horrible an injustice as this, or a more wicked, and Barbarous pranck of [Page] knavery, then those our Enemys have contrived.

King Charles our Soveraigne your Royall Authority in England maintains the Peer in his splendor and Dignity, the Commoner in his birth right and liberty, you protect the weak from the oppression of the mighty, secure the Nobility from the insolence of the peo­ple, and by this Equall, and impartiall Iustice is indifferrently distributed to all the inhabitants of that great and flourishing Realme: And at the same tyme use is made of the same Royall Authority in your Kingdom of Ireland, to condemne innocents, before they are heard; to destroy soe many hundred Widdow's and Orphans; to confirme soe many unlawfull usurped possessions; to violate the publick faith, to punish vertue, to countenance vice, to hold loyalty a Crime, and treason worthy of reward.

These are verities not to be doubted of in our days, wee feel them by sore tryall: but after-ages will hardly admitt [Page] them, and it must be avery difficult matter to perswade those now, that have not been eye-wittnesses, that the fact ever happened.

Now things being carryed in this nature, let your Majesty seriously con­sider, of whome shall God take ac­count of our Distruction; of those wicked states-men who abused your Authority; or of your Royall Person, for not bringing those men (after our humble and publick prayres and peti­tions to your Majesty for redress) to the test and tryall of Iustice for having opprest us.

Consider great King the prayer of King David to God.

Why soe King David?

The Royall Prophet here gives the reason, wherfore the power of Iudging, [Page] and Sword of Justice is given to a King: to witt, that hee Judge the people in Justice, and the Poor in Iudgment. Which was not done; soe complains, the Widdow's and Orphans in Ireland perishing in po­verty and famin, and the world abroad is in amazement, that this was not done, Wonders (they say) were done after his Majestys restauration, Rebells made honest men, and honest men made Re­bells by the Kings Royall pleasure, and all this brought about, by the cunning and wickedness of certaine Statsmen, wher­by the King was cheated, and betrayd, the innocent People ruin'd and impious Statsmen enricht and magnify'd. soe that thee. Poore Catholcck People have nothing left them, but to cry to thee O Lord.

[Page] Our Eyes and harts O God are turn'd upon thee, seing men have abandon'd us; O Lord when will the day come of our Happiness? when shall wee with thankfullness say to all the world.

Kings are more oblig'd to commise­rat the calamity's of the afflicted rhen privat men, because they are the Fa­thers of the People: Iob a holy Prince in the land of Hus (some hold hee was an absolute King) did this. Heare him speak King Charls.

This is it the poore Catholicks most need to have done for them, that the Royall hand will break the jawes of wicked men, and take the prey out of theire teeth.

[Page] Iob says further.

There are thousands of these wed­ows and people crying out, comfort theire harts for they are perrishing, and let it be done (as God would have it to be done) by your Majesty, that the blessings of the poore may fale upon you as they did upon Iob, and all the blessings of heaven.

But why great King (give mee par­don for speaking to you) why have wee, your Catholick subjects of Ire­land been neglected, even to ruine and Distruction? what did your Majesty see in us, that could render us in capa­ble of the pardon granted to the Re­bells in generall? if our rising in arms (which was against our fellow-sub­jects, for our owne defence, and not [Page] against the Crowne) hath bin Iudged a Rebellion by your Royall Father and your selfe, I hope you hould us farre smaller Rebbels then those that made open warre against the Crowne and your Majest'ys, and in fine Murther'd your Fa­ther; why then are they pardon'd, and wee not? but incase our Revolution hath bin Iudg'd a Rebellion (and in case it had bine truly soe) upon the place made and concluded Anno 1648. (The Marquis of Ormond hauing bin your Royall Fathers Commissioner to that Effest.) Wee had an act of Oblivion from your Father of blessed Memory for all that had passed, and after confirmed by your Majesty: this Act of Oblivion hath wyp't away the Rebellion, ergo it can not rise, againe in Iudgment against us, nor can wee be punished for a Crime alrea­dy forgiven: this being soe, why are wee cast of? why left under a staine of Rebellion, the true Rebells being forgiven? why being Innocent doe wee suffer this contumely? why are wee strucken downe as dead men by [Page] your Royall Hand, Lands, Houses, Esta­tes, and all wee had, being conferr'd on men, which have noe right to them, our Enemy's, and one tyme your owne: they pretend noe claime to our estates and livings, noe pack't, stipulation or convieance: by your Majesty's pleasure only (thats theire sole tytle) they hold all, and wee have lost all. By what Law are wee thus treated, and de­stroy'd, by that of God, or Nature, or Na­tions? all done against us, is against all those Lawes, and against the Law of Englaend, to, a good Law, by which noe man is to be deprived of his lands and goods, but by a due course of Law, the benefitt of this Law was de­nied us.

Wither then shall wee turne, what are wee able to doe for our selves: the Father is not able to helpe the Child, nor the Child the Father, Mo­thers are weeping over theire little ones languishing in want and hunger.

If wee are Innocent, (the Act of Oblivion hath made us soe, though wee [Page] had bin guilty before) why are wee cast out of our Houses, despoyl'd of our Lands, and Estates, that our Fore­fathers have possessed soe many ages? If wee have committed any Crime or treason against the Crowne, your Royall Father, or your selfe, (that was not remit­ted) it were a greater mercy, to hasten us into the other world, by a short and violent death, then to condemne us to a lingering one, to be consumed, in coldness, hungar, and nakedness, and a shamefull slavery at home and in all the Regions of Europ.

These veritys uttered by your Maje­sty are owned by our greatest Enemys; for such, and that wee sacrifised our selves and all wee had faithfully, and hartily in your Majestys ser­vice.

Let mee demaund here, where then have been Braghall, Coot, Cloathworthy, and others of that band, those Grandees your Majesty hath been pleased to ho­nour with great titles; the two first were made Earls of Orery, and Mont­rath and the last (Cloathworthy, that knowne plunderer of the Queens Chap­pell, and summersett House an infa­mous man) created viscount Massaren? where I say againe, have these men [Page] been in the dark day of your Cal­lamitys, and adversitys? what were they then doeing?

They were then stiffly struggling against your Crowne and person, and Laying about them with maine indea­vours, that the Royall Family of the Stuarts should neuer returne to theire owne Dominions; (to which purpose they contrived the forementioned horrid in­gagement.) In those days they stiled your Majesty only Charles Stuart, to call you King was a treason among them. And what is don in the end?

After all theire villanys, contempt of Royall Family, open Rebellion and warr against the Crowne, and after put­ting the good King to death: after our fidelity, obedience, and harty affection to your Majesty, and after your owne Kingly Testimonys, and expressions of the same: the matter hath been strang­ly carryed. How?

The knowne Rebells had your Ma­jestys pardon, they were magnify'd, had places of trust and profitt in the cam­mon [Page] wealth, and to boot they carryed away our Houses, Lands, and Estates, by your Majestys Graunt under the great Seal. O tempora! O mores! O La­ceratam Iustitiam! And what is our lott, and share of this Tragicall play, after your Royall promisees of all favour and Protection? wee are left naked and desolate, crying to God as those of Jerusalem did distroyed by theire Enemys.

This is our deplorable state: what your Majesty will doe with us, or for us, is only knowne to God aud your selfe, and wee are to pray that God will be pleased to incline your hart to such a resolution, as may bring us some com­fort, which wee much need; Cor Regis in manu Domini, quocunque voluerit, incli­nubit illud.

[Page] Give freedom great King to a poore Priest, to speak truth to your Majesty, it is noe new thing that good Priests speak to Kings, and God himselfe saith, hee will curse the blessings of those Priestes, that will not speak truth, and give glory to his holy Name; And the Prophet Malachias tells your Majesty, that regard is to be had of what the Priest says. Malac. cap. 2. For the lipps of the Priest (saith that Prophet) shall keep knowledg, and the Law they shall require out of his Mouth: because hee is the Angell of the Lord of hostes. The truth I presume to speak to you my King with all submission and sincerity is this. That your Majesty hath great cause to feare the heavy Iudgments God for soe many thousands of Wedow's and Orphans perrishing for want in the view of the world, by that fatall sentence called the Bill of Settle­ment. Iob tells us God hath, and doth somtyme punnish Kings. Iob. cap. 12. Balteum Re­gum dissoluit, & cinget fune renes eorum. Hee Looseth the Belt of Kings, and girdeth theire reynes with a cord.

[Page] Hee Loosed the Belt from your Fathers side, and girded his Reynes with a cord of sore affliction: and yet hee was esteemed a sober, just, chast King.

God, is a God of Iustice holding an Iron Rod in his hand stretched over the heads of all Kings, Emperours, and Popes, and tells them. Potentes, Potenter tormenta patientur▪ Ezechias, the holy King, when the Prophet told him hee should dy, turning his face to the Tem­ple said. Quis est qui sic humiliat sublimes reges terrae? Examen my Soveraigne, and ponderwell the words of that good King, and how hee was frighted, hea­ring from the Prophet that hee should dy. Dy you must great King, when that shall be God alone knowes, Et post mor­tem sequiter Iuditium. Those men that abused your Authority on Earth will make noe answer for you; your selfe must before that Tribunall, receive (as the meanest of your subjects) ac­cording to what you have done in this life. Many men use to speak to Kings. [Page] Omnia placentia. But those will be found in the end flatterers, and false Prophets; I speake to your Majesty as a Priest of God should speak,) naked truth, & sic liberavi animam meam. Your Majesty will doe well to sitt downe, and deeply Meditate upon this weighty poynt, and theme, of eternall Damnation, or salvation.

Having exposed to my Soveraigne our calamity's, ruine and miserys, and offered humble prayers, for ease and mercy. I now turne my speech to you my most deare and honourable Coun­trimen, for your sake I have spoken noe way minding redress, for what I my selve have lost, which was som­thing.

If Iustice shall be don you, and cause of joy come from the Kings good pleasure and determination, prays God and the King for that Happiness, and pray to God for his long and prospe­rous Raigne. But if this shall not be done (God permitting things to goe on as they doe, either for punnishing ours, [Page] and our Fathers sinns, or for trying our patience in this world.) Let his holy Name be ever blessed: beare patiently your poverty, and you shall finde po­verty a great blessing, S. Iohn Chriso­stome compares it with Martyrdome. Egestas (saith the Saint) bene tollerata facit Martirium. I doe not think there can hardly be any found in the world, that have come to a greater distress, and poverty, then that you endure, suffer all willingly for God's sake and you are sure of a Crowne: minde often that ex­cellent sentence of S. Augustin. Saeculi homines, infaeliciter faelices sunt, Martyres autem faeliciter infaelices erat. The men of this world, are unhappily happy, but the Martyrs have been happily unhappy.

This is your case, or very like it, soe as in your nakedness, your are hap­pier, then those that have all that was yours, living in pleasurs, and plenty, Let this alsoe be some comfort to you, that you have but lost, those things you could not long hould, nor shall the pre­sent possessors long enjoy them. [Page] Though they think theire fortuns in that Land surely settled, they are but Pilgrims in the way as you are, and must part as you shall (and with more greef, and feare, for having more then you have) and then they shall know and feel Gods Iudgment for what they have done to you.

In all your afflictions, I shall pray and conjure you, to demean your sel­ves like good Christians, paying faithfully to God his due, and to the King his; to the King Fidelity and O­bedience in Civilibus, and that for Con­science sake; to God Veneration and highest Worship, which can not be performed without professing a true Rcligion, the same you are of: wher­fore let noe wordly preferments, or co­modity's, that men can conferr on you; nor punishments they can inflict, shake your Religion, but hould the same constantly in all tempests and stor­mes, for of it depends eternall sal­vation.

And to speak at the present tyme [Page] of your great afflictions, imitate I pray you, the three Isralites cast into the furnase of Babilon, and you shall finde, as they did, an Angell to com­fort you. They in the fyre blessed the name of God, when Azarias standing in the flame said.

None of you have suffered soe much as innocent Iob, set him be­fore your Eyes, invironed with the messingers of all his disasters. One [Page] of them said to him. The Sabean [...] tooke away the Oxes and Asses, and kill'd thy servants. A nother said, a fyre from heaven struck thy sheep, and thy servants, and consum'd them all. The third; The Chaldeans made three troups and invaded the Cam­mels. The last told him. A ve­hement winde came from the Coun­try of the desert, and shook the foure Corners of the House, wherin thy Children were feasting, and fal­ling oppressed them, and they are all dead. Iob hearing all this sad newes, blamed not the Sabeans, Chal­deans, fire from heaven, or winde coming from the Country of the De­sert, nor did soe much as mention them.

Bless you likewise the [Page] the name of our Lord for all that hath befalen you, offering all up purely to his holy will.

One thing my honoured deare Country-men I seriously commend to your pious Considerations, the en­suing weighty golden sentence of S. Cy­prian.

Let the words of this most holy Bishop and Mar­tyre goe to the hart of every one of you.

This one God hath created you. This one Christ hath redeemed you. This one Church hath baptized you, and imbued you with the Elements of faith, and Christian Rules of [Page] living well: This one and holy Chaire (of Peter) hath governed you, and all the Christian world in verity, and sanctity all a long from the Apostles tyme. There is but one Altar, and one Priesthood (and this only in the Roman Catholick Church:) hee that gathereth out of this congregation, disperseth. This Church only hath the keyes of hea­ven, and true Commission to save soules; any power on Earth, that seeks to pull downe this Altar, to Abolish this Priesthood, to distroy this Church, is Impious, Adulterous, Prophane, and Sacrilegious. The holy Doctour gives another Devine Counsell to his people. Nemo vos fra­tres errare a Domini viis faciat; Nemo filios Ecciesiae de Ecclesia tollat; pereant sibi soli qui perire voluerint. That is to say, let noe man bring you into error from the pathes of our Lord; let none take out of the Church, Chil­dren of the Church; those that have a minde to perrish and be lost, let [Page] them be lost alone. Let Egan (a lost dissolaite Fryer that latly fell) and this Sall, and all such prophane men, that will not remaine In Gods House, let them perrish alone, seeing they will haue it soe: doe not you fol­low theire evill example, Impiety and maddness, but wisely stay with­in the Ribbs of the Ark, the holy Roman Catholick Church (Ad quam (teste Cypriano) perfidia non habet ac­cessum, And out of which great Au­gustin assures us there is noe hopes of salvation:) And be constantly, and Religiously obedient to the A­postolick Sea, and to the man, that stands upon the Rock Clement the X. conspicuous for his Zeal and Piety, on earth the prime Lord of the House of God, with full power to guide and governe all soules in the way of salva­tion.