The history of physick, or, An account of the rise and progress of the art, and the several discoveries therein from age to age with remarks on the lives of the most eminent physicians / written originally in French by Daniel Le Clerc, M.D. ; and made English by Dr. Drake and Dr. Baden ; with additional notes and sculptures.

THE HISTORY OF Phyſick.

PART I.

BOOK I. The Riſe and Progreſs of Phyſick, from the beginning of the World, to the time of the Trojan War incluſive.

CHAP. I. The Reaſons that firſt put Men upon the Search after Medicine, and their earlieſt proceedings therein.

COULD the Bodies of Men, and other Animals, perſiſt always in their natural ſtate without any alteration, and every Part; whereof they are compos'd, do its duty, we ſhould enjoy a perpetual courſe of that, which we call Health, or Life. But this admirable piece of Workman-ſhip, like all the reſt, is ſubmitted at length to Diſſolution: Not a moment pa •• es, which makes not ſome change, ſenſible or inſenſible. The Springs which move our Bodies are fram'd of Matter ſo tender, and ſo ſuſceptible of all Foreign impreſſions, that no long time is requir'd to wear em out, and being extreamly ſubtil and • ine, muſt needs be very brittle, and therefore frequently out of order: nor can it poſſibly laſt long in compariſon with more ſolid Bodies, and conſequently Death, which finally diſſolves us; and the Diſtempers, which lead to it, are unavoidable.

Nor are we to be ſurpriz • d at Dying, ſince we have more reaſonable cauſe of wonder, that Diſeaſes come not oftner, and Death ſooner; which were inevitable, if among the numberleſs Springs, that actuate our Machine, ſome were not leſs neceſſary, others leſs nice. Some, like the main Spring of a VVatch, give the motion, and ſet all the reſt a going: Others, leſs eſſential, may receive great damages, and ſtand ſtill, without ſtopping the motion of the whole. The Errors we commit in the uſe of thoſe things, that are neceſſary for the maintenance of this Engine, as Meat, Drink, Exerciſe, and Reſt, &c. (which are thoſe, that uſually produce the greateſt alterations in the principal Parts) nor even the violent impulſes of other Bodies, tend not always to its entire deſtruction; nay, often ſcarce cauſe a ſenſible diſorder. But, if it ſo falls out, ſuch is the wonderful contrivance of this Machine, that it can frequently ſhake off, unaſſiſted, the Clogs that impede its motion, and recover its former ſtate (or very near it); for, we muſt confeſs, that theſe frequent ſhocks wear, and deſtroy the Springs by inſenſible degrees.

But, when this diſorder riſes ſo high, that it cannot be ſurmounted by all the force of the Machine in its ordinary courſe, that there is a neceſſity of Foreign Aid; as there are about it ſome Bodies hurtful to, and entirely deſtructive of it, ſo there are others helpful, and beneficial in its extremeſt need. The Beaſts, under the direction of their Senſes only, know how to refrain, and guard themſelves from thoſe; and to take the benefit of theſe. I ſhall not here take into conſideration, what is commonly reported of the Inſtinct of Brutes; of that hereafter. 'Tis ſufficient to take notice, that Men, who have Reaſon, have not fail'd to make uſe of it on theſe occaſions.

The kindneſs they have for their own Bodies has taught 'em, ever ſince the beginning of the World, to diſtinguiſh carefully between what was uſeful for the preſervation of Life and Health, and what was deſtructive of 'em. They uſed their utmoſt endeavour to avoid the latter, but finding all their caution inſufficient, and that it was not always in their power to avoid the Cauſes of Diſeaſes, their refuge was to obſerve nicely the conduct of thoſe that were fallen ſick.

Finding therefore, that, in their opinion, ſuch or ſuch an Error had haſten'd the death of ſome, and ſuch and ſuch Conduct the recovery of others, and that then they made uſe of things, not uſed in time of health, to which they attributed their recovery, they, for the future, avoided what they thought hurtful to the former, and try • d upon other perſons in like caſes; thoſe things, which they thought ſo beneficial to the latter, and being confirm'd by repeated Succeſſes, continued the uſe of 'em.

CHAP. II. Whether Med'cine came immediately from God: And how the firſt Remedies were found out.

WE have ſeen, what firſt induc'd Men to have recourſe to Med'cine, and what in general their management muſt needs have been on that occaſion. If it be ask'd, Who taught Men to have recourſe in their Sickneſs to things of which in Health they made no uſe? Moſt believe, that Men owe their firſt knowledge of this kind to Divine Inſpiration, immediately, and by way of Revelation, or Inſtruction.

The Jewiſh, and many Chriſtian Doctors, have inferr • d from Geneſis, where tis ſaid, That God caus • d all the Creatures to paſs before Adam, that he might give em Names: That he, at the ſame time, receiv'd a perfect knowledge of all their qualities, and of the reſt of the Creation; and conſequently, that he was not ignorant of their Medical Vertues. Many yet are of another opinion: Of this firſt Man we ſhall ſay ſomewhat more, when we treat of the Inventors of Medicine. A ſecond Argument to prove the coeleſtial Origine of this Art, is drawn from thoſe paſſages of Eccleſiaſticus; Cap. 38. Verſe 1, 2, &c. where he ſays, That God created the Phyſician, and the Phyſick, and that he hath given Science to Men, and that 'tis he that healeth Man, &c.

All the ancient Pagans held their Gods to be the Authors of Med • cine. The Art of Phyſick (ſaysDeorum immortalium inve • ti • n • conſecrata eſt Ars Medica. Q ••• Tuſc. 3. CICERO) is Sacred to the Invention of the Immortal Gods; that is to ſay, This Art was look'd on as Sacred, becauſe invented by the Gods. The Author of a Piece among the Works of Galen, Entituled, The Phyſician, or the Introduction, tells us, That the Greeks aſcrib • d the invention of Arts to the Sons of the Gods, or others of their neareſt Kindred, who were inſtructed 〈◊〉 HIPPOCRATES makes God the Inven •• r:De priſe. Med. They (ſays he) who firſt found the way of curing Diſtempers, thought it an Art that deſerv'd to be aſ •••• d to the Gods 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Artic. of Dem • c • i • us, l. 2.; which (adds he) is the receiv • d Opinion.

D •• primum inventores ſuos aſſig • avi • Medicina, c ••• que dicavit. Plin. lib. 29. cap. 1.They who were not preciſely of this mind, yet rank'd at leaſt among their Gods the Men that invented Arts, eſpecially Phyſick; either out of admiration of the Introducers of things ſo uſeful to Society, or as a publick acknowledgment of the benefits they had receiv'd. See the Articles of H ••• es, Oſyris, Iſis and Eſculapius. We ſhall bring Authorities and Inſtances, in confirmation of what we have now ſaid, which will ſhew in what manner the Heathens believ'd their Gods imparted their Aid to the relief of Men's Maladies, and the light requir • d for the practice of Phyſick.

The neceſſity of this Art once ſuppos'd, Reaſon, and Chance, might preſent Men with the firſt Remedies they made uſe of: Tho' the moſt ancient Inſtances we meet with, of the manner of diſcovering the Vertues of any Plants, render us indebted to Chance alone.

There is a Fable, thatH •• im lib 〈…〉 do • . lib. 3. GLAUCUS Son of MINOS King of CRETE, as he was pla • ing, tumbled into a Veſſel of Honey, and abundance of time was ſpent in vain ſearch after him. At length one POLYIDUS, a Di • i •• r, was ſent for from ARGOS, who diſco •••• d where he was. MINOS finding him ſuch a notable Fellow, preſently concluded that he cou • d reſtore him to life too, and to compel • i • to it, caus • d him to be enclos • d in the ſame Tomb. The Conjurer thus put to his trumps with the Ca ••• ſs, ſpied a Serpent making towards him, which h • ••• w. Preſently after came another Serpent, who ••• ing the other dead immediately ſcamper • d, and return • d with a certain Herb, with which he co ••• r • d the whole Body of the dead Serpent, and brought him preſently to life. POLYIDUS took the hint, and made the ſame experiment upon GLAUCUS, with the ſame ſucceſs; thereupon he call • d to ſo •• , that p • ſs • d by, who carried the news to the King, who preſently ſet him at liberty.

A leſ • incredible Fable than this, is that of MELAMPƲS and the Daughters of PRAETƲS. Melampus w •• a Shepherd, who obſerving that his Goats purg • d as often as they eat HELLEBORE, bethought himſelf to m •• e them • at of it, and give their Milk to the aforeſaid Ladies, who through a Malady, of which the Phyſicians give divers examples, thought themſelves turn • d into Cows, which the Fable attributes to the wrath of Bacchus, or Juno, whom they pretended to ſurpaſs in beauty; however, the Shepherd's experiment ſucceeded, and the Ladies fancies were eas'd. MELAMPUS was Country-man to POLYIDƲS. We ſhall have occaſion to ſpeak of both hereafter.

If it be ask'd, Who raught Polyidus • s Serpent, or Melampus's Goats, the uſe of thoſe Herbs: Thoſe, that believe, that God firſt taught Men Phyſick, wou • d anſwer, That God has the ſame care of Brutes, and has given 'em Inſtinct in lieu of Reaſon; of which they are deſtitute. But if this Inſtinct be real, it ſhou'd be ſomething ſuperior to Reaſon, ſince it reveals to Brutes directly thoſe things, which the other does not diſcover to Men, till after abundance of turnings and windings.See the Article of Podalirius. We ſhall have occaſion hereafter to ſpeak of Medicines diſcover'd by Chance, and what Brutes have contributed thereto, when we ſpeak of Bleeding.

It may be objected, That I have attributed to Chance the diſcovery of certain Remedies, upon the Authority of Fables. Moſt Fables of this kind are founded upon true Hiſtories, and I ſee no reaſon why this of Melampus may not be one of them; but there is no need either of Fable, or Hiſtory, to eſtabliſh what has been ſaid of Chance. Every one is convinc • d, by the experience of himſelf, and others, that we ſuffer, or are benefited daily, in point of health, by uſing certain aliments, or taking certain things without conſideration, which we do not ordinarily uſe. If we muſt allow that Chance has made known to us ſeveral Poiſons, we muſt not deny, that the ſame Chance has made us acquainted with variety of ſalutary things; upon the proof of which, I ſhall not inſiſt any longer.

Not that Reaſoning has contributed leſs to the diſcovery of Remedies than Chance; we muſt reaſon even upon what Chance preſents us with, before we can make a right uſe of it. But this is not the only ſervice, that Reaſoning does us; if Chance alone has ſhewn us the vertue of ſome Medicaments, Reaſon alone guided the firſt Phyſicians to the knowledge of divers others, without the interpoſition of Chance: They need but compare the Diſtempers one with another, and examine the nature of the Medicines in uſe, to find that way abundance of others before unknown. We ſhall give ſome Examples of this Method of making diſcoveries, when we come to examine the practice of the Cnidian Phyſicians, who are the moſt ancient we know.

But how much ſoever of this nature we owe to Chance, or Reaſoning, it excludes not the concurrence of Providence. For it will be always true, That Phyſick is the Gift of God, in the ſenſe, that we derive all our other bleſſings from the ſame ſource.

CHAP. III. How Phyſick was practis'd among the moſt ancient People; and how, what is ſaid of the beginning, or invention of Phyſick, is to be underſtood.

AT firſt, in all probability, every body preſcrib'd Phyſick, and twas a long time before it became a diſtinct Profeſſion. Whoever had gain • d any experience upon himſelf, or others, repeated it upon the like occaſion, and communicated to his Friends and Neighbours. Herodotus tells us, That the Babylonians continued that practice, even to his time.H • rod • t. lib. 6. The Babylonians, ſays he, carry their Sick into the Market, (for they have no Phyſicians) that all who paſs by, and have ever had, or ſeen the like Diſtemper, may give their Advice, and encourage 'em to try, what themſelves, or others, have us •• with ſucceſs in the like caſe. The ſame Author adds, That they ſuffer'd no body to paſs, till he had inform'd himſelf of the Sick Man's caſe. lib. 16, &c. Sirabo ſays the ſame, not only of the Babylonians, but of the Aegyptians, and Portugueſes likewiſe. The PORTUGUESES (ſays he) according to the ancient Cuſtom of the Aegyptians, bring their Sick into the Streets, and Highways, that all Comers, who have had the ſame Malady, may give em their Advice.

If we conſider the Antiquity of the Babylonians, or Aſſyrians, and Aegyptians, who were the firſt People of whom we have any Memoirs, their practice may be quoted as an inſtance of the eldeſt Method of treating the Sick. The ſimplicity of this Method, ſeems at leaſt to be a proof of its Antiquity, as 'tis the moſt natural beginning.

But as every one is not able to form a juſt Experience, yet all indifferently clubb • d theirs to the publick Stock; they became thereby ſo numerous, that the care of diſtinguiſhing and ſelecting, muſt neceſſarily devolve upon ſome particular Perſon▪ whoſe whole and ſole buſineſs, and employment, it became.

In our enquiry into the birth, and beginning of Phyſick, we muſt diſtinguiſh between Phyſick inIllud ſatis •• t admo • cre, omnia qu ••• is conſummarit à Natura initia duxiſſe: a • t t • llatar Medicina, qu • • x obſervatione •• lubrium at que 〈◊〉 cont • ario ••• n, reperta 〈◊〉 ; at que ut 〈◊〉 ouſdam •••• et, tota ••• ſtat experimentis, Nam que & vuinus deligavit aliquis, an •• quam haec Ars eſſet, & ſebrem quiete & abſtinentiâ, non quia rationem videbat, ſed quia ••• aletudo ipſa coe • erat▪ Quintilian. lib. 2. cap. 8. the Natural State, as we ſuppoſe it to have been among the firſt Men, and as it was among the Babylonians, and Phyſick after it became an Art. The firſt is as • id as Mankind, and has been in uſe in all times, and all Nations; that we may ſay w •• h P •••• , That if ſome Nations have made ſhift without Phyſicians, yet none ever did without Phyſick. All the difficulty lies in aſſigning the time, when the latter commenc'd; that is, when they had gather'd a ſufficient collection of Obſervations, whereon to ſound Rules to know, and diſtinguiſh Diſeaſes by; and Precepts for the choice, and adminiſtration of Remedies, and for the regulation of Living, &c. Whether theſe Rules were true, or falſe, the Precepts juſt, or unreaſonable, is not the queſtion: For if it be ask'd, when this Art was brought to perfection? the true and ready anſwer is, That tis yet a great way ſhort of that. The queſtion here is, When thoſe Rules and Precepts were firſt laid down, by which Phyſick became an Art?

When we read in hiſtory, or Fable, thatSee the Chap • er of Eſculapius. the Invention of Phyſick is aſcrib'd to this or that particular perſon, we are not to imagine him the firſt that ever gave a Med'cine; what has been obſerv'd concerning Natural Phyſick refutes that conceit. 'Tis more probable, that thoſe, to whom the Ancients gave the honour of the Invention of this A •• , were Men that apply'd themſelves more pe ••••• ly to it, and diſtinguiſh'd themſelves by it; whether they were really the firſt that engag • d in it, or that excelling in their Art, their greater luſtre •• ſcur'd the dim Lights of thoſe that preceded 'em in it, and ſeem • d to have made ſome progreſs in the eſtabliſhment of that Art, of which theſe compleated the Syſtem; or that, examining more narrowly the Subject of it, that is, the Body, and enquiring more ••• ely into the Cauſes of Diſtempers, and of the E •• ects of Remedies, they firſt began to give the Reaſons of the Precepts of their Art. Experience alone was ſufficient for the Inventors of the firſt 〈◊〉 , they had no need of more refin'd reaſoning, than common ſenſe furniſh'd every Man with. The ſecond were oblig'd to carry their ſpeculations a little farther, grounding ſtill upon Experience only. The third were oblig'd not only to Reaſon, but to join the ſtudy of Natural Philoſophy to that of Phyſick.

CHAP. IV. That Prometheus, by ſome reputed the firſt Inventor of Phyſick, is a feign'd Perſon. The firſt Man the firſt Phyſician.

OF all thoſe that were accounted the Inventors of Phyſick by the Ancients, Prometheus only ſeems to have been an Inventor of the firſt ſort. Aeſchylus introduces him ſpeaking thus of himſelf: You wou'd be ſurpriz • d, if I ſhou • d tell you all the Artiſices and Subtilties that I have invented. This is the principal: If any one fell ſick, and there was no relief for him, nothing that he cou • d eat, nothing that he cou • d drink, nothing to anoint him with, he muſt periſh for want of Remedies, before I taught Men the uſe of ſweetning Med'cines, with which they might cure all Diſcaſes. He had ſaid before, That he ſtole Fire from Heaven, which is the infuſer of all Arts, that he might communicate • em to Men; That he had made them Ʋnderſtanding, and Wiſe; That he had taught 'em to build Houſek, that they mi • ht dwell no longer in Caves, as they had done before; To diſtinguiſh the Seaſons; and obſerve the riſing and ſetting of the Stars; To compoſe Letters, and form Words; To yoak Beaſts, and ſix 'em to the Chariot; To break Horſes; To build Ships, and make Sails. He adds, That he taught 'em to Divine; to explain Dreams and Oracles; to foretel things by the flying of Birds, and the entrails of Beaſts, and by the Signs that appear in Heaven; to dig out of the Earth, Braſs, Iron, Silver and Gold: In ſhort, that all Arts came from Prometheus.

PROMETHEƲS has been taken for the ſame with MAGOG, from whom the Scythians derive themſelves. But 'tis eaſie to ſhew, that the Prometheus of Aeſchylus, and the other Poets, is only an Emblem, or a Proſopopeia of the Wit and Induſtry of Man, or of his Prudence, which aſſiſted him to diſcover all that was uſeful for Life and Society. I ſhall perſue this Subject no farther. I ſhall only take notice, that if any one wou'd know who was the firſt Phyſician, or Patient, he ſhall find 'em both in the perſon of the firſt Man: The ſame Law that ſubjected him to Death, ſubmitting him likewiſe to Diſeaſes, at leaſt to divers infirmities inſeparable from humane Nature, there is no doubt to be made, but that he did all he cou'd to ſecure himſelf againſt, or free himſelf from 'em. Sacred Writ aſſures us, that he liv • d long enough to have gather'd abundance of Experience; but as the manner of living then was ſimple and uniform, (ſuch at leaſt we uſually ſuppoſe it) and the conſtitution of thoſe primitive Men ſo robuſt and hearty, that Diſtempers might be very rare, ſo that 'tis not likely he ſhou'd have had opportunity to carry Phyſick to any great heighth, or reduce it to an Art. But ſince the Scripture is ſilent in the point, I ſhall proceed to what Pagan Antiquity has handed down to us.

CHAP. V. HERMES, or MERCURY, or THOTH the Inventor of Phyſick, by ſome confounded with MOSES.

THE moſt ancient of thoſe that have had the honour of the Invention in the ſecond ſenſe, (that is, to have reduc'd it to an Art) is HERMES, or MERCƲRY, Surnam'd TRISME▪ GASTƲS, ſuppos'd to be the ſame with Borrich. de ortu, & progreſſu Chymiae, P. 63. CANAAN Son of CHAM, as ſome learned Men think. Tho' their conjecture were ſo far ill grounded, that HERMES and CANAAN ſhould appear to have been different perſons, yet they liv'd at leaſt at the ſame time, and HERMES muſt have been the elder. One of the ableſtMonſieur Eochart in his Phaleg. Criticks of this Age has prov • d, that CHRONOS, or SATƲRN, was the ſame with NOAH. Sancbhoniathon informs us, that HERMES, THOTH, or TAAƲTƲS, (as the Phaenicians and Aegyptians call him) was one of the Counſellors of SATƲRN. Diodorus Siculus ſays, that HERMES was Secretary to OSYRIS and ISIS, the moſt ancient King and Queen of Aegypt, who both cal • d themſelvesBibliotheque univ. & Hiſtor. de Monſieur le Clerc. Tom. 3. Children, or Grand-children of CHRONOS. Sancbhoniathon make; HERMES a Phaenician, and Son of Miſor, who liv • d alſo about the time we are ſpeaking of.De naturâ Deor. • ice • o will have it, that there were five Men wh •••• • e the Name of MERCƲRY. The fir •• 〈…〉 • e, was Son of CAELUS and DIES; 〈◊〉 •••• toing not ſo cleanly befel upon the ſigh • of PROSERPINE. The ſecond, who was Son of VALENS and PHORONIS, has hie abode under ground, and is the ſame with TROPH ••• US. The third was Son of JUPITER and MAIA, by whom of PENELOPE PAN was begotten▪ The fourth, whom the Aegyptians make a ſcruple of • aming, had NILUS for his Father. The fifth, whom the Pheneates keep, and who ſl • w ARGUS fled into Aegypt for it, where he taught • em the uſe of Letters, and gave em Laws. The Aegyptians, ſays Cicero, call him THOTH, and name the firſt Month from him.

If Cicero had conſulted the Tradition of the Aegyptians, rather than that of the Greeks, At que haec quidem ex vetere Gr ••••• ſ •• â 〈◊〉 ſun. D • 〈◊〉 D •• r. from whence he owns himſelf to have drawn all that he ſays on this 〈…〉 ••• m'd have made THOTH the eldeſt of the MERCƲRIES, or he wou'd have made the firſt, 〈◊〉 he calls the Son of CAELƲS, to have brought the knowledge of Letters, and Laws, from Aegypt into Greece, ſince if MERCƲRY came to Aegypt from the Country of ARGƲS, which was Greece, it wou • d follow, That the Aegyptians had learn'd of the Greeks, what on the contrary the Greeks learn'd of the Aegyptians, as their own Authors confeſs in a thouſand places. This way MERCƲRY, or THOTH, will 〈◊〉 • e the Son of CHAM; for CAELƲS is JƲPITER, and JƲPITER the ſame with CHAM, or HAMMON, as the Greeks call'd him.

Praeparat. Evangel lib. 9. We find in Euſebius a Quotation of Artabanus, that ſays, That MOSES having taught the Aegyptians to build Ships, and Machines for raiſing of great Stones for 〈…〉 ; to make Aquaeducts, and Pumps to d ••• Water; and divers Inſtruments of War: And eſpecially, having invented Philoſophy, drew the love of the people ſo to him, that the Prieſts paid him Honours ca • al to thoſe they paid to their Gods. He adds, That the ſame Prieſts gave him the Name of HERMES, becauſe he underſtood the explication of their Myſtical Writings.

That which made him believe that MOSES and HERMES were the ſame perſon, is, that ſome Greek Authors have written that MOSES was contemporary to Inachus, the Father of Io, who by ſome has been confounded with Iſis, to whom HERMES was Counſellor, Artabanus finding ſo luckily to his purpoſe theſe two great Men, MOSES and HERMES living together, of the two made one, for the greater honour of the former.

But, if HERMES were the Inventor of Phyſick among the Aegyptians, as we ſhall ſee by and by, he muſt have liv'd a long time before MOSES: For MOSES himſelf tells us, That there were Phyſicians in Aegypt four hundred Years before his time, in the days of Joſeph, Praecipit Joſeph miniſtris ſuis Medicis ut conditent Patrem. whoſe Corps was Embalm'd by the Phyſicians, according to the ſacred Text.

But beſide, that Euſebius himſelf acknowledges, that Inachus was ſome Ages older than MOSES. The Scripture it ſelf overthrows the poſition of Artabanus, where 'tis ſaid,Act. Apoſt. lib 7. that MOSES underſtood all the Wiſdom, and all the Learning of the Aegyptians; which ſhews, that he learn'd of them, not they of him.

De Vit Moſ. Philo the Jew, enumerating the Sciences, that MOSES had learn'd of the Aegyptians, mentions only Arithmetick, Geometry, Poetry, Muſick, and their Symbolical Philoſophy, which was written in Hieropliphick Characters. And he adds, That the Greeks taught MOSES the reſt of the Liberal Arts; that he fetch'd from the Aſſyrians thoſe who taught him their Learning, and from the Chaldeans, of whom he learn'd theAſtronomy. Science of the Stars. Stromat. lib. 1. But Clemens Alexandrinus ſays expreſly, That MOSES was Inſtructed in Phyſick by the Aegyptians. Now tho the Error of Artabanus be very manifeſt, and this therefore not the proper place to purſue the Diſcourſe of MOSES any further, yet that we may not be oblig • d again to reſume it, I ſhall only hint in a few words, that probably this Prophet was skill'd in Phyſick. We have had the teſtimony of Clemens Alexandrinus to the point, and we ſhall ſee in the ſequel, that the great Men of Aegypt applied themſelves to this Study, and that MOSES might have learn'd it there. The Chymiſts Experience convinces us that this can't be true in fact under a miracle; and it can't be any proof of his Skill in Phyſick, ſince he muſt be ſupernaturally inform'd, if he foreknew the effects of a ſupernatural production. pretend, that his reducing to Aſhes, or Calcining the Golden Calf, and ſcattering the aſhes in the Water, and giving the Iſraelites of it to drink, is a ſufficient proof that he perfectly underſtood their Art. This inſtance does indeed, directly conclude him very expert in Metallicks, if we ſuppoſe no Miracle in the caſe; but we ſhall, in the ſecond Part of this Hiſtory, ſhew that this is no proof of his having been a Phyſician, the difference according to us being very great between Metallick, and Med'cinal Chymiſtry.

To return to THOTH, or the MERCƲRY of the Aegyptians, 'tis certain that the Aegyptians, and all the Heathens after 'em, believ'd him the Inventor of all Arts, Sciences,Diodorus Siculus, lib. 1. Jul. Caſ. de Bell. G • ll. lib. 6. Iamblich. de M • ſt Aegypt. as the Authors here cited teſtifie, of whom theG • den. Orat. ſuaſ. ad A •• i. Ma • tian. Capell de Art. Gramma • . lib. 3 Clem. •• x. Strom. lib. 6. latter attribute to him the Invention of Phyſick in particular. And therefore 'twas undoubtedly, that the Ancients uſually repreſented Mercury accompany • d by the Goddeſs Hygicia, that is, Health, which he brought to Men by this Art.

We read inAntiq. Juda •• . lib. 1. c. 3. Joſephus, that the Sons of Seth underſtanding from Adam, that the World was to periſh by Water, and by Fire, to preſerve their diſcoveries in Aſtrology, contriv • d to build two Pillars, one of Brick, and the other of Stone, on which they Engrav'd all that they knew conſiderable in that Science, thinking, that if the Brick were deſtroy'd by the Deluge, the Stone wou'd remain. Joſephus adds, that the Pillar of Brick remain'd in Syria in his time.

Mercury took the ſame meaſures to tranſmit to Poſterity the Monuments of his Knowledge.Chronic. lib. 1. Euſebius makes mention, u • on on the credit of Manetho, an Aegyptian Prieſt, of certain Pillars on which THOTH, or the firſt MERCƲRY, had written many things in Hierogliphicks; adding, that AGATHODEMON, or the ſecond MERCƲRY, Father of Tat, tranſcrib'd 'em in Greek after the Deluge, and compos'd of em Books in the Sacred Characters, which were kept in the moſt ſecret places of the Temples of Aegypt. Thus far Manetho. To examine whether this ſecond Mercury be different from Cicero's or not, is not to our preſent purpoſe.

Iamblichus ſays alſo,De Myſter. Aegypt. lib. 1. That there were Columns in Aegypt, fill'd with Writings containing the Doctrines of Mercury. The ſame Author remarks elſewhere, That Pythagoras and Plato receiv'd abundance of light from what they read in Aegypt upon the Pillars of Mercury.Plato in Timao, & Critia. Galen. contra Jalian. lib. 1. PLATO himſelf, in two places, ſpeaks of Pillars upon which the Aegyptians, and other ancient People, writ their Laws, the Hiſtory of their Times, and the moſt remarkable things invented by 'em. What we ſhall ſay in the following Article of the Pillar of Iſis, will be a confirmation.

Whether all that has been related of theſe Columns, and the Extracts made from 'em, ſo much boaſted of by the Aegyptian Prieſts, were true or nor, the Fame of em ſuffic'd to bring forth aburdance of Writings, or Books, which paſs • d for Copies of theſe Extracts, and were taken for the legitimate Works of MERCƲRY. Iamblichus reckonsTh • the Books of the Ancients were very ſhort, yet the number here is manifeſtly very much amplified. Some have reduc'd theſe Books to ſo many lines, or ſhort paragraphs. 6525 of theſe Books. Of ſome of theſe, there remains no more than the Title; others have been preſerv'd entire. There are yet ſome Manuſcripts to be found in curious Libraries, which treat of Chymiſtry; of which we ſhall have occaſion to take further notice, as likewiſe of the famous Table of Emerauld of Hermes, in the Second Part of this Hiſtory; in which we ſhall prove, That if HERMES were the Inventor of Chymiſtry, 'twas not of Medical Chymiſtry.

Among the Books of Mercury, of which the Ancients make mention, and which relate to Phyſick, there were ſome already ſuſpected, even in the time of Galen. De ſimplic. Medicam. facult. lib. 6. in principio. Such was that, which he ſays was attributed to the Aegyptian Mercury, which contain'd the Thirty ſix Herbs of the Horoſcopes. Theſe, he ſays, were meer trifles only, that amus'd the Reader to the loſs of his time.

We have ſpoken before of the Hicrogliphical Books of MERCƲRY, which the Aegyptians kept with ſo much care in their Temples. It was undoubtedly one of theſe Books, which Diodorus calls, in the ſingular number, the Sacred-Book, without naming the Author, by which all the Phyſicians of Aegypt were oblig'd to regulate their practice. So that obſerving the precepts of that Book, they were juſtified, tho' the Patient died; but if they deviated from 'em never ſo little, his death was imputed to 'em, and they puniſh • d as Murtherers. Clemens Alexandrinus goes farther,Stromat. lib. 6. There are, ſays he, which are moſt conſiderable, two and forty Books of HERMES; thirty ſix of which contain the Aegyptian Philoſophy, which they oblig'd their SACRIFICERS, or PRIESTS and PROPHETS, to read. The other ſix they caus'd theirA ſort of Prieſts▪ ſo call • d from their wearing l • ng Cl • aks; or becauſe they carried upon certain occaſi • ns the B • d of Venus. Theſe Paſtophori were th ••• that practis'd Phyſick in Aegypt. PASTOPHORI to learn, as belonging to Phyſick. The firſt of theſe, continues he, treats of the STRUCTURE of the Body; the ſecond of DISEASES; the third of the INSTRUMENTS requird; the fourth of MEDICAMENTS; the fifth of the DISEASES of the EYES; the ſixth of WOMENS DISEASES.

If theſe Books were really MERCƲRY • s, we can't deny him to have reduc • d Phyſick to in Art. He began with the Structure of the Body, or Anatomy, ſuppoſing it moſt natural to begin with the knowledge of the ſubject upon which we are to be employ'd. After this he deſcrib'd the maladies or changes which •• ſal this Body. The third and fourth Books 〈◊〉 of the Inſtruments, and Medicaments ne ••• ſary for cure; that is, of Surgery, and Pharmacy. After theſe he proceeded to the Eye in particular, whoſe diſeaſes are very numerous, •• d require a peculiar care. Hence he treats •• trately of thoſe Diſtempers of Women, that are diſtinct from thoſe of Men, and require a different cure.

Nothing cou'd be more exact; See Conringius de Medicin. Herm cap 3. but there is great reaſon to ſuſpect, that theſe Books were written many Ages after HERMES, at a time when Phyſick had made great advances; • nd there is no doubt to be made, but that the Aegyptian Prieſts father • d upon their HERMES ſome ſpurious piece of their own, or of 〈◊〉 able Phyſician. If the matter did not ſpeak for it ſelf, the aforecited Iamblichus ſtarts the ſuſpicion, by telling us, That the Aegyptian Writers being perſwaded, that Mercury was the Inventor of all things, uſually gave him the honour of their own Productions, or did themſelves the grace to put his Name to their Books

At this time no track, or foot-ſtep, remaining of thoſe Books, of which Clemens Alexandrinus makes mention; we know no more of the pretended Phyſick of HERMES, than the generals already given. If ſome other Books aſcrib • d to him, which have remain'd to our days, were genuine, we might clearly from them infer, that the Phyſick of HERMES was in great meaſure grounded on Aſtrology and Magick.

See the paſſage corrected by Selden (de diis Syris ſyntagm. 1.) Ita humanitas ſemper memor humanae naturae & originis ſuae, in illâ divinitatis imitatione perſeverat, ut ſicut pater, ac dominus, ut ſui ſimiles eſſeut, Deos ſecit aeternos, ita humanitas Deos ſ • os ex ſui vultus ſimilitudine ſig raret. Aſclep. Statuas dicis ô Triſmegiſte? Triſmegiſt. ſtatuas ô Aſclepivideſue qa tenus tu ipſe diffidas? Statuas a • imatas, ſenſu, & Spiritu ple •• s, ••• ta que facientes, & talia; Statuas futurorum prae ••• as, ea quae • or • è omnis vates ignoret in multis & var • is praedicentes imbeci • l tates hominibus facientes, eaſ que curantes triſtitiam laet • tiam que prom • ritis, &c. There is a paſſage, which juſtifies our aſſertion in the Book call'd Aſclepius, which was anciently taken for one of HERMES's, of which the Latin Verſion now extant among us is imputed to Apuleius. This paſſage mentions certain Statues, that gave, and cur'd Diſeaſes, and told things to come; and did divers other prodigious things.

The Book of the thirty ſix ſacred Herbs of the Horoſ •• pes, cited by Galen as before, however ſuppoſititious, is at leaſt a proof that it was the common opinion, that MERCƲRY did not confine himſelf to Phyſick, otherwiſe they wou'd never have father'd ſuch Books upon him. The Title of this Book agrees very well with what Origen writes,Contra Celſ. lib. 8. That the Aegyptians ſay there are thirty ſix Damons, or Gods of the Air, which divide the Body of man among 'em into ſo many parts: And adds, That the Aegyptians had in their Language names for all theſe Daemons, and that invoking any of 'em, according to the part affected, they were cur'd.

There are ſome other 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Liber. Books which bear the name of MERCƲRY, which prove likewiſe, that Aſtrology made a great part of his Phyſick. The Ancients were ſo ſtrongly poſſeſs • d, that Magick, and Aſtrology, made a part of Phyſick, that ſome wou'd place Zoroaſter, an ancient King of Bactria, who is generally taken to be contemporary to Ninus King of Aſſyria, or who, according to Beroſus, was the ſame with Cham the Son of Noah, among the Phyſicians, becauſe he had the reputation of having been a very great Magician, or the Inventor of Magick.

To conclude, 'tis probable Mercury might make uſe of ſome ordinary, or natural Medicines, but Antiquity ſcarce affords us any proof of it. The HerbVid. Ho • . Odyſſ. MOLY, that MERCƲRY gave to Ʋlyſſes, as of force againſt the charms of Circe, is in the number of ſuperſtitious Remedies, but that which bears his Name,Mercurialis, or Mercury. and which is in common uſe, ſeems to have been employ'd by its Inventor, as now it is. To the Mercurialis we may add Coral, of which they ſay MERCƲRY taught the uſe againſt the bitings of Serpents, which was to drink it in pure Wine. The Author of the Hymn to MERCƲRY, which is father'd upon Orpheus, who reports this of Coral, ſpeaks of MERCƲRY's Grot, where all ſorts of good things were hidden, where no diſeaſes came, where remedy was to be had for the bitings of Serpents, for Lunaticks and Lepers. So far Orpheus, but he does not tell the means MERCƲRY us'd on theſe occaſions.

I find nothing more particular concerning the Phyſick of HERMES, than that the ancient Aegyptians deriv'd from him in general, all that belong • d to that Profeſſion.Po • iti • or. lib. 2. cap. 15. Ariſtotle ſpeaks of an ancient Law among the Aegyptians, by which the Phyſicians were forbidden to move the humours, (that is to purge) before the fourth day, which if they did, twas at their own peril, and riſque. This agrees with what was ſaid before of the ſacred Books by which Phyſicians were oblig'd to regulate their practice, and perhaps this Law might be contain'd in that Book aſcrib • d to MERCƲRY. Diodorus takes notice, that the Aegyptian Phyſick conſiſted mainly of Abſtinence, Clyſters, and Vomitories, but we have no proof, that this practice was eſtabliſh'd by HERMES.

We have nothing more on this ſubject, but that after his death he was worſhipp'd as a God; a practice that grew very frequent afterwards, as may be ſeen in the following Articles.

CHAP. VI. OSYRIS, or APIS, or SERAPIS, and ISIS, other Inventors of Phyſick.

Diodor. hb. 1.There were anciently to be ſeen in the City of N • ſa, which ſome place in Arabia, others in Aegypt, the following Inſcriptions upon two Pillars in Myſtick Characters. The firſt ſays • hus: My Father is CHRONOS the youngeſt of the Gods. I am King OSYRIS, who have extended my Conqueſts over the whole Earth, from the uninhabitable parts of the INDIES to thoſe under the BEAR, to the ſources of the DANUBE, and thence to the OCEAN. I am the eldeſt Son of CHRONOS, and have brought him a fair, and noble Race: I am Father of the Day; there is no place in the World where I have not been, and I have fill'd the Ʋniverſe with my good Deeds.

The ſecond was in theſe words: I am ISYS, Queen of all this Country, who have been inſtructed by THOUT. No one can unbind, 〈◊〉 I bind. I am the eldeſt Daughter of CHRONOS, the youngeſt of the Gods; I am Wi • e, and S ••• er to King OSYRIS. I am the firſt that t •• gh • M •• Agriculture; I am Mother to King HORUS. 'Tis I that blaze in the Dog-Star. I bui •• the City of Buba • tus. Adieu, adieu, 〈◊〉 , where I was bred. From theſe t •• Inſ •••• ions we may infer, firſt, That OSYRIS and ISIS, who have been taken for the moſt ancient King, and Queen of Aegypt, were contemporary to HERMES, or THOƲT. If the conjecture advanc'd in the Article precedent were well grounded, they wou'd be of the ſame Family too. Others aver that THOƲT was Counſ • ll •• or Secretary to this King and Queen, without taking notice of any relation between 'em.

We are told in the ſecond place, by the Inſcription of Oſyris, That he had fill'd the World with his benefits. The ſame Auth • r, that recites the Inſcriptions, tells us in the ſame Book, That the Aegyptian Prieſts affirm HERMES to be the Inventor of ARTS and SCIENCES in general, and that the Kings (meaning the King OSYRIS, and Queen ISIS) had invented thoſe which were neceſſary to Life. Of theſe Arts, none is ſo uſeful as Agriculture; of which ISIS boaſts her ſelf to be Inventreſs. The ſame invention is aſcrib'd to OSYRIS; nor is it the only▪ one they ſhare in common betwixt 'em. They are likewiſe ſaid to have invented Phyſick, Firſt tis ſaid of OSYRIS, becauſe 'tis ſaid of APIS, who appears to have been the ſamePlutarch. de I •• d. & O • y • id. Perſon. APIS, ſays Clemens Alexandrinus, a Native of Aegypt, invented Phyſick.

Cyril who was of the ſame City with Clemens, ſays likewiſe, That APIS an Aegyptian, one of the moſt conſiderable of thoſe that ſerv'd in their Temples, and who underſtood natural Philoſophy, was the firſt that invented the ART of PHYSICK, and practic'd it with greater ſucceſs than any that preceded him, teaching it afterwards to ESCULAPIUS.

By this APIS, ſhou'd not be the ſame with OSYRIS, who was King of Aegypt, whereas the other was but a Prieſt; but we may either ſuppoſe Cyril to be miſtaken, or that APIS was King and Prieſt at the ſame time. Be it as 'twill, Plutarch aſſures us, That APIS and OSYRIS, according to the Tradition of the Aegyptians themſelves, were but two different Names for the ſame perſon; which Strabo confirms, as does alſoDe curâ affect. gentil. Theodoret.

The ſame Author wou'd have it likewiſe, that SERAPIS was a third name for OSYRIS. Tacit. Hiſt. lib. 4. Some ancient Authors maintain Serapis to have been the ſame with ESCƲLAPIƲS. De Idolatr. lib. 1. cap. 19. Voſſius fancies that the Aegyptians gave that name to Joſeph, to whom they paid Divine Honours, in acknowledgment of the benefits their Country receiv'd from him; but if SERAPIS be the ſame with OSYRIS, he muſt be abundance older. We ſhall ſpeak of the Temple of Serapis, in the Article of Eſculapius.

As for ISIS, Diodorus tells us, That the Aegyptians affirm, that ISIS invented divers medicaments, and that ſhe was very expert in Phyſick: For which, ſay they, being already rais'd to be a Goddeſs, ſhe ſtill takes care of the health of Men. Hence it is, that they, who implore her ſuccour, find themſelves immediately reliev'd. They ſay, That the reputation of ISIS is not founded upon vain Fables, like thoſe of the Greeks, but upon evidence of Fact. That 'tis ſupported by the teſtimony of almoſt all the Ʋniverſe, who honour this Goddeſs for the ſuccour they find from her in Phyſick. ISIS, ſay they, reveals Medicines to the ſick by Dreams in their ſleep, which never miſs their effect; ſo that inſtances are daily ſeen of thoſe, that recover their health, even after the Phyſicians have given 'em abſolutely over.

This teſtimony of Diodorus is back'd by divers others. But whatever ISIS did in Phyſick, we hear of no Books written by her as by HERMES. We have nothing remaining of her, exceptKerher. Oedip. Aegypt. Borrich. de or • & progreſ. Chim. ISIS's Table, a piece very curious, and (as they ſay) very ancient, written in Aegyptian Characters, and charg'd with Hieroglyphicks; that is, with myſtical Figures, or Emblems, which is in the Cloſet of the Duke of Savoy, of which we ſhall take further notice when we treat of the Table of HERMES, before-mention'd. There were in Galen's time certain Medicines, that bore the name of Iſis, which ſeem rather impos'd upon em •• raiſe their value, than drawn from her invention.

OSYRIS and ISIS being dead, they w •• e number'd among the Gods, as well as MERCƲRY. If it be ask • d, Why the Ancients made Gods of thoſe that were mortal, and ſubjected to the ſame conditions with the reſt of Mankind? Cicero De Nat. deor. lib. 2. anſwers, That 'twas an eſtabliſh'd cuſtom in the World to deifie thoſe perſons, that did any conſiderable ſervices to Mankind, as did HERCULES, CASTOR and POLLUX, ESCULAPIUS, BACCHUS, &c. All theſe, whom Cicero here mentions, are much later than OSYRIS and ISIS, who are the firſt that had this honour done 'em. We are inform'd at leaſt, by Sancthoniathon, Eu •• b. praepar. Evang. That the Phaenicians and Aegyptians were the firſt, that held, as great Gods, the Inventors of things neceſſary to Life, and thoſe that were thought to have done any mighty ſervice to Mankind; and from them, ſays he, this cuſtom has been receiv • d by all the reſt. Clemens Alexandrinus ſays likewiſe, That the ſame practice was in uſe among the Chaldeans, and the Inhabitants of Arabia the Happy, of Paleſtine, and of Perſia, and all the Barbarians in general.

CHAP. VII. HORUS, APOLLO, or PAEON, another Inventor of Phyſick.

THE Invention of Phyſick has been given likewiſe to Horus, or Apollo, Son of Iſis. This Goddeſs, according to Diodorus, finding in the water her Son Horus, who was ſlain by Titans, not only reſtor'd him to life, but made him immortal alſo. He adds, That the name of Horus has been reader'd Apollo, and that he was believ'd to have learn'd the Arts of Phyſick, and Divination, of his Mother Iſis, and that he was very uſeful to Men by his Oracles, and by his Remedies. By what is paſt, Horus appears not to be the Inventor of Phyſick, having been taught it by his Mother; but if he be the ſame with Apollo, the ſequel will prove him to have had the credit of inventing this Art himſelf.

Ci ••• , who as we have ſeen multiply'd the Mercu • ies, will have it, that there wereDe Nat. d • or. lib. 3. four Apollo's, amongſt which Horus ſeems not to be included, unleſs we make him the ſame whom he ca •• s the fi • ſt of all the Apollo's, Son of Vulcan, and Patron of Athens. If Mercury and Vulcan, (who according to Cicero were both Sons of Cal • s) were •••• ntan and Miſraim, Grandſons of No •• h, De or • . & • rogr. Chi •• . as B • rrichius fancies; and if Oſyris and Iſ •• liv • d about that time, Horus their Son might be con • emp ••• ry to the Son of Vulcan. And if, with the Author of the univerſal Biblio • heq • e, we ſub •••• te Oſyris to Mercury, the Apollo of D • odorus, and Cicero, will be, if not the ſame perſon, yet Brothers Children at leaſt.

If there were really any one of that name, that ſignaliz •• himſelf by his Phyſick, it muſt be the Son of Iſis, tho' he were not the Apollo, whom Ovid Inventum Medicina meum eſt Opi • er que per Orbe •• Dicor & •••• um ſubj • ct • potentia nobi • . Metamorph. lib. 1. introduces laying claim to the Invention of Phyſick, and the Vertues of Plants. We may paſs the ſame cenſure upon the Apollo of Ovid, and the reſt of the Poets, as upon the Prometheus of Aeſchylus, that he is a feign • d perſon, by whom the Sun was ſign ••• ed. To this Star they aſcrib'd the riſe of Phyſick, or rather a power of Life and Death over Men, to cauſe Peſtilences, and to diſperſe em; for the Sun, or its hea • , were eſteem • d the principle of Generation, and Corruption in all things, upon whoſe peculiar influence upon Animal Bodies, and thoſe that ſurround 'em, Health and Diſeaſes did immediately depend.

Hyginus refines very much upon this, when he ſays,Fab. lib 1. That Apollo was the firſt Oculiſt, alluding to the light of the Sun, and the appellation given him by the Poets, the Eye of the World. For the ſame reaſon he is ſaid to be the God of Divination, becauſe Light, or the Day, diſcovers what was hidden in the Night. By this he became more famous than the others, and his Temples were more frequented by thoſe, that came to know their Fortunes, than to cure their Diſtempers. Others have thought, that the Art of Divination was join • d to Phyſick, upon the account of the Prognoſticks of Phyſicians,This conjecture ſeems very natural, but I doubt the Art of Divination will appear to have been ſeparated from Phyſick before the latter arriv'd at any great skill in the Pr • gnoſticks, of which we find • ot • ing before Hippocrates, but what the Coacae Praenotiones c • ntain, which ſeem to be the collective Body of the knowledge of his Predeceſſors 〈◊〉 that • ind. I rather think, that the Priests, who were the firſt Pr •• eſ • 〈…〉 introduc • d Divination firſt into Phyſick, that they might ſupply their 〈◊〉 in the latter by the imaginary ••• s of th • f • rme • , and ſupport their credit jointly by both, which they cou'd not by either apart. by which they frequently foretel, what ſhall befal the Patient in the courſe of his diſtemper; which is, what procures the greateſt veneration for the Profe •• ion.

It ſhou'd ſeem by the Etymology of the word Apollo, which comes from a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . This etymology ſeems better grounded than that which deduces it from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to expel; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 quaſi 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Greek word ſignifying to deſtroy, that the ſick addreſs'd themſelves to him, as much out of fear of miſchief, as hope of benefit; as they rais'd Altars to the Fever. Homer, where he once calls Apollo Saviour of the People, ſays a hundred times, that he wounds and ſmites afar off. He was Surnam'd likewiſe Alexicacos, the Chaſer of Evil, but we find not that name in Homer.

He was call'd likewiſeOthers fetch this word from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to ceaſe, to put a ſtop, or appeaſe; becauſe appeas'd Diſeaſes. Paeon, from a Verb, which ſignifies according to ſome to heal, but vulgarly to ſtrike. Iliad. Euſtathius takes notice that Homer's PAEON, the Phyſician of the Gods, was Apollo himſelf. It was a common practice to give Apollo the Surname of Paean; Io Paean was the burthen of all the Hymns ſung in his praiſe. Servius In Eneid. 12. obſerves that Paean was a Dorick word, in which Dialect it uſual is to turn o into a, Paean for Paeon.

The Scholiaſt upon Nicander is of another mind; Paeon, Schol. in Nicand. Theriac. ſays he, is Eſculapius. There is a paſſage likewiſe in the Plutus of Ariſtophanes, where the Surname of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Finding favour with Eſculapius Paeon, or Eſculapius the Phyſician, as ſome tranſlate it. This • p • thete might at firſt belong properly to Apollo, but it has been beſtow'd upon his Son Eſculapius likewiſe, and after him upon all famous Phyſicians▪ whom they had a mind to do honour to. In this ſenſe perhaps it is, that Homer ſays, that Phyſicians are of the race of Paeon. Hence come the words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , medicabilis, curable; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the hand of a Phyſician. And Servius in the place before cited ſays, upon theſe words of Virgil, Paeonium in Morem, That Paeonius ſignifies Medicinalis, or belonging to a Phyſician. Paeon is given to Eſculapius.

Parere del S. Leonardo di Capoa intorno la Medicina.A Learned Italian, who writ ſome years ſince in refutation of the Scholiaſt upon Nicander, alledges, That Eſculapius was not yet Deify • d in the days of Homer; but we ſhall ſee in the ſequel, that his Apotheoſis was paſs'd long before. We might ſupport the Scholiaſt by the authority of Virgil, who attributes the raiſing to life Hippolitus to the power of the Herbs of Paeon, thereby plainly intending Eſculapius, whom he preſently after calls the Son of Phoebus.

Artemidorus likewiſe confounds Eſculapius with Paeon: De Somo. interpr •• . • ib. 2. cap. 42. If you dream, ſays he, that Eſculapius removes, or comes to any place, or into any Houſe, 'tis a ſign of the Plague, or other diſtemper; for 'tis on theſe occaſions Men have need of this God. But if the ſick dream ſo, 'tis a ſign of recovery; for, adds he, this God is call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . PAEON. So far Artemidorus; but, here, it may be anſwer'd, that by Paeon is meant no more than Phyſician.

Lucian, on the other hand, diſtinguiſhes formally between theſe two; for he introduces Hercules threatning Eſculapius to maul him ſo, that •• alogues of the Gods. Paeon himſelf ſhou'd not be able to cure him.

Theſe different Authorities ſhew us, that the Ancients were divided upon the matter. At laſt, if Homer's PAEON, who was Phyſician to the Gods, was any other than Apollo, or Eſculapius, he not having inform'd us what Family he was of, we need perplex our ſelves about the matter no farther.

CHAP. VIII. ARABUS another Inventor of Phyſick.

OF ARABƲS I find nothing but theſe words in Pliny: Lib 7. cap. 18. The Aegyptians will have it, that Phyſick was invented among them; others attribute the Invention to ARABUS, the Son of Babylone and Apollo.

CHAP. IX. ESCULAPIUS the moſt famous, or moſt generally known of the Inventors of Phyſick; or of thoſe that brought the Art to ſome degree of Perfection. Wherein of CHIRON the CENTAUR, and the HEROES his Pupils; as alſo of MELAMPUS, and POLYIDUS.

THE Aegyptians, who attribute the invention of Med'cine to Hermes, account Eſculapius his Pupil. The aforecited Book, intituled Aſclepius, which is the ſame name with Eſculapius, introduces H • rmes and Eſculapius talking together, like Maſter and Scholar. And Julius Maternus Firmicus ſays, upon the tradition of the Aegyptians, Lib. 3. cap. 1. de ••• ſiri & Nic • pſo. That the God Mercury communicated the ſec • ets of Aſtrology, and Mathematicks, to Eſculapius and Anubis; from whence we may infer, that he did not hide from the former his Skill in Phyſick, which was his principal Study.

Tis the more probable, that Eſculapius was inſtructed by Mercury, in that he was his Kinſman.Sancthoniathon. 1. ap. Philon. 1. Syd • c, or Sadoc, Brother of Miſor Father of H • rmes, having firſt had ſeven Sons call'd D •• ſcures, Cabires, or Corybantes, had an eighth, which was Eſculapius, whoſe Mother was one of the ſeven Siſter Titans Daughters to Saturn by his Wife Aſtarte. The Author from whom what is here ſaid is drawn, adds, That the Cabires had Children, who found out wholſome Herbs, and remedies for the bitings of venemous Beaſts, and that they made uſe of Enchantments.

This was the Tradition of the Aegyptians and Phaenicians concerning Eſculapius, who, according to them, muſt have been of the ſame Age and Family with the reſt of the Inventors of Phyſick; of whom we have ſpoken already. Clemens Alexandrinus alone, after having told us, that Eſculapius was of Memphis, and that he improv'd Phyſick, which Apis invented, ſeems to make him later; for he ſays in another place, that he was Deify'd a little before the Trojan War; by which he ſeems to have confounded Eſculapius the Aegyptian, with Eſculapius the Greek; of whom hereafter. But the Greeks make him not quite ſo old, as we ſhall ſee. Cicero after them ſays, that there were three Eſculapius's; the firſt, whom the Arcadians worſhip, was the Son of Apollo. He invented the Probe, to probe wounds with, and taught the uſe of Bandage. The ſecond, was Son of the ſecond MERCURY, Thunder-ſtruck by Jupiter, and bury'd at the Cynoſures.See the Chapter of Podal • rius. The thi • d, who was Son of Arſippus and Arſinoe, invented Purga ••• n and Tooth-drawing

If the firſt Eſculapius of Cicero be the ſame of Pauſanias, and Pindar ſpeak, who was Son of Apollo and Coronis, he cannot be ve • y ancient, having been educated by the Centaur CHIRON, who lived but juſt before the Trojan War, and having had two Sons preſent at that Siege.

All theſe Eſculapius's may, in my opinion, be reduc'd toSee the Chapter of the Wife and Daughters of Eſculapius. one, ſo that it there ever were any Eſculapius, 'tis probable he was a Phaenician, or an Aegyptian; but he has been multiplied, as moſt of the reſt before him, by the ſlight of the Greeks, with whom twas cuſte mary to adopt Aegyptian Fables, that they might honour their own Country with the production of any extraordinary Perſons. Hence 'tis that their Eſculapius is ſo recent, their Annals not reaching much higher than the War of Troy.

Yet this way ſhou'd there be but two Eſculapius's, one Aegyptian, and one Greek; but the ſame motive, that prevailed upon the Country in general, to naturalize this Phyſician, induc'd ſeveral Provinces, and Cities, to put in their particular claim, each ſetting up a Title apart, excluſive of all the reſt.

The Greeks have been ſo unſucceſsful in their attempts, to find an etymology for the name in their Tongue, that tis alone a ſufficient proof, that the word is not originally Greek. The Reader may, in the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , ab a privativo, & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Siccari, quod impediret quo nitous • omines ſiccarentur, vel more ••• tur. Or, according to the Etymologicum magnum, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Or, according to Tzetzes, becauſe he cur'd Aſcles Tyrant of Epidaurus, their names were compounded; and he, inſtead • f being call'd ſimply Hepius, or Apius, as before, was nam'd Aſclepius. Margin, ſee both theirs, and ſome etymologies drawn from the Bochart derives Aſclepius (whence the Latin Eſculapius) from the Phaenician, Is Calabi, viz. Caninus, upon the ſcore of keeping Dogs in his Temples; of which, the reaſons hereafter. Others derive it from Ez, and Keleb, of which the latter ſignifies a Dog, the other a Goat, becauſe of a tradition, that he was ſuckled by a Goat, and guarded by a Dog; of which more anon. Junius, Father-in-Law to Voſſius, derives Aſclepius from Aſcalaphus, which ſignifies to change; Voſſius de Philoſophiâ. But in the ſame Tongue we find the words, Is Calaphot, A Man of the Knife, which etymology appears the more juſt, in that it expreſſes perfectly his Profeſſion; his principal Talent being Surgery, as ſhall be ſhewn. Phaenician Language, and judge for himſelf. I ſhall here repeat, that 'tis probable there was but one Eſculapius, and he a Phaenician; or which is tantamount, that if there was a Greek of the ſame name and reputation, that he borrow'd both of the former.

The Eſculapius of the Cyrenians, was likewiſe unqueſtionably the ſame with the Phaenician; but of him, a word or two hereafter.

However it be, Antiquity having left us nothing of the firſt, but the little we have cited, we muſt ſtick to the account the Greeks give of theirs. Of him by and by, but firſt a word or two concerning Chiron the Centaur, who was his Maſter.

CHAP. X. The Centaur CHIRON, and the HEROES his Pupils in Phyſick.

THE Centaur CHIRON wasPindar. Pyth. Od. 6. Hygin. Fab. cap. 138. Apollo • . Rhod. Argonaut. lib. 2. &c. Son of Saturn and Philira; and the Fable tells us, that the reaſon, why he was half Man, half Horſe, (which the Poets call a Centaur) was, that Saturn, while he was with Philira, apprehending a ſurprize from his Wife Rhea, turn'd himſelf immediately into a Horſe for a diſguiſe. Others ſay, that Chiron was feign'd to be half Man half Beaſt, becauſe he underſtood Phyſick for both kinds; and Suidas ſays, that he wrote a Book call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Horſe-Med • cine. Perhaps the Fable has made a Centaur of him, becauſe he was of Theſſaly, the Country of thoſe fictitious Monſters; for Theſſaly being the place where they firſt began to back Horſes, thoſe that firſt, at a diſtance, ſaw a Man on Horſeback, made but one body of 'em.

German. Caeſar. in Arat. Phaenom.Some tell us ſimply, that Chiron invented Phyſick, without ſpecifying any kind.Galen. Introduct. Plin. lib. 7. cap. 46. Others ſay, that he firſt found Herbs, and Medicaments for the cure of Diſeaſes, and particularly Wounds and Ulcers.Plutarch. Sympoſ. lib. 3. qu. 1. The Magneſians, his Country-men, offer to him, for this reaſon, the firſt fruits of Herbs, or Plants; and ſay, that he was the firſt that wrote of Phyſick. From him, 'tis ſaid, that Centaury, a Plant well known, took its name, as did alſo ſome others. They add, that Diana taught him the vertues of ſome other Simples. Others, after all, make him theHygin. cap 27. Inventor of Manual Operation only. This conceit is founded upon the etymology of his Name, which is plainly deriv • d from a Greek word, which ſignifies 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; from whence Chirurgery, which ſignifies working with the Hand. a Hand, and from which the name Chirurgery is likewiſe deriv'd.

Surgery, or Phyſick, was not the only Science, of which Chiron was Maſter; he underſtood likewiſe Philoſophy, Aſtronomy, Muſick, Hunting, War, and other Arts. His habitation was in a Cave of Mount Pelion, whither all the great Men of his Time reſorted for his inſtructions in theſe Arts and Sciences. The Heroes, whom he educated, were Hercules, Theſeus, Ariſteas, Telamon, Teucer, Jaſon, Peleus, Achilles, Patroclus, Palamedes, and Eſculapius.

He taught Hercules not only the Art of War and Aſtronomy, but Phyſick alſo; in which, according to Plutarch, this Hero excell'd. Some interpret the paſſage of Euripides, which ſays, That Hercules hearing that Alceſte was to die for her Husband Admetus, fought Death, and reſcu'd her from him by force; after this manner.Muret. Var. Lection. Alceſtis being ſo ill, that her recovery was deſpair'd of, Hercules, by his Med'cines, reſtor • d her to health. Tis ſaid, that he bore the Surname ofExpeller of Evil. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as well as Apollo, and for the ſame reaſon, that is, becauſe he expell • d Diſeaſes. But 'tis more probable he was ſo call • d, becauſe he clear • d the World of divers Monſters, according to the Fable.

'Tis argued likewiſe, that Hercules underſtood Phyſick, from the ſeveral Medicinal Plants, that bears his name. Theophraſtus, Dioſcorides, and other ancient Botaniſts, ſpeak of a ſort of Poppy, call'd Hercules • s Poppy. There was alſo another Plant call'd Heracleum. The Nymphaea was likewiſe call • d Heraclea, according to Pliny; who ſays, that it ſprung upon the Tomb of a Nymph, who died of Jealouſie upon the account of Hercules, who had an Intrigue with another. There is alſo a ſort of Panax, and ſome other Plants, nam'd from Hercules. Yet to me it ſeems probable, that theſe names were given ſince his time, to denote the extraordinary force of theſe Plants, which they compar'd to the ſtrength of Hercule • For a like reaſon the Epilepſie, or Falling-Sickneſs, was call'd the Herculean Diſtemper, not that he was ever troubled with it, or knew how to cure it,Or rather becauſe the ſtrength of Hercules is not ſufficient to bear up under it. but becauſe a power equal to that of Hercules is requir'd to ſubdue ſo difficult a Malady.Epiſtol. Abderit. ad Hippocrat. Juſtin. lib. 13. Schol. 〈◊〉 Apollon Rhod. Argonaut. lib. 2. This Hero had a Daughter call • d Hepione, who underſtood Phyſick likewiſe. We ſhall ſee by and by another Hepione, Wife to Eſculapius.

Ariſtaeus King of Arcadia, and Son of Apollo and Cyrene, was by his Father committed to the care of Chiron the Centaur, who taught him Med • cine and Divination. He is ſaid firſt to have taught Men to make Oyl, and Ariſt ••• is ſaid to have been the firſt that kept Bees, and to have produced • em after a ſtrange manner. Virg. Georg. 4. Honey, and Cheeſe-curds, and divers other things uſeful to Society. To him is aſcrib'd the diſcovery of the virtues of Silphium or Laſerpitium, whoſe Gum, or Juice, inſpiſſated, was very much in uſe among the Ancients; butSome conclude it to be that kind of Ferula, which yields Aſafoetida, and which by moſt modern Bonatiſts is call • d Laſerpitium. at preſent, we either have it not, or don't certainly know it, as the ſequel will ſhew.

Theſeus had his education in the ſame School, and Theophraſtus mentions a Plant that bore his name; whence ſome infer, that he found out the vertue of it, which was to looſen the Belly.

Telamon, and his Son Teucer, come in with theſe for an equal ſhare of the knowledge of Phyſick. Philoſtratus vouches for the Father. And theGermander. Teucrium, a Plant which bears his name, and is very well known, is alſo, according to the common tradition, an argument that he was the firſt diſcoverer of it.

Jaſon had likewiſe the reputation of a great Phyſician, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , medeor, to to heal, or cure. of which the etymology of his Name remains as a proof.

Peleus alſo was admitted to the ſame honour, as well as his Son Achilles. The latter carried with him, to the Siege of Troy, a Lance given him by the Centaur, which had the virtue of healing the wounds it made, which Telephus experienc • d to his relief.

Lib. 25. cap 5. Some, ſays Pliny, pretend, that Achilles cur • d TELEPHUS with the Herb Achillea, which is a ſort of a Yarrow, or Milfoil. Others ſay, That he found out Some have (perhaps with equal reaſon) fancied Achilles the Inventor of Weapon Salve, or that he was poſſeſs'd of the ſecret, wherein, according to them, conſiſted the virtue, ſuppos'd to have been in his Spear, of curing the wounds it made. Vert de Gris, which is of great uſe in Salves, and for that reaſon, ſay they, Achilles is painted ſcraping the Verdigriſe, which is the ruſt of Copper, from the point of his Spear, and dropping it into Telephus's wound.

Homer tells us, that Eurypylus being wounded, requeſted Patroclus, the friend of Achilles, Iliad. 2. ſubſ. fin. to communicate to him ſome of thoſe excellent Remedies he had learn'd of his Hero Patroclus having been Companion, and fellow Pupil to Achilles under Chiron, might reaſonably have been thought not to have needed his Inſtructions. the Diſciple of Chiron, the juſteſt of all the Centaurs.

To the authority of Homer we may join that of ſeveral other Poets,Vindicianus, Sid • n. Apolhnari. Claudian. in Pan. de 3. con • ul. Honor. item ad Hadrianum. who all agree that Achilles learn'd Med'cine of the Centaur Chiron.

Whether Patroclus underſtood Phyſick or not, and eſpecially Surgery, after what has been ſaid, is ſcarce a queſtion; for Eurypylus, in the afore-cited place, deſires him to make an Inciſion into his Thigh, and draw out the head of the Arrow, with which he was wounded, and to waſh the wound with water, and apply ſomething to aſſwage the pain.

Philoſtrat: in Heroicis. Palamedes, by the inſtructions of Chiron, was no leſs a proficient in Med'cine than the reſt; for by his advice, the Plague, that ravag'd all the Cities of the Helleſpont, and even Troy it ſelf, was ſtopp'd from coming into the Graecian Camp, which lay before the Town in a very unhealthy place. His method was to oblige 'em to a ſpare Diet, and much Exerciſe.

This is what is reported of theſe Heroes, as to Phyſick. I meet with no particular cures of Chiron's making, except that of Phaenix Apollodor. lib. 3. the Son of Amintor, to whom he reſtor'd his ſight, after his Father, in a fit of Jealouſie, had put his Eyes out. Galen ſays, that the Greeks call'd malignant Ʋlcers, which were in a manner incurable, Chironian, becauſe Chiron only cou'd cure 'em; tho it ſeems more reaſonable to think they were ſo call'd for a quite contrary reaſon, that is, that Ulcers of that nature were deſpair'd of by that incomparable Surgeon.

Vide Ovid. Metam. lib. 2. Poſſe mori cupies tum, cum cruciabere dirae Sangu • ne • Serpentis per ſancia memora recepto, &c. The Fable informs us, That Hercules having unawares wounded Chiron with an Arrow dipt in the blood of the Lernean Hydra, the pain was ſo inſupportable, that the Centaur's greateſt trouble was, that being immortal he cou'd not die Whereupon Hercules, to make him all the amends he cou'd, unbound Prometheus, who conſented to become immortal in the room of Chiron, who died according to his deſire, and was tranſlated to a place among the Stars.

This Centaur had two Daughters; one of which made her ſelf famous by her predictions, and skill in Phyſick: Her name was Hippo. The other was call'd—V • cavit Ocyroen. non haec artes contenta paternas Edidiciſſe fuit, &c. Ovid. ibid. Ocyroe, of whom Ovid teſtifies that ſhe underſtood her Father Arts.

CHAP. XI. MELAMPUS and POLYIDUS: Wherein is the firſt example of Purgation, and of a Mineral Remedy taken inwardly.

THEY were both of Argos. The firſt was Son of Amithaon, and Aglais, or of Idomenca Daughter of Abas. He is one of the moſt ancient Poets known, of whom Homer himſelf makes mention. He wrote ſeveral thouſand Verſes u • on the Lamentations of Ceres, for the Rape of her Daughter, upon the Myſteries of that Goddeſs, and other ſubjects. He underſtood alſo the Art of Divination, and of Phyſick, two Arts in thoſe days inſeparable. There are yet ſome Books remaining under his name, which teach to tell Fortunes by Palpitations, by Moles, and other Natural Marks on the Body, which Books are manifeſtly ſpurious.

We have already taken notice of the means Melampus uſed to cure the Daughters of Praetus, that had loſt her Wits; which was to purge 'em with Hellebore, or with he Miſk of his Goats, which had eaten it. Hence perhaps it was, that he had a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Se • v • us in 3 Georg: Surname given him, which ſeems to hint, that he was the firſt that uſed purging Med'cines; for 'tis certainly the oldeſt inſtance we have of the uſe ofSee the Chapter of • odalirius. Purgation. But 'tis more probable, that he was ſo nam'd, becauſe he was the firſt introducer of the pretended methods of Purgation; that is, by waſhing, and pu • ifying thoſe, that lay under any diſtemper e ••• er of Mind, or Body, or that were foul with Crimes; which was not done by Medical Purgation, but by ſuperſtitious Rites, ſuch as pronouncing certain Verſes, or Words, over the Party, or to apply to 'em, or give 'em Herbs gather'd at times, and after a manner ſuperſtitious, or to waſh 'em in Baths to that purpoſe.

Mela •• pus us'd all th • ſe means to the Daughters of Praecus. He not only gave 'em Hellebore, but he us'd alſoThe wor • Charm comes from the Latin C ••••• , which ſ ••• 〈◊〉 ••• ong, Verſe, w •• ther 〈…〉 ••• try. Verſes, or Charms, and after caus'd 'em to bath in a certain Fountain in Arc ••• a, call'd theC ••• to qui ••• 〈◊〉 de f ••• e •• ârit, V ••• • ag •• . — Ami • ha •• e nat ••• •• aeridas atton •• as poſtcu •• n per carmen & herb is Eripuit fur • is; purgamina m • n ••• in • as Mi •• t aq • as: odjum que meri permanfit in undis. Ovid. Me • am. lib 15. Cliterian Fountain, where they finiſh'd their purification. The l • able tells us, That from that time whoever taſted that Water, contracted an averſion to Wine.Apollodor. lib. 2. If this cure was extraordinary, the reward was no leſs conſiderable; for he agreed with the Father of the Princeſſes, that he ſhould give hi • one third of his Kingdom, another third to his Brother Bias, and to each of 'em one of th • Princeſſes to Wife.

Another cure we find reported of Melampus • o leſs memorable than the former.Idem, lib. 1. Iphiclus Son of Philacus, being unable to get Children, Melampus was deſir • d • o find him a remedy for his impotence; which he did thus. He ſacrific'd two Bulls, and cutting the en ••••• to pieces, he drew the Birds together, i • ••• der to an Augury. Amongſt the reſt came a • ul • ure, by whom he was inform'd, M • lampas as an • u • us, under •• ood the Language of Birds. tha • • hylacus, formerly ſacrificing ſome Rams, left the Knife, with which he had cut their Throats, all bloudy near his Son, who, being very young, was frighted at it, and ran, and ſtuck it into a conſecrated Cheſnur-Tree, whoſe Bark afterwards cover'd it. The • ulture added, That if Ip •• clus fetch'd that Knife, and ſcraping off the Ruſt, drank it in Wine for ten days together, he ſhou'd ſoon be luſty and get Children. This counſel Melampus gave the young Prince, who obey • d 〈…〉 ••• ceſs.

This is the firſt inſtance of a Mineral Medicine taken inwardly. We ſhall ſee in the ſecond Part of this Hiſtory, what advantagesThe ruſt of Iron being a natural production, can't be urg'd as an inſtance of Chymical Med'cine, whatſoever ſimilitude the Chymiſts may pretend it to bear to their artificial Crocus Martis. the Chymical Phyſicians may draw from it. I can't tell whether this Med'cine have any ſuch eſſicacy, as is here aſcrib'd to it; but Dioſcorides employ'd it to a purpoſe directly contrary.Dioſcor. lib. 5. The ruſt of Iron (ſays he) hinders Women from conceiving. But what is moſt remarkable, is that Iphiclus himſelf took it, and not his Wife.

Virgil makes him contemporary with Chiron, who liv'd till the time of the Trojan War, or very near.—ceſſere magiſtri, Phyllyrides Chiron, Amy thaoniuſ que Melampus, Georg. 3. de Peſte. Melampus liv'd two hundred years before the Siege of Troy. After his death he was look'd upon as a God, Temples were built in honour of him, and ſacrifice offer'd to him in ſeveral places of Greece. We have nothing to add to what was ſaid in the beginning of this Hiſtory concerning Polyidus, than that Melampus was his Great Uncle, if at leaſt he be the ſame of whom Pauſanias Pauſan. lib. 1. makes mention. What induces us to believe him to be ſo, is that he ſays that Polyidus was ſent for from Megara, to 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Luſtrare, to waſh with Luſtral Water. A Water ſomething like the Holy-Water of the Roman Catholicks of our Times, but us'd with more ceremony. puriſie a Man that had committed Murder, which was the buſineſs of the Diviners; of which ſort Polyidus was.

CHAP. XII. The Hiſtory of ESCULAPIUS continued: Wherein by the way of CADMUS and BACCHUS, by ſome reputed the Inventors of Phyſick.

THE ſhifting the Country of Eſculapius, brings us at one ſtep ſome Ages forwarder in the Hiſtory of Phyſick. But tho' the Greeks had not purloyn'd him from his Country, as we have ſhewn, yet ſhou'd we have been oblig'd to leap from Aegypt, or Phaenicia into Greece, and leave untouch'd this great interval, for want of Memoirs of the ſtate of Phyſick in thoſe Countries during that time.

Or the Author of the B • ok, intituled, The Phyſician, which paſſes among his W • rks, but is ſuppos • d t • be written by another Phyſician nam'd Herodotus. Galen, ſuppoſing that Eſculapius, that is, Eſculapius of Greece, was the firſt that brought Phyſick to perfection, will have it, that all thoſe, that preceded him in it, had no more than a bare Empirical knowledge of the virtues of ſome Herbs, which they had experienc'd upon ſome occaſions.

He was indeed forc'd to confeſs, that, before that, other Med • cines, beſides Herbs, were in uſe in Aegypt, as Homer witneſſeth; and that their cuſtom of opening their dead, in order to embalm 'em, muſt needs have taught 'em divers things of uſe to Surgery in particular, but thinks all their knowledge owing to Experience alone, without Reaſoning; whereas, according to him Eſculapius compleated Med • cine, whoſe Phyſick he calls Divine, ſuppoſing him to derive it from his Father the God Apollo.

We ſhall ſee by and by, that Es;culapius himſelf did not know much more than thoſe Galen ſpeaks of, who, in probability, are not much wrong • d by him. But, whatever th •• •• owledge were, ſince Antiquity has left us nothing of it, let us ſee what it has deliver'd concerning Eſculapius.

He was (as has been ſaid) Son of Apollo and Coronis; of his • irth Pauſanias gives this account.In Laconic. 〈◊〉 •• us, being great by Apollo, going with her F •••• Pelopo • cſus, was deliver • d of a Son up 〈◊〉 Mountain in the Territories of Epi • au • us, where ſhe left him. A Goat-herd in the neighborhood, miſſing his Dog, and one of his milch Goats, • pon ſearch found 'em both with the Child, the Goat giving him the Breaſt, and the Dog ſtanding Centry. He obſerving, beſides this, that the Child was ſurrounded with coeleſcial Fire, conceiv'd a great veneration for him. Others ſay, that he was the Son of Arſinoe, Daughter of Leucippus.

With Pindar ag ••• s Ovid in the main, ex cept that this latter ma • es Coronis to ha •• been of ••• ſſa, and her Lover of the ſame Country, and ſhe ſlain by Apollo's •• n hand: Pulehior in t •• â quam Lariſſaea C • rouis non fuit Aemonià, &c. Or. Metam. lib. 2. Pythio • . Od. 3. Pindar gives another account of the matter. Coronis (ſays he) being great with Child, yet being laviſh of her favours to Iſchys, a young Arcadian, Apollo was ſo provok'd, that he ſent the Goddeſs Diana, his Siſter, to Laceria, a City in Theſſaly, where Coronis dwelt, to excite the Plague, whereof ſhe died. But as ſhe was laid upon the Pile, the God, remembeing the burden of her Womb, came, and ſnatch • d the Child out of the flames, and carried him to Chiron the Centaur to be brought up.

He is by ſome reported to have been born atOr Tricca, thence call • d Tricca •• s. Trica, a City of the ſame Province. • e falſ relig. lib. 1. cap. 10. Lactantius ſays, That his Parents were uncertain, that he was expos'd immediately after his birth, and found by Hunters nurs'd by a Bitch, that he was ſent by the Hunters to Chiron, who taught him Phyſick. He adds, That he was a Meſſenian, but had his abode at Epidaurus.

Others ſay, That Apollo himſelf taught him his Art. Be it as it may, he was ſo good a proficient, that he cur'd, as Pindar ſays, all that applied themſelves to him, of all ſorts of Ʋlcers, Wounds, Fevers, and Pains, by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . ſoft Incantations, by ſweetning Potions, by Inciſions, or Remedies externally applied.

By Incantation here may be underſtood the power of Muſick, which in many caſes affords great relief. Apollo, the Father of Eſculapius, being God of Muſick, and Chiron, his Tutor, no leſs a Muſician than a Phyſician, he cou'd not but be a great Maſter of both Arts. There is a paſſage in Galen, which may ſerve as a Comment upon this of Pindar. De ſanitat. tuend. lib. 1 cap. 8.. I have cur'd (ſays he) ſeveral perſons, whoſe paſſions of mind have render'd their Bodies diſeas'd, by calming the diſorderly motions, and reducing their minds to their natural ſtate of compoſure. If authority were requir • d to eſtabliſh this method, I cou'd cite a very conſiderable one, which is that of Eſculapius the God of my Country, who us • d to relieve thoſe, whoſe violent agitations of mind rais'd an intemperate heat in their Bodies, with Songs, Farces, and Muſick.

CHAP. XIII. Of CHARMS, and the manner how they were introduc'd into Phyſick. ESCULAPIUS us'd 'em, as did all the reſt of the Ancients.

THat this way of curing Diſeaſes is very ancient, is paſt doubt, and that it was in uſe at this time we have the teſtimony of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Odyſſ. 19. Homer, who tells us, That they ſtopp'd the bleeding of Ulyſſes, by means of Incantations or Charms.

Eſculapius join'd this ſuperſtitious method of treating the Sick, to that was uſually practic'd, which, according to Pindar, conſiſted of Potions, external Remedies, and manual Operations.

'Tis very probable, that at firſt they had recourſe to theſe three ways only, as the moſt ſimple, and natural. But finding them frequently ineffectual, they betook themſelves to ſuperſtitious Means, perhaps out of a conſiderationIt is more probable, that they were firſt introduc'd by their Prieſts, who were the firſt practicers of Phyſick among the Ancients, and who being in other matters us'd to practice upon the credulity of the people, made uſe of the ſame artifice to maintain their reputation for Phyſick, a branch of their craft, that procur'd 'em not the leaſt veneration. Accordingly we find abundance of ſuppoſititious Books, of this kind, father'd by 'em upon their Gods; a cheat not impracticable to 'em, conſidering the manner of tranſmitting all knowledge of this kind among the ancient Aegyptians. , that if they did no good, they did at leaſt no harm. And tho' they might be (as many now think 'em) vain, and ridiculous, yet 'twas ſufficient to eſtabliſh the uſe of 'em, that ſeveral fancied themſelves reliev'd by 'em. And as the Imagination is not only contagious, but alſo very powerful in ſubjects where tis ſtrong and lively, things in themſelves of no force or effect, might, by the mediation of Fancy, produce very ſenſible effects, which thoſe that ſaw 'em, expected from 'em again, indifferently, upon all occaſions.The ſeeming efficacy of 'em, in caſes determining of themſelves by a natural Criſis, might contribute more than all the reſt: For, in matters of Superſtition among the ignorant, one ſhadow of ſucceſs prevails againſt a hundred manifeſt contradictions, and encourages 'em againſt every days experience, as our Aſtrologers ca • witneſs. Beſides, this ſort of Remedies being neither nauſeous, nor painful, they were ſubmitted to with leſs reluctance; but if all theſe reaſons were inſufficient to eſtabliſh the credit of Superſtitious Med • cines, the power Religion has over the minds of Men, which is very great, was abuſively employ • d to that purpoſe, and finiſh'd their ſubmiſſion to em.

Theſe are the arguments of thoſe, that reject all charms as trifles; but the more numerous are thoſe, that believe the fact not impoſſible, tho' the manner be inconceiveable: They bring the Holy Scripture to back their opinion. From thence at leaſt they gather, that there were Enchanters in the time of Moſes, and of the Apoſtles. It is ſaid likewiſe inVid Hierozoicon. Bochart. lib. 3. cap. 6. Pſalm 58. That the Adder ſtoppeth her ears, and refuſeth to hear the voice of the Charmer. And the Prophet Jeremy threatens the Jews with the coming of certain Serpents, upon whom Enchantments ſhou'd have no power. I ſhall not enlarge upon this ſubject, tho' I thought my ſelf oblig • d to take notice of it in my way.

However it were, Charms, or Enchantments, made their way ſo well in Phyſick, that they have been practic'd in all Nations of the World, time out of mind. Nor is it among the ſimple, and illiterate only, that they have gained ground, for the wiſeſt have paid no leſs deference to 'em, as ſhall be ſhewn.

CHAP. XIV. Of AMULETS, and other ſorts of CHARMS.

DIſeaſes were ſometimes charm'd by ſimple Words, or Magick Sentences, or Verſes pronounc'd in the Ear of the Patient, or at a diſtance, with an intention of curing; which was accompany'd with certain geſtures, or motions of the Body.

Of theſe there are man • yet in requeſt w • th many pe •••• ; one I met with in an old 〈◊〉 is mu • h cried up by thoſe that deal in 'em the words and form are theſe. Inſcribas chartae quod ſ • rib t • r Abracadabra. abracadabra abracadabr abracadab abracada abracad abraca abrac abra abr ab a Some reverſe this way of writing.Sometimes they wrote theſe Sentences upon certain things, and hung 'em about the Body of the Patient. Theſe are what the Latins call'd Amulets, Amuleta, from the Verb amovere, to take away, or remove. They call'd 'em alſo Proebia, or Proebra, from prohibere, to forbid, or keep off. The G •• ek in the ſame ſenſe call'd 'em Apotropeaa, Phylacteria, Amynteria, Alexiteria, Alexipharmaca, becauſe they believ'd that theſe things did not only preſerve, and defend 'em againſt all Incantations, or Charms, (to which they aſcrib'd as much power to cauſe Diſeaſes, as the Counter-Charms had to cure 'em) but that they alſo reliev'd 'em from Maladies ariſing from natural Cauſes.

The matter of theſe Amulets was taken from Stones, Metals, Simples, Animals, and in general from any thing in the World. They engrav'd upon Stones, or Metals, either Characters, Figures, or Words, which often ſignified nothing, or were unintelligible to thoſe that wrote 'em, and thoſe that made uſe of 'em. They wrote likewiſe theſe words upon Paper, or other matter whatſoever. Or if they neither wrote, nor mark'd any thing upon matter proper for Amulets, they us'd abundance of ſuperſtitious ceremonies in their preparation and application; not to take notice of the pains they were at to watch a favourable diſpoſition of the Stars. The Arabians nam'd this laſt ſort of Amulets, which deriv'd their virtue chiefly from the influence of the Stars, Talismans, that is, Images.

Theſe Amulets were of all forms, and faſten'd to all parts of the Body; whence they were call'd alſo Periapta and Periammata, from a Verb, which ſignifies to put round about any thing. Some reſembled a piece of Money, with a hole punch'd in 'em, to hang by aOf this ſort was the Gold given by our Kings, and the Kings of France, to thoſe whom they touch'd for Scrophulous Caſes, vulgarly call'd from thence the King's Evil. ſtring about the Neck. Others were made into Rings for the Finger, Bracelets for the Arm, Collars for the Neck, Crowns for the Head, &c.

Of this ſort are the Blood-ſtone, the Snake-ſtone, the Eagle-ſtone, Moſs of 〈◊〉 dead Man's Skull, Peony-Root, &c. to which mighty vertues are aſſign'd by ſome. Vide Boyle of Specifick Med'cines, Philoſphical Tranſact. &c. Some Amulets there were, in which neither Charms, nor Superſtition, had any ſhare; tho' no body cou'd account for the effects attributed to 'em. This ſort of Amulets is yet approv'd by divers Phyſicians, tho' others give no credit to 'em. We ſhall have occaſion to ſpeak again of theſe, and the reſt, in the ſequel of this Work.

As for the Charms ESCƲLAPIƲS us'd, I can't ſee why they ſhou'd be charg'd as matter of blame upon him, in an Age of the groſſeſt Idolatry and Ignorance, which are yet ſo much in uſe with divers Chriſtians, who ought to have an abhorrence for ſuch Remedies, or at leaſt more wit than to conſide in ſuch fooleries. Whether it were in imitation of Eſculapius I can't tell, that his Country-men, the Theſſalians, have been ſo addicted to Incantations, that they were peculiarly remarkable for it; witneſs Apuleius his golden Aſs, and abundance of other ancient Authors, who ſpeak of Theſſaly as the Country of Sorcerers.

CHAP. XV. ESCULAPIUS embrac'd alſo the ſolid Phyſick, He is reputed the Author of CLINICK Med'cine: Wondrous Cures reported of him, as raiſing of the Dead.

CHarms were not the only Phyſick of ESCƲ LAPIƲS; what has been ſaid, ſhews that he did not neglect the more ſubſtantial part of his Art. We ſhall ſee in the ſequel, whether he brought Phyſick to the heighth of perfection, that ſome pretend, or not. Galen, in the place afore-cited, where he ſays, That Eſculapius cur'd Diſeaſes by Muſick, &c. adds, That he order'd ſome to ride on Horſeback, others to exerciſe in Armour; that he preſcrib'd to 'em their ſeveral motions, and manner of arming. By this he ſhou'd alſo be Author of the Gymnaſtick Medicine; of which hereafter.

He had likewiſe the reputation of inventingHygin. Fab. Clinick Med'cine, ſo call'd from a Greek word ſignifying a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; hence 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , an Epithet common both to the Phyſician and Patient, ſignifying as well him that is confin'd to his Bed, as him that viſits him there. For a third ſignification, ſee Chap. of the Slaves Phyſicians. Bed, to ſhew that he was the firſt that viſited the ſick in their Beds; which ſuppoſes, that the Phyſicians before him did not viſit their Patients at their Houſes. This is confirm'd by the practice of the Babylonians, who carried their ſick to the Croſs-ways for the advice of thoſe that paſs'd by. Chiron, perhaps, expected to be conſulted at home. As for the Phyſicians of leſs note, 'tis probable they kept the Fairs and Markets to ſell their Med'cines, as our Mountebanks do now, without troubling themſelves to repeat their viſits, and obſerve the changes that happen'd to their Patients, as they do now.

This cuſtom introduc'd by Eſculapius, became afterwards a mark of diſtinction between his Imitators, who were call'd Clinicks, and the Empiricks, or Market-Hunters. His method ſucceeded ſo well for himſelf, that no Phyſick was talk • d of but that of Eſculapius. Caſtor and Pollux took him along with 'em, in the famous Expedition of the Argonauts, where ſome ſurprizing cures, done upon Men given over for dead, got him the reputation of raiſing Men actually from the Dead.Pindar: Pyth. Od. 3: Virgil. Aenead. 3. The Fable adds, that, upon a complaint of Pluto, that, if he were ſuffer • d to go on, no body wou'd die, and Hell wou'd become a Deſart, Jupiter ſlew him with Thunder, and with him Hippolitus, the Son of Theſeus, whom he had reſtor'd to Life; and, at the requeſt of his Father Apollo, tranſlated him to a place among the Stars, under the name ofAnguitenens, by ſome taken for Hercules, by others for Eſculapius. Vide Cir. de nat. deor. lib. 2. Ophiucus, a Conſtellation above Scorpio.

Pindar ſays, That Eſculapius was prevailed upon to raiſe Hippolitus, by the promiſe of a great Sum of Money; which gave occaſion toClem. Alexandr. ſome to tax him with Covetouſneſs: But Suidas refutes that ſcandal, and ſays, That he wou'd have done as much for Pauſon, or Irus, or the verieſt Beggar of 'em all; and 'tis but reaſonable, that the Rich ſhou'd make up the deficiencies of the Poor. For, if at preſent we don't grudge the Phyſician his Fees, even tho' he kills his Patient, I can't ſee why Eſculapius ſhou'd raiſe Men from the Dead gratis. Polyanthus Cyrenaeus de origine Aſ • lepiadum. Voſſ. de Hiſt. Grae • . Another Author ſays, That Eſculapius was Thunderſtruck for curing the Daughters of Praetus, a Cure already aſcrib'd to Melampus, and not for reſtoring Hippolitus. But if we believe the Fable, not only Hippolitus receiv'd that favour from him, but Capaneus, Lycurgus, Eriphilus, Tyndarus, Hymenaeus, and even Glaucus the Son of Minos, of whom before with Polyidus.

CHAP. XVI. Farther Authorities to prove that all the Phyſick of ESCULAPIUS was within a very little reducible to Surgery. PLATO's ſenſe of his Phyſick.

WE have heard the Fabulous account of Eſculapius; but Celſus and Suidas talk more naturally of him. If we may credit the latter, Eſculapius did not put Jupiter to the expence of Thunder, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . dying of a Peripneumony; Human Phyſick, of which he was the Inventor, failing him at his need. Celſus likewiſe tells us, That Eſculapius came by his mighty Fame much cheaper than is reported.Hae • n • ſquam quidem non eſt. St. quidem impertiſſimae gentes herbas, alla que prompta in auxilium valnerum morborum que noverunt, &c. C • lſ. Praſat. There is no place, ſays he in his Preface, without Phyſick, for the moſt unciviliz • d Nations have the uſe of Herbs, and other familiar Remedies, for Wounds and Diſeaſes. The Greeks, indeed, improv'd it farther than any other Nation, yet, even they, not from the firſt Original, but a few Ages ago; for Eſculapius is the moſt ancient Author upon Record amongſt 'em: Who, becauſe he refin'd this Science a little, which was before rude, and amongſt the Vulgar, was promoted to be a God. His two Sons, Podalirius and Machaon, follow'd Agamemnon to the War of Troy, where they were very ſerviceable to their fellow Soldiers; yet Homer does not mention any ſervice they did in the Plague, or any other diſtempers, only that they cur'd wounds by Inciſion, and Medicaments. From whence 'tis plain, that they pretended to this part of Phyſick only, and that this is the ancienteſt.

Lib. 29. cap. 1.Pliny agrees with him; Phyſick, ſays he, has rais'd its Credit upon a Lye, feigning that Eſculapius was kill'd by Thunder, for reſtoring Life to the Son of Tindarus, and others, which made a mighty noiſe about the Time of the Trojan War; ſince which we have been better inform • d in the Hiſtorical Truth of Fact, for all his skill lay in the cure of wounds.

We may urge likewiſe, that if Eſculapius, or his Sons, had been Phyſicians, they wou'd have known how to Diet their Sick better, a principal part of a Phyſicians skill: Athenaeus uſes this inſtance as an argument of the temperance of Homer's Heroes, which begat ſo good a Conſtitution, that tho • wounded they might drink Wine; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , pernicious in inſlamations, thick, and very nouriſhing; and this Neſtor, the wiſeſt of the Greeks, adviſes Machaon, the skilſulleſt in theſe Matters, to do every day, ſo long as he ſhou'd be laid up. From hence Athenaus infers, that 'twas not the practice of the great Men of Times to drink Wine, but upon extraordinary occaſions. But whether • this Advice was ſuitable to the Wiſdom of Neſtor, or the Skill of Machaon, I leavs the learned Reader to judge. Vid. Athenaeum, lib. 1. p. 10. They wou • d not have given Eurypylus, when wounded, Broth made with Wine, Meal and Cheeſe ground in it; nor wou'd Machaon himſelf, with a wound in his ſhoulder, have drank Wine, which Phyſicians hold to be hurtful to wounds.

The anſwer Plato made to this objection, gives ſo particular an Idea of the Phyſick of Eſculapius and his Sons, that I can't forbear citing it at length. De Repub. Lib 3. This diſcourſe is atridg'd by Maximus Tyrius, Serm. 29. 'Tis abſurd, ſays he, that Men ſhou'd want Phyſicians, not only for Wounds and Diſeaſes, ariſing from an ill diſpoſition of the Air, and the uncertainty of Weather, but from thoſe too that ſpring from Sloth and Luxury, which, ſilling em with Water and Wind, as if their Bodies were Lakes, or Sinks, have oblig • d the Succeſſors of Eſculapius to invent new names of Flatus, and Defluxions, or Catarrhs, never heard of before. What makes me conjecture at leaſt, that theſe Diſtempers were unknown in Eſculapius's time, is, That his Sons, at the Siege of Troy, did not forbid the Potion, that a Woman gave to Eurypylus, when he was wounded, made of Cheeſe ground, and Meal ſleep'd in Wine of Homer calls it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; The great variety of ancient conjectures about the derivation of the name, ſhews the uncertainty of em; which, whoever is curious to know, may conſult the Scholia of D •• vious upon the 11th Book of the Ilias, and Athenaeus, p. 30. N •• is it leſs uncertain, what ſort of Wine it was. Athenaeus gives us two deſcriptions of it directl • contrary one to a •• ther. For the firſt, ſee the ſo e •• ing Note, the other we find pag. 30. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Here the Pramnian Wine is neither thick 〈◊〉 ſweet, but a rough, hard, ſtrong Wine. The teſtimony of Ariſtophanes, which he immediately ſubjoyns, is to the ſame purpoſe, that the Athenians neither loved harſh grating Poets nor crabbed Pramnian Wine, that cortracted their Brows, and their Anus. The Reader may compare this paſſage with that in the note immediately foregoing and as he pleaſes take or rejest either. Pramos; which are things that increaſe Phlegm. You will ſay, doubtleſs, that the draught was ridiculous, and not at all proper for a wounded Man; but you muſt know, that the Phyſicians that ſucceeded Eſculapius, knew nothing of the Phyſick, now in uſe, before Herodicus; who is, as it were, theSo the Author tranſlates it, whoſe words I thought it beſt to ſtick to, not having at preſent an opportunity of conſulting the Original. PAEDAGOGUE of DISEASES. He being Maſter of the Academy, where the Youth exercis • d, and finding himſelf a Valetudinarian, contriv • d to make Gymnaſtick; that is, the Art of Exerciſing the Body: a branch of Phyſick, which brought both upon himſelf, and thoſe that came after him, a great deal of trouble. How ſo, you'll ſay? Why he brought himſelf to a lingring death; for obſerving too carefully a diſtemper in it ſelf mortal, which of conſequence he cou'd not cure, he gave himſelf ſo entirely to enquire after a remedy, that quitting all other affairs, 'twas the buſineſs of his Life to torture his own Carcaſs; ſo that, tho' the leaſt deviation from his conſtant method of living, were a diſeaſe to him, he arriv'd not at Health, but at Old Age, which we call • d the PAEDAGOGUE, or if you pleaſe, the GOVERNESS, or NURSE of DISEASES, not of the DISEAS • D. Oh! noble Fruit of his Art, yet ſuch as the Man deſerv • d, that did not know, that 'twas not out' of Ignorance, or for want of Experience, that Eſculapius forbore to teach his Scholars ſo painful a method, but becauſe he was of opinion, That in all Cities, and well regulated Societies, where every Man has his task aſſign'd him, no Man can, or ought to have leiſure to be a Valetudinarian all his Life, and beſtow his whole care upon his Carcaſs.

To be convinc'd of the Juſtice of Eſculapius's proceedings, we need only to reflect upon the different conduct of Labouring Men, and Gentlemen, in ſuch caſes. If a Maſon, or a Carpenter, falls ſick, he deſires his Phyſician to expedite his Cure by VOMIT, or PURGE, or Manual Operation, either by Inciſion, or Cautery. If he orders him a long courſe of Phyſick, he tells him, That he has no leiſure to be ſick, that he can't afford to protract a Life of miſery, and languiſh perpetually idle under the protection of Phyſick. He diſmiſſes his Phyſician, and returning to his uſual courſe of Life, falls to work, and recovers his health; or, if the Diſeaſe proves too mighty for him, he dies, and is rid at once of Life, and the troubles of the World.I find our Maſons, and Carpenters, and all other Artificers, of another mind, as fond of Life upon any terms, and as willing to be idle as e'er a Gentleman of 'em all, and I doubt they're ſo all the World over, whatever they might be in Plato's Common-wealth. This no doubt is the true uſe, that all Mechanicks ought to make of Phyſick, to whom Work is ſo neceſſary, that when they can follow it no longer, Death is a favour. But it may be objected, that with the Rich, that live upon their Rents, the caſe alters, for they can't be reduc'd to that hard choice of Working or Dying. But conſider, that whatſoever a Man's Condition, or Profeſſion be, the Publick Good requires, that he ſhou'd not be idle, but that every one ſhou'd be induſtrious in his ſtation; which cant be while he is wholly taken up about himſelf, and his ſolicitude for his health makes him fancy himſelf continually ſick. Thus this new Phyſick is not only injurious to all the Individuals, but alſo to the Community in general. Twas upon conviction of theſe Truths, that Eſculapius limited his Inſtructions to the uſe of a ſound Conſtitution, and good Education, and was contented to teach the Method of curing Diſeaſes ariſing from external Cauſes, only by a few Remedies taken, or Inciſion made, without changing their Planto in this place ſeems to contradict Hoginus before cited, who makes Eſculapius the Inventor of Clinick Med'cine. For if he was the firſt that confin'd the Sick to their Beds he was very far from not altering their courſe of Living, and permitting 'em to follow their ordinary occaſions. But if what Plato aſſ • ms were in Fact the practice of Eſculaſias I ſhou'd, in ſpite of his Apology, ſuſpect a leſs honourable reaſon for it. uſual manner of living, or diverting them from their buſineſs. As for Valetudinarians, whoſe decay is inward, he wou'd not undertake 'em, nor attempt to prolong their Lives, for fear, being enfeebled, and exhauſted they ſhou'd beget Children as infirm as themſelves, neither thinking it for the good of the Valetudinarians themſelves, nor of the Societies of which they were Members, that Men ſhou • d continue in the World, who cou • d not live as others did. The Sons of Eſculapius cleans'd from the bloud the wounds of Menelaus, wounded by Pandarus, and applied aſſwaging Ointments, but they did not caution either him, or Eurypylus, againſt eating or drinking of any kind, as thinking their Med'cines ſufficient to cure the wounds of Men of good habit of Body, and that were temperate, tho' they did drink Wine. As for Men, that were unhealthy, either naturally, or through intemperance, they thought it not expedient, either for themſelves, or others, that they ſhou'd live, and that Phyſick was not made for 'em, and that twas not their duty to cure 'em, tho' they were as rich as Midas.

There is a great Analogy between this way of treating the Sick, and the management of new born Children among the Lacedemonians, who us'd to plunge 'em over Head and Ears in Wine, tho' they knew it caus'd thoſe, that were of tender conſtitutions, to die of Fits. They thought their pains ill boſtow • d, upon any but hardy, robuſt Children, the reſt, in their opinion, were not worth the rearing. Upon the ſame account, a ſort of Robbers call'd Bohemians, bath their Children as ſoon as born in the next Spring, to try, and ſeaſon 'em for the fatigue of their way of living. Durum a ſti ••• ••• us natos •• ſlumina primum Deferimus ſa vo que golu duramus & undis. Aemid. lib. • .

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Galen. lib. 1. de ••• ndâ Sa •• tate.

This was the general Cuſtom of the ancient Celtae, that liv'd near the Rhine; They laid the Child, as ſoon was born, upon a ſort of Shield (ſuper ſcutum) and put it afloat upon the Rhine; if it ſwam, the • receiv'd it as legitimate, otherwiſe they ſuffer'd it to periſh as ſpurious. Hence Nazianzen, in an elegant Greek Epigram ſays, They eſſay 〈◊〉 the Rhine whether their Children were adulterate, or not, as they do Gold by the Copper. This Cuſtom abundance of Authors take notice of, as Ariſt ••• . Polit. lib. 7. cap. 17. Claudian. 2 Ruffin. Nonnus Dionyſ. l. 23. Julian. Caeſ. Epiſt. ad Max. &c. Whether this were a true teſt, their Women beſt cou'd tell, who had better proof, and no doubt laugh'd at the ſuperſtition of their Hasbands. But Calen gives us likewiſe another reaſon, which was at firſt to ſeaſon them for the Hardſhips they were after to endure, as they harden Iron by plunging it red hot into cold Water; but he queſtions whether the Roman Bodtes wou'd bear ſuch uſage.

The like Cuſtom is reported of ſeveral Nations in Africa to this day. How this practice may agree with hot Regions I dare not undtake to •• termine, but I am confident 'twou'd be no teſt of the ſtrength of their •• nſtitutions here, where for many reaſons I am apt to think, the l • ſ • ieſt Children wou'd be the moſt likely to periſh by the experiment, when many more infirm might eſcape.

Virgil ſays the ſame of the ancient Latins.

At this rate the good Eſculapius was no extraordinary Phyſician for Ladies, or Hypochondriacks; but 'tis no Treaſon to doubt the Authority of Plato's report. In all appearance Eſculapius and his Sons knew no better; and the ſequel will ſhew, that at that time Diaetetick Med'cine was abſolutely unknown. With us, the Country people in moſt p ••• to, that are r •• note from Cities and great Traeus, give their Sick over, when they refuſe to eat Beef, Bacon, &c. Thoſe Ancients were, in that reſpect, about the level of the Country people with us now, who are yet ſo much ſtrangers to a ſick Diet, that if a Fever, or other diſtemper, gives 'em an entire diſguſt to their uſual Food, they eat nothing at all.

Galen, or Herodotus the Phyſician, had much reaſon to tell us, that the Phyſick of Eſculapius was perfect, entirely conſummate, and divine, for the Art had made but very ſlender advances in his time; and his own, and his Sons skill in it, were but very rude, asQui, quoniam adhuc rudem & vulgarem hanc ſcientiam paulò ſubtiliùs excoluit, in deorum • umerum eſt receptus. Hujas deinde duo filii Podal • r us, & Machaon, &c. Celſ. Praefat. pag. 1. Celſus takes notice. Their skill, ſays this Author, and with him Pliny, ſeems not to have exceeded the limits of Surgery, as the etymology of the namesSee Chap. the 9th and 10th. Chiron and Eſculapius ſeem to inſinuate. The principal cure perform'd by the latter, and which gave him the reputation of raiſing Men from the dead, was evidently Chirurgical, being that of Hyppolitus, who was torn, or broken to pieces by Horſes; and we read not of any other, in which he uſed internal Remedies.

Theſe reaſons, indeed, are not alone ſufficient to exclude Eſculapius, and his Sons, from the number of Phyſicians, ſince they might have extended their practice farther than we know. The argument drawn from Homer's ſilence of their other cures, is no neceſſary proof that they cur • d nothing but wounds; the gravity of Epick Poetry wou • d not ſuffer him to repreſent his Heroes pining with the Cholick, or languiſhing under a Diarrhaea. Celſus in the paſſage above cited, lays to great ſtreſs upon the ſilence of Homer, which in my opinion is of 〈◊〉 weight in this caſe. For beſides the reaſons here produc'd by the Author againſt it, it may be obſerv'd, that the Plague he mentions, was the grand Machine, upon which the whole Fable of the Iliad moves; Agamemnon had taken away the Daughter of Chryſes, Apollo's Priest. Apollo reſents the affront, and in revenge j • ne's a Plague among the Greeks; Chaleas their Augur finds out the cauſe of it, and adviſes a Sacrifice to the God, and Reſtitution, with a preſent to the Prieſt. Achilles inſiſts violently to have this Advice put in ••• cation; Agamemnon complies, and in return ſeizes upon Achilles's Miſt ••• . Thence ariſes a quarrel between them two, which, with the conſequences of it, is the main deſign of the Iliad. Now if Podalirius, and Macha • n, •• u'd have • ur'd this Plague, there had been no need of ſupplicating Apollo, and conſequently no occaſion of quarrel betwixt the two Generals, which had deſtroy • d the whole Fable. This may ſerve as a caution not to ground 〈◊〉 much in matters natural, or hiſtorical, upon the Authority of the Po • t • , much leſs upon their ſilence; the want of which caution has led 〈◊〉 great a Man as Celſus (I can't ſay poſitively into an errour, but) manifeſtly into falſe reaſ • ning. Nor is it a wonder, that Homer takes no notice of any ſervice done by Podalirius and Machaon, to the Peſtilentials of the Graecian Camp; for it may be inferr'd, from what he ſays upon that ſubject, that thoſe Ancients thought the cure of that diſtemper much above the power of humane skill, and expected no relief, but what came immediately from their Gods, whoſe wrath they eſteem • d the only cauſe of it.

But if we muſt not deny Eſculapius, and his Sons, to have been Phyſicians, becauſe we find no inſtances of their undertaking inward Maladies, yet we ought therefore certainly not to vouch 'em as ſuch, without ſufficient evidence. The teſtimony of Galen, that he cur'd Diſeaſes by Muſick, and Exerciſe on foot, and Horſeback, &c. may juſtly be ſuſpected; for he, being of a Pergamus, where he was worſhipp'd, and had, a Temple no leſs famous than that at Epidaurus. Lucian ſays that he had a Shop, and practis'd Phyſick there. Vid. Lucian Iearomenip. City conſecrated to Eſculapius, was oblig'd to ſpeak advantageouſly of the God of his Country, as himſelf calls him. The authority of Pindar, already cited, and of other Poets, who mention him, is inſufficient, exaggerations being inſeparable from Poetry. The almoſt univerſal conſent of Antiquity, that acknowledge • d him, as the Inventor of Phyſick in general, and ſacrifie • d to him as a God, that preſided over the health of Men, is of much greater weight.

CHAP. XVII. The common Opinion, which makes ESCULAPIUS the Author of Phyſick in general, reconcil • d to that which allows him the knowledge of Surgery only. The Antiquity, and Neceſſity of this part of Phyſick is ſhewn, and how far ESCULAPIUS might carry it, is examin'd.

TO reconcile the general Opinion to that of Celſus, we muſt ſuppoſe, that in the time of Chiron and Eſculapius, Surgery was the part of Phyſick moſt in requeſt, or look'd upon as moſt neceſſary; the other, perhaps, being exercis • d indifferently by all ſorts of perſons, or not ſeeming to be of equal ſervice:

Not that Mens Bodies were at that time differently made from ours now, or they exempt from inward diſtempers, altho' ſuppos'd to be more robuſt, and leſs ſubject to 'em, than we are; but when they were ſurpriz'd (for inſtance) by a Fever, or a Pleuriſie, they waited with patience the motions of Nature: If they took any thing, 'twas ſomeSuch as we call Kitchin Phyſick. familiar Medicine, which their own, or their Neighbour • s experience, who made no profeſſion of Medicine, furniſh'd 'em with.

Theſe means often ſucceeded; but tho' this eaſie, common method, might be of uſe in diſorders of the humours, 'twas plain, it cou'd be of no ſervice to a broken Arm, or Shoulder ſlipp'd, caſes of this nature requiring a particular experience, and dexterity of hand, which were not to be acquir • d under long Practice: there was a neceſſity, that ſome ſhou'd apply themſelves more particularly to it, to ſucceed the better in it; and thence, by way of Excellence, they were call'd Phyſicians, becauſe they cur'd Maladies, which others cou'd not. They might, perhaps, cure ſome inward Diſeaſes, but the faireſt proſpect of their Art lay not on that ſide. Twas, undoubtedly, for the preceding reaſon, that Celſus eſteem • d Surgery to be the moſt ancient part of Phyſick; they cou'd, in ſome meaſure, diſpence with the other branch, but this muſt needs come into play almoſt as ſoon as there were Men; for if the ſtrength of Conſtitution, and the ſimple and uniform manner of living, among the primitive Men, render • d em leſs obnoxious to diſeaſes, they became not thereby invulnerable, nor excus'd from the accidents of breaking a Leg, or an Arm. If therefore the ſtrength of Nature was no protection from theſe misfortunes, they muſt of neceſſity have recourſe to other aſſiſtance. Thoſe therefore, that ſignaliz • d themſelves by their addreſs on theſe occaſions, became very conſiderable, and were very much reſpected among Men for the viſible need they had of • em; which caus'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Iliad. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Hower to ſay, A Phyſician was worth more than abundance of other Men.

Add to the certain need Men had of Surgery, the manifeſt relief they found by it, and the • e will no ſcruple remain, why this part of Phyſick ſhou'd eſtabliſh it ſelf in the World earlier than the reſt.Eſt que ejus effectus inter omnes Medicinae partes evidentiſſimus. Siquidem in morbis cum multum fortuna conferat, ead • m que ſaepe ſa • utaria, ſaepe vana ſint; poteſt dubitali ſecunda vale • udo medicinae, an corporis beneficio contigerit. In his quoque in quibus medicamentis maximè utimur, quamvis pro • ectus evidentior eſt, tumen ſanitatem & per haec fruſtr • quaeri, & ſine his reddi ſaepe manifeſtum eſt. Sicut in oculis q •• que deprehend • p •• eſt; qui a medicis •• ù vexati, ſine hi • interd • m ſa •• ſ. unt. At in 〈◊〉 pa •• e, quae manu • urat, eviden • eſt, •••• em profecrum, • t aliquid ali ahis adjuvetur, hine tamen plurinum trahere, Celſ pr • ſat lib 7. The effects of it (viz. Surgery) are the moſt evident of any in Phyſick (ſays Celſus). In diſcaſes Fortune bears great ſway; and the ſame things are ſometimes beneficial, ſometimes ineffectual; ſo that 'tis doubtful, whether the cure be owing to the goodneſs of the Remedy, or the Conſtitution even where Medicines are moſt neceſſary; tho' their uſe be ſomewhat more evident, they frequently fail of reſtoring health, which is often recover'd without 'em. As ſore Eyes, after they've been long tormented in vain by Phyſicians, ſometimes do well when given over. But in cures by Manual Operation, tho' other things may be of ſome help, yet the main ſucceſs is owing to that.

Thus far Celſus. The immediate terror, and anxiety, that wounds and fractures produc'd, either thro' great profuſions of Blood, or agonies of Pain, procur'd a great veneration for thoſe that afforded any comfort or relief. Whereas the advance of Diſeaſes being leſs ſenſible, having ſeldom any thing of terror in their approach, 'tis probable that moſt of 'em were little heeded, till they were ready to determine by a natural Criſis, or were ſo radicated, that 'twas paſt the power of Phyſick, eſpecially in its infancy, to relieve 'em. As for thoſe acute diſtempers, that were of ſwifter execution, ſuch as Peſtilentials, they were generally mortal; by which means, Phyſick made but very ſlow advances, till after ſome Ages ſpent in collecting of Obſervations, it came to the heighth of reputation under Hippocrates. Such viſible relief cou'd not but make an impreſſion upon the moſt ſtupid people; an advantage the reſt of Phyſick had not. Some have thought it a trifle, that they might abſolutely diſpence with the want of: Others that cou'd not think ſo meanly of it, yet thought they need not be ſo ſolicitous about it, every one being Phyſician enough for himſelf; at moſt, that 'twas ſufficient to conſult his Neighbour. We ſee the Peaſants, to this day, thoſe eſpecially that live remote from great Towns, arrive at a conſiderable age, without once making uſe of a Phyſician.With us the Country People, in all acute Caſes, and even in Chronical ones too, when they are ſo far gone that the ſymptoms begin to grow urgent, and the danger appears, have recourſe to ſome charitable Lady, or skilful old Woman, that diſpences Cordials, and other Med'cines, from a Receipt-Book, or to ſome confident Watercaſting Quack, of which there are ſwarms every where. So far are they from ſlighting inward Diſeaſes, that they catch at any the moſt deluſive ſhadow of aſſiſtance. If they don't conſult real Phyſicians, 'tis becauſe of the difficulty or charge, the Patient being generally weak before he deſires it, and unable to attend, or ſend for a Phyſician; and thoſe whom they depute for that purpoſe being uſually perſons intereſted in the experce, content themſelves with the cheapeſt, and eaſieſt means of ſhewing their care, ſatisfying themſelves with a ſeeming, or ſuperficial diſcharge of their daty. The ſame ſhifts are made in caſes of Surgery. But if any accident happens that requires the aſſiſtance of a Surgeon, he is preſently ſent for.

The Greeks at that time were much upon the ſame foot; the Surgeon was all the Phyſician they had. Tis further probable, that the Surgery of Eſculapius, and his Son, was not arriv • d at the perfection 'tis now at, nor that Hippocrates brought it to, the uſe of Inciſions and Cauteries not having been then ſo common as it has ſince been. Theſe ancient Maſters cou • d Set broken Bones, and reduce Joints diſlocated; and if they had wounds under their care, contented themſelves barely to make the Inciſions neceſſary to draw out an Arrow, or Dart, from the part wounded, without extending that operation to the purpoſes for which 'tis now in uſe. Much leſs did they uſe the Cautery, or Application of Fire, as ſince; uſing only, on thoſe occaſions, a few 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Ham. • . ſpeciſick Herbs, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Id. or aſſwaging Remedies. This was the occaſion that Chiron was reputed the Inventor of the uſe of Herbs in Surgery. The reception that the Romans gave their firſt Phyſician, that is, their firſt Surgeon, that came among em, confirms this conjecture. The method he us • d, which was that then in practice in Greece, where it was at that time pretty well improv'd, appear'd to them ſo cruel and barbarous, that they look • d upon him as the common Executioner. 'Tis not probable that they were wholly without Surgery before the arrival of that ſtranger, their continual Wars made that Art abſolutely neceſſary to 'em; but being uſed to a milder method, ſuch as we ſuppoſe Eſculapius's to have been. the • cou • d not but think the new Surgery extreamly harſh.

I doubt not but it appears ſtrange thus to degrade Eſculapius, and his Sons; and 'tis hard to believe, that Men that knew, according to our ſuppoſition, little more than any ordinary Bone-ſetter, or Country Surgeon, ſhou'd carry the honour of being the Inventors of Phyſick. But our ſurprize will ceaſe, when we conſider that Surgery, being one of the principal parts of Phyſick, and Eſculapius and his Sons practiſing at a time, when there were no Phyſicians, but Surgeons, or who were alſo Surgeons, and were more conſider'd upon that ſcore, they might naturally enough paſs for Inventors of an Art in general, of which they practic'd the part moſt in requeſt in their time. In the ſecond place we muſt take notice, that tho' Eſculapius was more celebrated for his Surgery than Phyſick, yet it does not follow from thence, that he concern • d himſelf not at all with the latter. 'Tis likely, as we have ſaid, that he undertook inward Maladies as well as outward, and that he practic'd all parts of Phyſick, as did all that follow'd him, to Hippocrates, and long after him. This, in my opinion, is the moſt reaſonable explication of theſe paſſages of Celſus and Pliny, and fitteſt to reconcile their opinion with that which is vulgarly receiv'd.

CHAP. XVIII. Suppoſing there were two ESCULAPIUS's, one an Aegyptian, the other a Greek, we may thence infer, that the former had more knowledge than the latter, or that they both were ſeverally the Inventors of Phyſick, each in his own Country: Wherein the manner, how this Art was tranſmitted from one Nation to another, is occaſionally examin'd.

MEntion having been made of another Eſculapius, an Aegyptian, and the Inventor of Phyſick, any one might ſuppoſe him more skilful than the Greek, and that he was Maſter of his profeſſion in its utmoſt latitude. Theſe two Eſculapius's may reaſonably be reduc'd to one; but if there muſt needs be two, an Aegyptian and a Greek, 'tis poſſible that one might have a more extended knowledge than the other; but finding no certain information thereof, we leave the Reader to determine for himſelf. As to the latter, Surgery appears to have been his chief talent.

Upon this a queſtion may ariſe; Whether if there were two Eſculapius's, each were the Inventor of Phyſick in his own Country? To which it may be anſwer'd, That we ſee nothing to the contrary, but that each might paſs for ſuch among his Country Men.

Pluta • ch. Sympoſ. lib. 3. quaeſt. 1.The Magneſians affirm, that Chiron was the firſt that wrote of Phyſick. The Tyrians maintain the ſame of their King Cadmus, to whom they offer'd firſt-fruits of Plants, out of a perſwaſion that he firſt taught the uſe of • em in Diſeaſes. Bacchus King of Aſſyria, Lybia, and India, was by thoſe people honour'd as the Author of Med • cine; whether it were becauſe he diſcover • d the virtues of the Ivy, or becauſe he taught the uſe of Wine, which has caus'd him to be taken for Noah, they can't all be in the right, all that we can from thence infer is, that Chiron, Cadmus and Bacchus, were ſeverally the firſt that introduc'd the practice into their own Countries: the ſame might be the caſe not only of the two Eſculapius's, but of divers others in diſtant parts of the World, whether at the ſame, or different times.

It may be further queſtion • d; Whether theſe Inventors, or reputed Inventors of Phyſick, have not borr • w'd one from another? Every one, perhaps, might at firſt make his own Experiments and Diſcoveries at home, without Foreign aſſiſtance, by which they were bounded, while unacquainted with Commerce; but beginning, one after another, to ſhake off their primitive Barbarity, and Traffick being inſenſibly eſtabliſh • d among 'em, their diſcoveries were at the ſame time exchang'd, every one being deſirous to imitate, or introduce into his own Country, what he found uſeful abroad. Thus Phyſick came to be eſtabliſh • d and perfected every where, as faſt as they cou'd unite, to their own, thoſe Lights which were reflected from abroad.

But, tho' the knowledge of theſe firſt beginners, in every place, were but very mean, compar'd with that of thoſe that came after 'em, yet, becauſe they laid the foundations, and were the moſt perfect of their Times, they were honour'd, as if no poſſible improvements were to be made upon them.

This, in my mind, is the juſt Idea of theſe reputed Inventors of Phyſick. But there is yet this difference between the firſt Eſculapius, and the reſt whom the Greeks mention, That if he be as old as is pretended, he will appear not only to have laid the firſt grounds of this Art in his own Country, as all the reſt in theirs, but to be the ancienteſt of all.

What we have juſt now ſaid ſtarts yet another queſtion: Who were the firſt People that cultivated Phyſick? There's no queſtion, but the Aegyptians, or Phaenicians, were the firſt, who are likewiſe the moſt ancient People known. Aegypt has been call'd, the Mother of Arts; and the Greeks themſelves acknowledge, that they borrow'd their Religion, and almoſt all the Sciences, and curious Arts. Phaenicia furniſh • d 'em with the uſe of Letters; ſo that the Greeks, in a manner, held of theſe People all that was nice among 'em, which they receiv'd pretty late too; as did the Romans after them, who tarry'd a long time e'er they introduc'd into their State, what they in their turn deriv'd from the Greeks of this ſort of knowledge.

CHAP. XIX. PODALIRIUS and MACHAON, Eſculapius's two Sons, famous Phyſicians, or Surgeons; their Wives and Families.

See Euſtath. in Il • ad. 4.SOme Ancients have believ'd, that the latter was only a Surgeon, but that the former was a Phyſician. What has been ſaid before of their Father, may determine that point. That Machaon was the eldeſt, may be inferr'd from what Q. Calaber makes Podalirius ſay upon the occaſion of his death; That his dear Brother had brought him up like a Son, after their Father was taken into Heaven, and that he had taught him to cure Diſeaſes.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .Tho' Homer always names Podalirius firſt, when he mentions both Brothers together, 'tis only for the convenience of his Metre. Machaon ſeems to have been eſteem'd, and preferr'd before his Brother, by the great Men of the Army. He dreſs • d Menalaus, wounded by Pandarus, wiping firſt the blood from the wound, and not ſucking it with his lips, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which Portus in his Latin Verſion of the Iliad • enders, Sa •• gut •• c exucto, Iliad. as a certain learned Man, miſ-led by the neareſt ſignification of the word, that Homer uſes, has written. And after having cleans'd the wound, he applied ſome ſoftning Remedies, as his Father did. Tarda Philocte • ae • ſanavit cu • ra Machaon. Prop. lib. 2. This, and V •• gd • 's T • stimony, that he was in laded in the Wooden Horſe, are dire •• ly r • pagnant to Pauſanias, and Q. Ca ••• er, who ſay that Machaon was ſlain before the Wa • l • of Troy, by E • rypylus, in ſingle • hat. For the ſtratagem of the Wooden Horſe decided the fate of Troy, and this cure was made in his return. Vide infra. Machaon likewiſe it was, that cur'd Philoctetes of a lameneſs, contracted by letting an Arrow, dipt in the Gall of the Lerncan Hydra, a Legacy of Hereules at his death, fall upon his foot. By this cure Machaon ſhou'd have been a more expert Surgeon than Chiron the Centaur, who cou'd not cure himſelf of a wound by the ſame Chap. 1 • . weapon. As for the reſt, both the Brothers were as well Soldiers as Phyſicians; and Machaon ſeems to have been very brave. Homer tells us of a wound he receiv'd in the ſhoulder, in a ſally of the Trojans. He was likewiſe one of thoſe that were enclos'd in the Wooden Horſe, that famous Machine by which the Greeks took Troy. He loſt his life in ſingleHygin. Fa • . lib. 1. cap. 81, 1 • 8, 113. Duel with Nireus, or, asPauſan. Lacoa. Q. Calaber. lib. 6. & 7. ſome others will have it, with Eurypylus Son of Telephus, during the Siege of Troy. Both the Brothers are reckon'd among the Gallants of Helen.

Pauſan. in Meſſeniacis, St •• b. lib. 8. Anticlea Wife to Machaon, was Daughter to Diocles King of Meſſenia: By her he had two Sons, Nicomachus and Gorgaſus, who reſided at Pherae, and poſſeſs'd the Kingdom of their Grandfather, till the Heraclians, at their return from Troy, made themſelves Maſters of Meſſenia, and the reſt of Peloperneſus; from whence they drove both them, and others. Pauſanias mentions ſome other Sons of Machaon, as Sphyrus, Alexanor, and Polemoer • tes. WhetherThis doubt is eaſily reſolv'd, • or his Wiſe' • Inheritance was Meſſenia in Peloponueſus, and his Subjects, or Soldiers, were Theſſalians, a • Homer witneſſes, of Trica, by ſome ſaid to be the place both of his Fathers and his Birth. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Iliad. Δ Machaon were a King in his own Right, or in Right of his Wife only, is uncertain; but Homer, in two or three ſeveral places, calls him 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Iliad. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Paſtor of the People, which is the Title he gives Agamemnon, and the reſt of the Kings. Pauſanias adds, That he was buried in Meſſenia, whither Neſtor had caus'd his Bones to be convey'd from before Troy.

Podalirius, in his return from Troy, was caſt upon the Coaſt of Caria by a ſtorm, where he was entertain'd by a Shepherd; who underſtanding that he was a Phyſician, brought him to King Damathaeus, whoſe Daughter had got a fall from a Houſe-top. Her he cur'd by letting her blood in both arms, which ſo affected the King, that he gave her him for a 〈◊〉 and with her theNot the Achaian Peninſula, call'd Pelopou •• ſus, lying between the Aegaean and Ponian Seas, mention'd before as the Dower of 〈◊〉 Brothers Wife, but the Thracian, between the Propontis and the Eu • ing Se •• . Cherſoneſe, where he buil • two Cities, Syrna ſo nam'd from his Wife Syrna, and Bybaſſus from the Shepherd, that receiv'd him after his Wreck.

He had, among other Children, a Son call'd Hippolochus, from whom Hippocrates deriv'd himſelf; as we ſhall ſee hereafter.

CHAP. XX. The firſt inſtance of PHLEBOTOMY; Reflections upon the Antiquity and Invention of that Remedy, and of PURGATION; And, upon the opinion, that Brutes taught Men the firſt uſe of divers Med'cines.

THis is what is related of the Sons of Eſculapius: The latter having given us the firſt inſtance of Blood-letting, it may deſerve our further conſideration. Stephanus Byzantinus, from whom we have taken this relation, not telling us where he had it, and being the only Evidence, the fact is yet very queſtionable.

Parere del S. Lionardo di Capo • intorno la Mcdicina.A modern Author, before cited, thinks the ſilence of Homer a ſufficient argument to prove that it was not known in his days; and that, if he had been acquainted with a Remedy of that nature, he wou'd ſooner have taken notice of it, than of a hundred other trifles with which he ſtuffs his Poem. But to this we may anſwer, That Homer not writing of Phyſick, his ſilence is no argument on either ſide in this caſe. If it be objected, that he has ſpoken largely of Moly, and Nepenthe, it may be alledg'd that the Laws of Epick, and Sublime Poetry, allow it. TheTho there be a Plart ſtill known by the name of • omer's Moly, yet it may be look'd upon as a Poctical Being, rais'd only to ſerve the Poet's turn, as an under Machine in the corduct of h •• • oem, no ſuch qualities appearing, in reality, in the Plant that bears the name. Vide Odyff. K. Moly being a ſort of Counter-charm to Incantations, was as natural an Inſtrument of this ſort of Poetry, as Enchantments themſelves. As for theThe ſame ſentence may without temerity be pr • nouned upon Nepeuthe. Tis rather a Machine than a Med • cine, and as ſuch only ought to be conſider'd by thoſe that criticize upon this paſſqge of Homer. Th • ſe that ſancy it to have been Opium muſt have very powerful imaginations to ſind the Analogy between 'em. Homer's was manifeſtly a Med • cine for the mind, that was to comfort, and raiſe the Spiri • s of Yelemachus, who was dejected and deſponding, upon the account of his Father's abſence, and his Mother's troubles. From one of the Epithets, which Homer beſtows upon it, the Proper name ſignifying its chief property is form • d. Vid. Ody • ſſ •• . Nepenthe, tho' it were only Opium, as ſome conjecture, as tis a Drug of wonderful efficacy, Homer might very well give it a place, without derogating from the dignity of his Poem; but, when he ſpoke of the Remedies that Podalirius and Machaon us'd, in caſe of wounds, he contented himſelf with the general name of Lenitive Med'cines, without ſpecifying 'em.

If this Author's Reaſoning wou'd hold good, we might as lawfully infer, that Purging was not us'd in Homer's time, becauſe he takes no notice of it; which, in my opinion, is too improbable to be maintain'd.

A Second objection againſt the antiquity of Blood-letting may be rais'd upon the authority of Cicero, who, when he reports the inventions of the firſt and third Eſculapius, takes no notice of it. Yet this hinders not, but that it might be the invention of the ſecond Eſculapius, of whom Tully ſays nothing, but that he was brother to the ſecond Mercury, and ſlain by thunder.

What Diodorus, and Herodotus report of the Phyſick of the Egyptians, ſeems to prove that it was not practic'd by them; their preſcriptions being confin'd within the compaſs of Diet, Clyſters, Purges, and Vomits. If Bloud-letting had been known to 'em, 'twas a remedy too conſiderable to have been forgotten. But it may be anſwer • d, that theſe Authors ſpeak only of the ordinary niethods, that were practic'd every day; as if we ſhould ſay, theThe Author ſee us to be very much a ſtranger to the practice of the Engliſh Ph • ſicians, who preſcribe Bleeding, as fr • quently perhaps as moſt in the world, tho not ſo indiffer • ntly in all caſes as in Spain, &c. Engliſh uſe Vomits very much, the Germans, Sudorifies; which is no argument that they do not ſometimes let Bloud, tho in truth they do it but very ſeldom, eſpecially the latter; and 'tis probable, Egypt being a Country much hotter than Greece, that they let Bloud much more rarely.

Of the time when Bloud-letting was introduc'd we have nothing certain, nor of thoſe that firſt uſed it. Hippocrates, who is the antienteſt Author we have, and the firſt that has mention'd Bleeding, convinces us that 'twas not a new Remedy in his time, nor of late invention. For tho he brings no formal arguments to the contrary, yet we may naturally infer ſo much; ſince in his time they open'd all the veins they do now, thoſe of the Arms, the Feet, the Forhead, the Noſe, the Tongue, &c. They us • d likewiſe Cupping with Scarification, and were grown bold enough to open the Arteries both by Inſtruments and Fire. To arrive at all theſe different ways of letting Bloud, does neceſſarily, in my opinion, requiro a long experience in that practice, it being impoſſible to advance ſo far at the firſt ſtep, either in hardineſs, or ability.

As for Purgatives, Cicero, as we have ſeen, aſcribes the invention of 'em to the third Eſculapius; but ſuppoſing that, as well as what Stephanus Byzantinus reports of Podalirius's letting Bloud, to be a Fiction, there are yet convincing proofs enough of their antiquity behind. Herodotus the oldeſt Greek Hiſtorian, and after him Diodorus, reports that 'twas uſual with the Aegyptians to give a Med'cine, that both purg'd and vomited. This is imagin • d to be a fort ofThe Author ought either to have nam'd ſome other Author of theſe conjectures, or to have laid down his own reaſons for 'em▪ ſince neither of the Simples named by him, nor any ſort of Beer in common uſe has the qualities of the Egyptian Med'cine. There is an herb in frequent uſe in many parts of England, with the skilful old women in the Country, that has both, that is, the L • urcola, or Spurge L • w •• l, which will (according to a vulgar errour among 'em) work ei •• er • pwards, or downwards, as the Leaves, which the • uſe, are ſhipp'd from the Stalk; but in truth will do either or both, a ••• rding to the ſt • er • th of the doſe, and the Patients conſ •• tation. Tho' I think we n •• d not be at much pains in gueſſing at it, ſince almoſt all the Purging Med ••• nes moſt autiently us'd had both faculties, (viz.) of moving to Stool, and V • mit, ſuch were Hellebore, Elaterium, Spurge, &c. This M • d'cine wa • •• ll • d 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , whence 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to purge, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Purgation. Rhadiſh, or an Herb reſembling Seleri, or a compoſition like a ſort of Beer.

The Antiquity of Purging may likewiſe be further ſupported by the reaſons already alledg'd in favour of Bloud-letting; that is, by the variety of Purgatives already in uſe in the time of Hippocrates, as Hellebore, Elaterium, Peplium, Coloquintida, Scammony, and divers others. It is not probable that all theſe Med • cines were diſcover'd at a time. As for Elaterium, there is no doubt but it was known long before, having been in uſe among the Cnidian Phyſitians, who preceeded Hippocrates. There is yet leſs reaſon to doubt the antiquity of Hellebore, if the hiſtory of Melampus be not fabulous.

But waving all theſe proofs, I can't help believing Purgation to be very ancient, for a reaſon founded upon the neceſſary conſequence of an experience, which muſt needs be almoſt as old as Mankind.If the prin • tive mann • r of living were ſuch, as in the beginning of this Book, our Auth • r, and with him m ••• learned men ſuppoſe it to have been; the ſimplicity of Men's diet, which conſiſted chiefly, if not altogether of Herbs and F • uit, ſh •• 'd rather have expos'd 'em to Diarrhaea's, than Coſtiveneſs; and the Symptoms that generally accompany the former, which are Gripes, and Fai • n ••• , being more immediate, and terrible, than thoſe of the lat • er, the obſer • ation of their own Bodies ſhou'd rather have diſcourag • d the uſe of Purgers, had they known 'em, than promoted an e • qutry after 'em. 'Tis probable, th •• the Medical uſe of Pargers was not known, till af ••• a ſeries of obſ •••• tions had introduc'd a regular diet, and taught 'em in ſome m • aſure to ••• per it to their occaſions. Then perhaps in obſtinate and dangero • s 〈◊〉 , they ••• ght venture farther by degrees. But when that happen'd is next to •• up •• ible to determine. As for the St • ries of Brutes, they may all, as 〈…〉 of Melampus as the reſt, be rejected as Fables. Neither Hellebore, 〈…〉 other Parging ••• t, that we know of, being ſo ſavoury, as to 〈◊〉 Brutes to eat. In theſe latter ages at leaſt, they will ſtarve rather than be ſ • rc'd to it. For tis impoſſible they ſhou • d have been long without obſerving the miſchief of being coſtive, and the relief of evacuation either by Stool, or Vomit when the Stomach was oppreſs'd. This probably muſt make 'em inquiſitive after means to provoke Evacuations, when they were ſuppreſs'd, or when they found themſelves overcharg'd. Or, perhaps, ſome body having without deſign eaten ſome herb, that purg • d him, and finding himſelf better diſpos'd, and more healthy after it, made his uſe of this caſual experiment, and afterwards repeated it upon himſelf, or others, that he thought had occaſion; or, after all, ſome body obſerving, that ſome diſeaſes went off with Diarrhaeas, endeavour'd to imitate, and aſſiſt Nature by ſuch means, as chance had taught 'em, to looſen the Belly.

Some ſuch reaſon as this apparently ſtarted the firſt hint of Bloud-letting. For the firſt men obſerving that loſs of Blood often gave a check to violent diſtempers; or that large Hemorrhages at the Noſe reliev'd pains in the Head; and that Women were out of order, when they wanted thoſe evacuations, attempted by Art to open a way for that Bloud which cou'd not make any for itſelf.

But tho ſome evacuations of Bloud be frequently neceſſary, and of benefit in diſtempers, it does not fellow, that men ſhou'd as readily venture to imitate Nature in this caſe, as in that of Purging. This latter voiding only excrements by the natural way; whereas, Bleeding takes away a liquor, that appears ſo neceſſary to the ſupport of life, that we ſcarce part from it without ſome horror, and that too is let out by an unuſual way; beſides, that Purgers were found out by chance, and taken into the bodies of the firſt men as their Food, which can • t be ſaid for Blood-Letting.

'Tis certain therefore, that Purging is much more naturally indicated, than Blood Letting, and that more reaſoning was requiſite to induce Men to open a Vein than to give a Purge, and for that reaſon I believe Purgation to be the eldeſt.

Pliny, I know, tells us, that we are oblig'd to the Hippopotamus, or Sea-horſe, who, being by over-feeding grown too fat, and heavy, pricks a certain Vein in his Leg, upon the moſt pointed thorn he can find, and when he has drawn Bloud enough, ſtops the wound with Mud: whence Men had a precedent for Bloud-letting. We may tack this relation to another the ſame Author gives us in his next Chapter, that the Ibis taught Men the uſe of Clyſters, by putting his bill full of Sea-Water into his Fundament.

Not but that Brutes might poſſibly teach men the uſe of divers Remedies. But 'twas in them as well as men, an accidental experiment. SoVide Chap. 11. Mclampus's Goats having eaten Hellebore more by chance, than by (what we call) Inſtinct, and their Maſter taking notice of it, help'd him to the diſcovery of a great Medcine.

A more plauſible ſtory than any of theſe Virgil tells us of his Goats, Aencid. xii. Dictamnum genetrix Cretea carpit ab Idâ, Puberibus caulem Solus, & Flore comantem Pu • pu • eo, non illa ſeres incognita ca • ris Gramina, cum ſtigo volucres haeſere ſagitt • e. Whether this ſtory be more admirable for the Sagacity aſcrib'd to thoſe Brutes, or the power of the Herbs, I leave thoſe to diſpute who have more leiſure, but it has a great many Naturaliſt • • or Vouchers. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . They ſay that the Goats in Crete, when they are ſtruck with an Arrow, eat Dittany, and the Arrow immediate •• •• ops from 'em. Ariſt •• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Id. Hiſt. anim. lib. 9. Elian. Hiſt. Var. l 〈…〉 D • oſ • or. l. 3. c. 37. Val. Max. l. 1. c. 8. Plutarch. de Solert. Ani ••• 〈…〉 Gryl • o. Cic de Divin. 3. Iſſdor. &c. Notwithſtanding 〈…〉 great names, the Reader is left to believe as he pleaſes of the • ct.The ſame may be ſaid of what ſomeGalen. Introduct. Authors report that the way of Couching Cataracts, was learnt by obſerving that Goats, that were troubled with 'em, recover • d their ſight by having prickt their Eyes with ruſhes, or thorns, as they bruſh'd thro' the Woods. If this be not as very a Fable, as thoſe of the Hippopotamus, or Ibis, 'tis at moſt but a lucky accident, of which good uſe has been made.

Perhaps likewiſe, even without the aid of chance, the firſt Men might deſignedly try upon Brutes the effects of Simples unknown, before they ventur'd on 'em themſelves. This way too Brutes might teach the uſe of 'em, but not in the Senſe of the Naturaliſts. No body ventures to ſay, that •• utes taught men the uſe of poiſons, drawn from the Bowels of the Earth, of which nevertheleſs there are but too many.

CHAP. XXI. Epione, Wife to ESCULAPIUS; Hygiaea, Aegle, Panacaea, and Jaſo his Daughter.

THe Etymology of theſe names ſhews 'em to be meer creatures of a wantonPauſan. in Achaic. Fancy, and a continuation only of the Sun's being the Author of Phyſick, under the name of Apollo. Eſculapius is alſo taken for the Air. Hygiaea, that is Health, is call'd his Daughter, becauſe our health depends chiefly upon the Air. Aegle, Light, or Sunſhine, ſignifies that Air illuminated and purified by the Sun is the beſt. Jaſo, and Panacaea, which ſignify Healing, and an univerſal Remedy, inſinuate to us, that a good air cures all diſtempers. Theſe four Siſters are feign'd to be daughters of the Air, to ſhew that we are beholding to the Air for Health, and all the bleſſings we are to hope from Med • cine; this Air is ſuppos'd to be Son of the Sun, becauſe to diſpoſe it for the advantage of Health it muſt be, as it were, animated by that Star, from which it receives all its good qualities. To carry on the Allegory, Eſculapius's Wife is named 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , lenifying. Hepione, as if ſhe ſhar'd with her Husband the faculty of aſſwaging Pain.

This ſham Eſculapius, and his Fantaſtick Family confirm, what we advanc'd before, that there never was any Eſculapius of Greece. As for Podalirius, and Machaon, who might perhaps be Men really preſent at the Siege of Troy in quality of Phyſitians or Surgeons,The Poet probably in this conſulted the dignity of his Poem, as he did in thoſe Epithets 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which he in divers places beſtows upon Machaon. Not perhaps that he was a King, as out Author from this latter appellation argues. But in that he ſeems to me to inſer too much, Homer not reſtraining it to Kings only. For he gives Alexander and others the ſame title, tho they were not crown'd Heads. the Poet, I ſuppoſe, made 'em Sons of Eſculapius for the greaten grace of the matter, as he ſays that Phyſitians in general are of the race of Paeon, Phyſitian to the Gods; of whom before.

CHAP. XXII. The Hiſtory of ESCULAPIUS continued. Wherein, what is aſcrib'd to him in Phyſick by the Antients after his being deified, is ſet forth.

WE have ſeen, what has been ſaid of Eſculapius conſider • d as a Man. To preſerve the Chronological order, we ſhou'd ſuſpend the relation of what concerns him in Phyſick after his deification, till the time in which it happened. But to avoid digreſſions, we chooſe to finiſh at once his Hiſtory, Man or God.

Among thoſe, ſays Clemens Alexandrinus, who were heretofore in Egypt, and who were but Men, tho the ſuperſtition of the People has made Gods of 'em, were Hermes of Thebes, and Eſculapius of Memphis. This Author, who here makes Eſculapius an Egyptian, and joyns him with Hermes, who liv'd in the time of Noah, ſeems to make him much later, when he ſays, that he was deified but fifty three years before the Siege of Troy, and makes him contempory to Hercules, and companion to Caſtor and Pollux in their Voyage. We have already taken notice that he did apparently confound the Egyptian Eſculapius, with the Grecian. Perhaps in this latter paſſage he has follow'd the Greeks, who believ • d their Eſculapius no older.

In Corinthiar. Pauſanias aſſerts of Eſculapius, that from the very firſt he was none of thoſe, whoſe reputation grew by degrees; and endeavours to prove his aſſertion by an expreſſion in the Ilias, that calls Pauſani • s wreſts this authority of Homer to a ſenſe, that in probability the Poet never dreamt of. For Man, or Mortal is a common Epithet in Homer, even where there is no ſuſpicion of any intended deſtincton of this nature. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Iliad Δ Machaon a Mortal, the Son of Eſculapius, which with him is all one with a Man Son of a God.

CHAP. XXIII. Of the Temples built to ESCULAPIUS. In particular of that at Epidaurus; and of the ſeveral different repreſentations of Eſculapius.

ESculapius being thus immortaliz'd, Temples were built in divers places, and vows made, and Sacrifice offered to him, as the God of Health Pauſan. in Meſſen. & Corinthiac. They erected likewiſe Temples to his Sons, and Grandſons. Among all that were built in honour of Eſculapius, that of Epidaurus was the moſt conſiderable. This City was conſecrated to him, either becauſe he was born there, or becauſe he had his abode there. In this Temple, which was five miles from the City, was his ſtatue of Gold and Ivory, made by the famous Carver Thraſymedes. It was of an extraordinary ſize, and repreſented the God ſitting upon a Throne with a Staff in one hand, and leaning with the other upon the head of a Dragon, with a Dog at his feet.

Albrieus de deor. imaginibus. Eſculapius was otherwiſe repreſented with aHe was ſometimes repreſented as a Child by an Image, of the heighth of a Cubit. Vide Pauſan. Arcad •• a. page 5 • 8. He was ſometimes repreſented with a beard. long beard, habited like a Phyſician, ſitting with a box of Ointment, and the neceſſary Inſtruments of his profeſſion in his lap. In his right hand he held his beard, in his left a Staff with a Serpent twin'd about it, to ſignifie, according to the explication ofDe natura d • orum. Phornutius, that the ſick for their cure, muſt renew their Bodies and ſlip their Skins, as the Serpent does his. The Serpent, being likewiſe the Emblem of Attention, ſignified that Phyſicians ought to be very attentive to what befel their patients. The Staff ſignified, that thoſe who recover • d of any diſtemper, have need of much management, and good ſupport to prevent a relapſe. Others ſay, that Eſculapius's Staff was full of knots, to ſhew the difficulties in the ſtudy and practice of Phyſick. Feſtus, from whom this laſt remark is borrow'd, adds, that this God wore a wreath of Laurel, becauſe this plant is of uſe in divers remedies.

CHAP. XXIV. How ESCULAPIUS is repreſented in ſome Medals. Of the figure of the Teleſphorus, which is join'd in ſome of 'em

THere are yet ſome Medals of Eſculapius remaining,The curious M • Ch • lton ſh • w'd • e an Abinus, which bore on the reverſe an Eſculapius ſtanding • are from the Waſte upwards, holding a Staff in his hand, with a Serpent twin'd about it. The Inſcription was Albin: CAES. R C. O S I I. on which he is ſtampt at full length, with the Pallium after the Greek faſhion, which expoſes the body naked to the view from the Girdle upwards, leaning upon a Staff. In others he has a Cock at his feet, to inſinuate that a Phyſician ought to be vigilant. In ſome others we find an Owlet, to ſhew that a Phyſician ought to be as clear-fighted, and ready in the Night as the Day for the ſervice of their Patients.

In ſeveral Medals Eſculapius is accompany'd by a ſmall figure, repreſenting a young Boy cover'd with a Cowl. Monſieur Spon will have this to be an emblem of Sickneſs, the object of Medicine, becauſe, among the Antients, the Sick only wore the Robe, and Bonnet, whereas thoſe that were in health went bareheaded. This Boy, or little Man, was call'd Teleſphorus.

Monſieur Patin mentions a Medal coin'd in honour of the Emperour Adrian, which bore on one ſide an Eſculapius with his daughter Hygiaea; on the reverſe a Teleſphorus, with this Inſcription round it. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Near the Teleſphorus were theſe two letters OB. This learned Antiquary and Phyſician explains theſe words thus; Pergamenorum ſub Cephalione, adding in an Italick Character, Teleſphorus. He tells us, after Pauſanias, that Teleſphorus was a Deity of the Pergamenians, ſo nam'd by the command of the Oracle; and that ſome tranſlate this wordPoſſeſs'd. Daemoniac, orOne that ſpeaks in the Belly. Ventiloquus.

This application induces me to think, that Teleſphorus and Ob ſignified the ſame thing, finding elſewhere that this latter word is likewiſe render'd by that of Demoniac, or Ventriloquous Spirit. So Selden; De Diis Syris Syntagmat. 2. The word Ob is uſually tranſlated by that of Python, or Magician. But Ob was a Spirit, or Demon, that ſeem'd to ſpeak from within; ſometimes from the Head, and ſometimes from the Armpit; but in a tone, whether of a Daemoniac, or of a dead man, ſo low, that it ſeem'd to come from ſome deep cavity in the Earth; ſo that whoever conſulted it, oftentimes heard it not, but made what conſtruction he pleas'd. Selden adds immediately; ſee the Hiſtory of Samuel, whoſe Figure was rais'd to Saul by a Woman, from whoſe Pudenda Ob ſpoke, or was thought to ſpeak. The Scripture in the 28th Chapter of the 1ſt book of Samuel calls this Pythoniſſa, or as the ſeventy tranſlate this Ventriloqua, a Woman that had Ob; whence Saul makes this requeſt to her; Divine to me, I pray thee by Ob, which the lxx render; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Propheſie to me by the Ventriloquus. Ob therefore was a Ventriloquous Spirit.

This conjecture ſeem'd to me well grounded. But Monſieur Patin, has done me the favour to inform me that inſtead of OB, we ſhou'd read T O B, this being more frequent upon Medals. He is likewiſe of opinion, that the two firſt Letters T O ſhou'd be disjoyn'd from the B, and read T O B, as two words, which ſignify according to him a ſecond time. This ſecond time is, ſays he, capable of variety of interpretation, either from the City where the Medal was coin'd, or from the Praetor or Pontifex under whom it was coin'd. He further obſerves this word, where the Teleſphorus had nothing to no. If Monſieur Patin be not miſtaken, eſpecially in this laſt particular, my conjecture is entirely overthrown; for my part I readily ſubmit to his authority in a matter, whereof he is ſo great a Maſter.

Pauſanias obſerves that what the Pergamenians call'd Teleſporus, was call'd Aceſius at Epidaurus, and Evamerion in Meſſenia.

CHAP. XXIV. ESCULAPIUS appear'd ſometimes in the form of a Serpent. His Voyage to Rome, to put a ſtop to the Plague: Of the Temple built for him in the Iſle of Tyber. Some particulars concerning the Temple, and the place where it was erected.

THe Serpent was ſo dear to Eſculapius, that his uſual appearance was under that Shape. In that he came to free Rome from the Plague, in its three hundred and fiftieth year. The Romans, ſays Aurelius Victor, ſent ten Deputies to Epidaurus by the advice of the Oracle, to bring the God Eſculapius to Rome. The chief of them was Q. Ogulnius; theſe Deputies being arriv'd there, and admiring the extraordinary ſize of the Statue, ſaw coming out of the Throne, on which he ſat, a Serpent, that ſtruck into 'em an awe rather of veneration, then terrour, and traverſing the City, thro' crouds of Spectators that were amaz'd at the Prodigy, went on board the Romans Veſſel to the Cabbin of Ogulnius. The Deputies, tranſported with joy of the Gods Company, arrived happily at Antium, where they abode ſome time, the roughneſs of the Seas not permitting 'em to purſue their Voyage. During this ſtay the Serpent convey'd himſelf into a Neighbouring Temple dedicated to Eſculapius, and came aboard again ſome days afterwards, and they continued their courſe up the Tyber. Till arriv'd at this Iſle in the River he leap'd aſhore. In that place a Temple was erected to him, and the Plague immediately ceas'd.

Feſtus Fancies, that the Temple of Eſculapius was built in the middle of the water, to ſignify the cuſtom of Phyſicians, who cure their Patients by obliging 'em to drink water.Lib. 29. cap. 1. Pliny pretends that this Temple was erected in the Iſle of Tyber to avoid receiving him into their Walls, ſo great was their averſion to the Art, over which he preſided. But 'tis not probable they wou'd uſe a God ſo ſcurvily, whoſe preſence they had ſo earneſtly deſired, and who had taken the pains to come ſo far to their relief.Quaeſt. Rom. 94. Plutarch ſeems to have hit the true reaſon of this conduct of the Romans, who built him a Temple, without their City, in imitation of that at Epidaurus, which was five miles out of the City. He adds, that this reaſon, why theſe Temples were plac'd in the Country, was, that the Sick, who reſorted to 'em, as a ſort of Hoſpitals,Or perhaps the Romans might fear to be frequently viſited with infectious diſeaſes, from the great reſort of the ſick to ſuch a Temple, and therefore erected it at a diſtance, for the ſame reaſon that we build Peſthouſes at a diſtance from great Towns. Or perhaps the Prieſts, who were yet but Novices at Rome, might fear too near an inſpection into their juggling in that great City, and therefore choſe a place where none cou'd have admittance but thoſe that came prepoſſeſs'd in favour of the cheat. might enjoy the benefit of the open Air.

If AƲRELIƲS VICTOR's account been't a fiction, we may conclude that the Serpents of Epidaurus, which were eaſily tam'd, were train'd to this ſort of jugglingPauſan. in Corinthiac.. Qui ſont de couleur brune, ſays our Author, but Pauſanias his words are, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which ſeems to intimate that they were of a brighter yellow, than any other Serpents, pag. 136. All Dragons, or Serpents, ſays Pauſanias are conſecrated to Eſculapius, but eſpecially a brown ſort, which were very tame, and found only in the Territories of Epidaurus Lucian affirms expreſsly that theſe Serpents are found in Pella in Macedonia, and that the Impoſtor Alexander furniſht himſelf with one there. He further adds, that they wou'd kiſs the Women, ſuck their Breaſts, &c. which familiarity (ſays he) gave occaſion to the ſtory of Olympias, Mother of Alexander the Great. Vide Lucian. Pſeudomant.. It was one of theſe Serpents. which Alexander the famous Impoſtor made uſe of, which he pretended to beOur Author here has made a miſtake, for the Impoſtor did not pretend the Serpent, but himſelf to be the Son of Podalirius, and the Serpent Eſculapius. the Son of Podalirius.

CHAP. XXV. Of the Worſhip of ESCULAPIUS, which was every where the ſame, except at Cyrene.

THe Rites obſerv'd at Epidaurus, were follow'd by all the Cities of Greece, where his Temples were. Pauſanias pretends, that even the Eſculapius of (a) Cyrene, was borrow'd from thence, tho' he acknowledges this difference in their Worſhip, that theſe ſacrific'd Goats to him, which they did not at Epidaurus. But this Author being a Greek may be ſuſpected of partiality to his own Country, which 'tis eaſy upon other occaſions to convict him of. 'Tis 'Tis more likely that Cyrene, being a City of Lybia near Egypt, receiv'd from thence, the knowledge and worſhip of Eſculapius, before ſpoken of. It is not probable, that the Cyrenians, if they had borrow'd their Rites from Epidaurus, wou • d have vary'd 'em ſo far, as to ſacrifice an animal ſo different from that us'd in Greece; which according to Feſtus was a Pullet, or a Cock according to Plato, whoſe reaſon for it deſerves our notice. The Antients, ſays he, offer • d to ESCULAPIUS the Phyſician, ſon of Phaebus, a Cock, which proclaims the approach of day, and of the Sun, thereby acknowledging themſelves oblig'd for the day, or light of Life, to the Divine Bounty, which cures us of all evils.

Before we leave the Temple of Epidaurus, we muſt obſerve, that there were in it ſeveral Pillars, whereon were engrav'd the names of thoſe that were cur'd by the Gods, the names of their diſtempers, and the method of cure, all in the Dorick Dialect. Pauſanias ſays, that ſix of theſe Pillars or Columns, were remaining in his time; that there was one old Pillar remote from the reſt, on which was an Inſcription that Hippolytus offer'd to Eſculapius twenty horſes in acknowledgement for having been reſtor'd to Life by him.

CHAP. XXVI. Of the ESCULAPIUS of Pergamus.

PAuſanias obſerves, that one Archias having been cur'd of ſome diſtemper at Epidaurus, tranſported the Religion to Pergamus. This was the occaſion of building a Temple to this God there; and not becauſe he had a Shop there, as ſome learned Men, thro miſapprehenſion of a Paſſage in Lucian, have believ'd. This witty Droll introduces Jupiter complaining that his Altars were deſerted, ſince Apollo ſet up his Oracle at Delphi, and Eſculapius opened Shop at Pergamus; by which Shop he meant his Temple, whither People repair • d for Medicines, as to a common Apothecaries Shop.

One proof that this Temple was grown more famous than the former, is that Lucian in the aforecited paſſage mentions this only, tho' the other were remaining in his time, as we may infer from Pauſanias, who was contemporary to him, or liv'd after him, and ſpeaks of the Temple of Epidaurus as having ſeen it, adding that one Antoninus had built a Houſe near it, to lodge Women in labour, and dying Men, becauſe no one was ſuffer • d to be delivered, or to dye within the Verge of the Temple.

The Eſculapius of Aſia Minor ſeems to have been the moſt dexterous at culling his Cuſtomers; for the Emperor Caracalla took a journey to Pergamus, to conſult him upon a diſtemper; and we find abundance of Medals of the Families of Antoninus and Aurelius, on which Eſculapius is impreſs'd, all coin'd at Pergamus. Perhaps the Prieſts at Pergamus had more addreſs, than thoſe at Epidaurus, which as we ſhall ſee, was of great uſe to inveigle the Multitude.

CHAP. XXVII. Of ESCULAPIUS of Cos.

THere was likewiſe a famous Temple of Eſculapius in the Iſle of Cos, which was burnt in the time of Hippocrates, after he had tranſcrib'd the remedies written on the Tables, which thoſe that receiv • d their cures, us'd to hang up in the Temple as a publick acknowledgment, and for the ſervice of others in the ſame caſe after 'em. Strabo ſpeaks thus of the Temple. There is in the Suburbs of the City of Cos, a celebrated Temple of Eſculapius enrich • d with a great number of preſents and offerings, among the reſt an Antigonus of Apelles's hand, a Venus riſing out of the Sea, conſecrated in our days to Julius Caeſar by Auguſtus, who dedicated to his Father the Foundreſs of his Family; It is reported that for this Picture a hundred talents were abated of the annual Tribute paid by thoſe of Cos. 'Tis ſaid likewiſe that Hippocrates practis'd Phyſick upon what he learnt from thoſe conſecrated Tables. Hippocrates, adds he, was one of the moſt illuſtrious Perſons of that City, as was alſo another Phyſician nam'd Simos or Simus.Our Author forgets that Pauſanias, of whom he makes ſo much uſe on this occaſion, mentions that the Meſſenians, who contended for his Birth, had in his Temple many great curioſities, as the Statues of the Muſes, of Apollo, of Hercules, and of Eſculapius and his children; and particucularly a ſort of Family Piece of Painting, wherein was his Moth • r Arſinoe, (according to the pretences of the Meſſenians) himſelf, and his two Sons, Machaon and Podalirius, drawn by Omphalion. And at Aegium a Statue was made by Damophon, whoſe workmanſhip Pauſanias every where ſets a great value upon. There were in other places abundance of other things very remarkable, which wheever has the curioſity, may conſult Pauſanius for. Nothing is ſaid of the reſt of the Temples of Eſculapius, ſcatter'd in great number up and down the world, eſpecially in Greece.

CHAP. XXVIII. Four Oracles, or Preſcriptions of ESCULAPIUS given to ſick men, engrav'd upon a Marble Table, found at Rome.

IT were to be wiſh'd, that the Antient had taken the pains to collect all that was written upon thoſe Tables, or Pillars. Perhaps they might have done it, but their works ſu • s viv'd not till our times.

Chance has preſerv'd us one of theſe Tables found in the Iſle of Tyber by Rome, where was the Temple of Eſculapius. This Table is of Marble, and now to be ſeen in the Palace of Mapheo, on which is this inſcription in Greek.

The God, at this time, gave the following Oracle to one Caius, who was blind; That he ſhou'd come to the ſacred altar, and having kneel'd ſhou'd go from the right ſide to the left, and lay his five ſingers upon the altar, and put that hand upon his eyes. Which being done he ſaw very clearly, all the People being preſent, and expreſſing their joy, that ſo great miracles were done under our Emperor Antoninus.

Lucius, having a Pleuriſie, and being given over by every body, receiv'd from the God this Oracle. That he ſhou • d come, and take the aſhes off his altar, and mixing em with Wine, apply 'em to his ſide. Which done he was cur'd, and return'd thanks to the God, and the People congratulated him upon his happy recovery.

Julian vomiting bloud, and his recovery being by every one deſpair'd of, the God by his Oracle gave him this anſwer; That he ſhould come, and take the Pine-apples upon his Altar, and eat of 'em three days with Honey, Which having perform'd, he was well, and came to return his thanks to the God in the preſence of all the people.

The God gave this Oracle to a blind Souldier, nam'd Valerius Aper; That he ſhou'd mingle the bloud of a white Cock with Honey, and make a Collyrium, which he ſhou'd put upon his eyes three days together. After which he ſaw, and came publickly to return his thanks.

The firſt of theſe remedies is purely ſuperſtitious, the reſt are natural, and not very unlike thoſe in ordinary uſe with the Phyſicians, except the ſeaſoning of ſuperſtition, which to this day makes Med'cines ſeem more effectual to the greateſt part of the World.

In probability the Prieſts of Eſculapius did not deal much in cures of the firſt ſort; except when they had a mind to impoſe upon the people by ſome Counterfeit, prepar'd to cheat 'em with a ſham diſeaſe.

But when they had to do with men, that came to conſult their God upon caſes that were curable, it was for their credit to order means that acted naturally, which they might learn by theIf Hippocrates became ſo famous by tranſcribing what was inſcrib'd upon the Tables hung up in the Temple at Cos (as ſome will have it) what hinders but that the Prieſts themſelves, who had much greater advantages of that kind, ſhou'd be ſo too. Beſides, 'tis probable that they neglected no means of enabling themſelves to do all that was poſſible, who pretended to ſo much more. Study and Practice of Phyſick, or receive by tradition from their Predeceſſors; without any ſuch occaſion for the Devil's aſſiſtanceObſervations ſur les fievres., as the late Monſieur Spon fancies they had.

Thoſe that fancy that all the Heathen Oracles were nothing but meer tricks, and roguery of their Prieſts, will be in no pain upon this ſubject.

It ſeems to have been very eaſie for theſe Prieſts, to make the ſick believe as they liſted. And whereas theſe wretches were uſually lodg'd for ſome days together, and their imaginations being entirely poſſeſt with the reports of the Counſels, and Cures of Eſculapius, they did not fail to dream at night, of what their minds were ſo abſolutely taken up with all the day, and to take their dreams for the immediate inſpiration of the God. It was not impoſſible, but that, following his pretended advice,As ſanciful men are naturally moſt ſuporſtitious, ſo I doubt not but the greatest and beſt part of Eſcalapius's Cuſtomers were of that number, whoſe diſtempers being altogether imaginary, 'twas no hard matter to fit 'em with a cure as chime • ical. For even yet the number of thoſe, that labour under painful conceits, and are daily reliev'd by the application of ſuperstitious, inſignificant remedies, in which they have a ſtrong faith, is very great. Of theſe I knew one, a perſon otherwiſe of very good ſenſe, that was cur'd, as he thought, of the Sciatica, by wearing about his neck a piece of blank Paper, in which he was told there was a powerful charm written, but was forbidden to break the Seal; which his curi • ſity tempting him to do, after his ſancy had had three weeks reſpite, immediately upon the diſappointment he relaps'd into the old complaint. But among the Heathens, whoſe Credulity was back'd and encourag'd by their Religion, 'twas no wonder to meet with ſhouls of eaſie Gulls, that crouded to be cheated. Not to mention that many of theſe Cures were effected by confederacy, where the God, or his Prieſt, and the Patient had a right underſtanding beforehand; like ſome m • dern Miracle-mongers. As to the cure of real diſtempers by ſancy, I ſhall ſuſpend my opinion, till I am ſatisfied of the truth of the fact, which yet I declare I am not. the force of Imagination, and the confidence they plac'd in the Oracle, contributed very much to their cure, when it was naturally poſſible.

They were ſo obedient, and ſo exact in the execution of the orders they receiv'd, whether by dream, or otherwiſe, that ſome have forborn to drink for fifteen days together, being ſo enjoyn • d, Galen, who makes this obſervation, complains, that his Patients were not by far ſo obſervant of his directions.

There is no doubt, but this Spirit of Bigottry that reign'd among thoſe that had recourſe to Eſculapius, contributed very much to his eſtabliſhment, how little vertue ſoev • r his remedies, or rather thoſe of his Prieſts had.

Suidas mentions a preſcription of Eſculapius of Athens, which is very odd. An Athenian nam'd Plutarch and one Domninus a Syrian Philoſopher, contemporary to Proclus, both conſulted him upon different caſe, and were both ordered to eat Pork. The firſt wou'd not comply, but in raillery asking the God, what he wou'd have preſcrib • d to a Jew in his caſe, oblig • d him to preſcribe ſomething elſe • Domninus, who, as the Story tells us, was really a Jew, notwithſtanding the Law of his Nation againſt the eating of Swines-fleſh, conform • d to the direction, and found himſelf ſo well after it, that he eat it all the reſt of his Life. And found himſelf the worſe for a ſingle days abſtinence from it. His diſeaſe was a Spitting of Blood. This remedy appears extraordinary, but we ſhall ſee in the ſequel ſome Preſcriptions of the ſame ſort in the ſame caſe by Phyſicians.

Galen tells us alſo of ſome particular cures of his Eſculapius. De ſubfigurat. Empir • c. De ſimp. Medicam. facult. lib. A certain rich man, having been brought by a dream, from the middle of Thrace to Pergamus, he was advis'd by Eſculapius to take a Med'cine, whereof Vipers were an ingredient, and to rub his Body externally with it▪ Shortly after this Man becoming Leprous, his diſeaſe turning to a Leproſy, he was perfectly cur'd by the uſe of the Med'cine, the God had taught him.

This man perhaps had the Leproſy, before he came to Pergamus; but it being a diſeaſe no one cares to publiſh, he choſe rather to put it upon the God, as ſent by him, that he might ſignalize himſelf by the cure.

We may ſee by this ſample, that the Prieſts of Pergamus were not unskill'd in Phyſick, this being a Med'cine much eſteem'd by the Phyſicians in all ages in caſes of this Nature.

But 'tis ſomething ſurprizing, that Eſculapius, who was ſo fond of Serpents, that he often took their Shape, ſhou'd order 'em to be kill'd to make Med • cines; unleſs we ſuppoſe, that Vipers are very different from the Snakes of Epidaurus, which were harmleſs, and were peculiarly ſacred to him.

Theſe cunning Prieſts undertook no one, that wou • d not be exactly regular, as well in their Diet, as Phyſick, witneſs thePhiloſtrat. Vita. Apollon. Tyanaet. young Aſſyrian, who in a Dropſy, wou • d eat and drink to exceſs. He ſupplicated and conſulted the God, yet cou'd not get ſo much as a Dream. At length, being very much incens'd againſt Eſculapius, he fell aſleep and dreamt, that he ſent him to Apollonius Tyanaeus. Being come to this Prophet, or Cheat, he complain'd grievouſly of Eſculapius to him, who anſwer'd that the God gave Health to thoſe only that were deſirous of it, and not to thoſe, that liv'd like him, as if their diſeaſe were a Pleaſure.

Galen ſays likewiſe, that oneDe different. Morbor. Nicomachus of Smyrna, being grown ſo big, that he cou'd not ſtir, was cur • d by Eſculapius, but he tells neither time, nor manner.

Hither we may bring the Miracle, which, as Tacitus relates, was done in the temple of Serapis at Alexandria; Serapis and Eſculapius being according to him the ſame.Hiſtor. l. 4. Veſpaſian being at Alexandria, a man by the direction of Serapis threw himſelf at his feet, and begg'd that he wou'd anoint his cheeks and round his • yes with his Spittle. Another that had loſt the uſe of his hand, begg'd by the ſame direction that he wou • d ſet his foot upon his hand. Veſpaſian at firſt laught at 'em as banters; but being unwilling to be taken for a credulous man, yet betwixt the importunity of ſome, and the ſlattery of others, he began to entertain ſome hopes that the thing might ſucceed; and remitted 'em both to the examination of Phyſicians, who ſinding that the one had not abſolutely loſt his ſight, and that the other's all was but a ſimple diſlocation, which might be reduc • d, made their report, adding that perhaps the Gods had taken this matter into their care, as they had done the Prince himſelf, who was choſen by their means; that if the matter ſucceeded, the glory wou'd be Caeſar's, and the ſcorn woud fall upon the wretches themſelves if it miſcarried. Hereupon Veſpaſian ſet a good face upon the matter, • ncouraging the ſpectators to put in execution the orders of Serapis. Whereupon the lame man recover'd the uſe of his hand, and the blind man his ſight: Thoſe (ſays Tacitus) that were aſſiſtant at both theſe events, affirm yet the truth of 'em, The man that has once ſolemnly vouch'd a lye, upon whatever motive he does it, tho that ſhowd ceaſe, is oblig'd afterwards to maintain it for his own honour, if he has any; and if he has not, he is not an Evidence to be regarded. when a lye is no longer of ſervice to 'em.

The Reader is at liberty to to make what reflections hereupon he pleaſes. We ſhall only take notice in the cloſe of this Article, that tho the Multitude were groſly bigotted to this Superſtition, yet there wanted not thoſe among the Pagans that ſaw thro the cheat, and knew it to be an artifice by which the Prieſts ſubſiſted. This apparently was the ſenſe of Philemon in Philoſtratus, who dreaming, that Eſculapius told him, that he muſt forbear drinking water if he wou'd be cur'd of the Gout, cried out as he wak'd, as if he had ſpoke to the God, and what wou'd you have preſcrib'd if you had had an Ox in cure.

We need but obſerve how Ariſtophanes ridicules theſe Prieſts, and even their God himſelf. In his firſt Comedy he introduces a Servant ſaying; The Prieſt of Eſculapius ha • ing put out the lights, bid us all go to ſleep, ſaying, that if a • y one heard a ruſtling, that he ſhould not ſtir, for 'twas a ſign of the approach of the God; ſo we all laid our ſelves quietly down. I, for my part, ſays the Slave, cou • d not ſleep a with for the ſmell of a Meſs of Soup, which an old Fellow had near me, and which aſſaulted my Noſe moſt furiouſly. Being therefore very deſ • rous to remove the offence, I liſted my head ſoftly up, and perceiv'd the Prieſt clearing the Sacred Table of the Cakes and Figs, and making the tour about the ſeveral Altars, to ſee that nothing was left, and ſtuffing whatever he found into a Wallet, I fancy'd it a very pious action, and began in imitation to draw towards the Soup-diſh. Then he, to whom the Slave made the relation, asking, if, being about ſuch an action, he was not afraid of the God? He Anſwers, that he was really in ſome fear, but it was, leſt he ſhou'd get at the diſh before him; for ſays he, I found already by the Prieſt what game he'd be at. Preſently after he ſalutes Eſculapius by a very 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Merdivorus. homely name.

But it will perhaps be objected, that Ariſtophanes was an Atheiſt; as well as he whom Cicero makes to ſay, that the ſick were more beholding to Hippocrates, than Eſculapius. In the ſame rank they wou'd put theDionyſius, Tyrant of Syracuſe. He robb'd the ſame God of a golden Table at Syracuſe, drinking firſt to him the Poculum boni Daemonis; then ordering the Table to be taken away, jeſting upon the ancient cuſtom of removing the Table. Prince that cut off Eſculapius of Epidaurus his golden beard, ſaying, that 'twas an abſurd thing, that the Son ſhou • d have ſuch a long beard, and the Father, (viz.) Apollo, (who was always repreſented as a young man) ſhou'd have none.

CHAP. XXIV. Japis, Linus, Orpheus, Muſaeus, and Homer, Inventors of Phyſick, or ſome of the ancienteſt Phyſicians.

THis may ſuffice on this ſubject. Let us now return to the time wherein Eſculapius liv'd, and ſee what paſs'd then, or preſently after in relation to Phyſick. We have already ſpoken of the Heroes his contemporaries, the diſciples of Chiron, as likewiſe of his Sons.

The next we meet with after them, is Japis, whom Virgil introduces dreſſing Eneas • s wounds, and ſays of him, that being very much belov'd by Apollo, he offer'd to teach him Augury to play on the Harp, and to draw the Bow well; Scire poteſtates herbarum, u • umque medzudi Maluit, & mutas agitare ingl •• us artes. Aeneid. lib. xii. Notwithſtanding the ſeveral conjectures advanc'd by the Commentators, this paſſage ſeems yet ſufficiently obſeure. De la Cerda thinks the words Mutas artes to be directly meant of the ſect of Phyſicians that diſtinguiſh themſelves by the name of Empericks, who putting themſelves only upon Fact and Experience, had no o • caſion to talk in their Profeſſion; and that Japix is call • d inglorious, becauſe thoſe of that Sect, rejecting all reaſoning in their art, became ſcandalouſly ig • want of Letters, or becauſe the Phyſicians at Rome in Virgil's time were generally Slaves. But neither of theſe conjectures can be good. Firſt, becauſe the Sect of the Empericks had no being till ſeveral ages after the time of Japix. Secondly, becauſe in the time of Japix, who by Virgil • s accoun • of him, muſt have been co • vous at leaſt to the Sons of Eſculapms, Phyſick was no contemptible or inglorieus art, ſence it procur'd to it, Profeſſors while living the higheſt veneration, and after death divine honours. See the preceeding part of this Hiſtory.

What our Author here advances ſeems better grounded, but the ſune objection lies againſt that likewiſe, it not bei • g an a • t of ſ • ell ſame or reputation, ſince it made thoſe that had any skill in it to paſs for ſomewhat above humane condition.

I ſuppoſe this word mutas to be oppos'd to Citharam the Harp which Apollo gave him, by which the Poet not only meant Muſick, but Poetry alſo, for which it is frequently put; and that by the word inglorius he means no more than unambitious; as one that for the practice of Phyſick neglected thoſe other Gifts, which the Poet, as ſuch, was oblig'd to prefer before it. For this reaſon he calls Phyſick Ars Muta, in oppoſition to Poetry and Maſick, which were properly Vocales.

but that he rather choſe to be able to prolong his dying Father's Life, to learn the vertues of herbs, and to cure diſtempers. (which Virgil calls a mute Art) tho leſs glorious for him.

The Commentators upon him have been very much perplext to know, why he calls Phyſick ſo. Had Phyſick been in the time of Eneas, or even of Virgil, upon the foot it now is, it had been a very improper Epithet. But we may ſee by the method Eſculapius, and his Sons took, that they left their cures to ſpeak for 'em. In Virgil • s time the caſe was alter • d, and they reaſon'd too much. I ſuppoſe the word mutas to relate rather to inglorius; and that Virgil wou'd thereby inſinuate, that Phyſick was an Art that made no great noiſe in the world, and brought its Profeſſor's no great glory; eſpecially compar'd with Muſick, and thoſe other Arts, that qualified 'em for entring the Liſts, and being crown'd in their Publick Games, which was the higheſt honour they cou'd antiently aſpire to. The ſame may be ſaid of Augury, which rais'd thoſe that profeſs'd it to a great heighth. We find nothing more concerning Japis.

Linus, one of the antienteſt Poets known, having written of Fruits and Trees, is likewiſe rankt among the Phyſicians. He is pretended by ſome to have taught Orpheus, and to have been no leſs a Muſician than he.

Why our Author poſtpones Linus and Orpherus to Japis I can't imagine, ſince they were, according to all accounts, contemporaries to Hercules and Ariſtaeus, and flouriſh'd 100 years before the War of Troy. Pauſan. lib. 9. Tzetzes Hiſt. 399. Chil. xii. Virg. Georg. lib. 4. Orpheus is ſo well known, that we ſhall not amuſe our ſelves with the Fables concerning him. The Greeks believ'd him to have been of Thrace, and give him a character very like that of Hermes Triſmegiſtus, that is, for an univerſal Man. What is reported of his Muſick is well known. But what is more material to our Hiſtory, is, that they look'd upon him, not only asPauſan Baeot. a Phyſician, but as the Inventor of Phyſick, as one that firſt found the means of appeaſing the anger of the Gods, and the manner of expiating crimes.

There are yet ſome pieces of Poetry which bear his name, out of which we have already cited ſomeSee the Chapter of Mercury. paſſages relating to the vertues of certain Simples, and the cure of certain Diſtempers. But theſe pieces have been a long time eſteem'd ſpurious, tho they be very antient; for they were aſcrib'd to him even in the time of Cicero, who ſays one Cercops was the Authour.

Pliny obſerves,Primus ommum, guos memoria novit, Orpheus, • urioſius de herbis aliqua predidit. lib. 25. Cap. 2. that Orpheus firſt wrote of Plants any thing curious, or ſomething too curious. For the Latin word ſignifies either. This may be conſtrued of the exactneſs of Orpheus's work upon that ſubject. But Pliny elſewhere ſhews that by curioſity he there meant vanity, or ſuperſtition, to which the Genius of the Antient Times was extreamly inclin • d; and we are inform'd byPauſan. Eliac. another, that Orpheus paſs'd for a great Magician.

D • Antidot. lib. 2. c. 7. Galen likewiſe mentions an Or • heus, to whom he gives the ſurname of Theologus, who wrote of the manner of compounding divers Poiſons. This ſurname ſeems to point out the Orpheus, whoſe Hiſtory we are upon, whether theſe Books were truly his, or, which is more likely, father'd falſly upon him.

Pauſanias, amongſt • ther inventions, aſcribes the invention of Remedies for Diſeaſes, and of certain Rites of Worſhip to him. But 'tis probable theſe Romedies were a • other than Charms, or ſuperſtitious Luſtrations, and not ſuch as acted by natural means; he being as has been obſerv'd reputed a Magician by the Antients, and amongſt the reſt by Pauſanias. Vide Baeotic. Others have written that Orpheus was anPauſan E •• ac. poſterior. Egyptian, and in all appearance he was older than the Greeks imagin.

Muſaeus, another antient Poet, is ſuppos'd to have been his Scholar.Ranaz act. iv. ſeen. ii. Ariſtophanes aſcribes to him the teaching men remedies for diſtempers. Pliny joyns him with Orpheus for the knowledge of Plants, but makes him the later Writer. But Pauſanias maintains, that thoſe pieces which are imputed to Muſaeus, are the works of one Onomacritus.

Homer having the reputation of having laid down rules in all the principal Arts, and in all the Sciences, cou'd not fail of being dubb'd a Phyſician. Firſt, he was thought to underſtand Surgery, becauſe he ſpecifies the chief particulars of the method of dreſſing Wounds, as drawing out the heads of Arrows, or Darts lodg'd in the Fleſh by means of Inciſion, to ſtop the bleeding, to waſh and cleanſe the Wound, and to apply Powders, or Med • cines, that caſe pain. He was ſuppos'd likewiſe to be skill'd in Anatomy, becauſe he ſpake of moſt parts of the Body. So he is complemented with the knowledge of Plants, for the mention of Moly, which ſerv'd againſt enchantments, of the leaves of Homer often mentions the manner of dreſſing and curing Wounds, but ſeldom the means, yet we may gueſs by his Potions of Pramnian Wine, Goats Milk, Cheeſe, Barley-meal, &c. at his skill in Phyſick, the abſurdity of which compoſition, eſpecially in the caſe wherein 'tis preſcrib • d, has already been objected to Machaon. As for the Moly and Nepenthe, they being Fabulous Med • cines, are not to be inſiſted upon. The mention of the Leaves of Savin ſeem indeed to give ſome Countenance to their Opinion, who hold, that he underſtood Phyſick. But even in the uſe of that he is miſtaken; for Savin will not cauſe Sterility, tho it too often procures abortion. As for the Plague's ceaſing upon the ninth day, I ſuppoſe it rather to have relation to the Magical Whimſies of thoſe times than any natural Obſervation or ſuppos'd. Savin, which cauſe Barrenneſs, and ſome others. We have already taken notice of his knowledge of Nepenthe, of which, a word or two in the following Chapter. They make him deſcant upon divers Medical Maxims, as when he obſerves that the plague ceaſed upon the Ninth day, they ſuppoſe an alluſion to the opinion of thoſe Phyſicians that hold that diſeaſes terminate naturally upon odd days. He gives likewiſe directions for health, or for the cure of certain diſeaſes, as when he introduces Thetis adviſing her Son Achilles to viſit the Women, to draw him out of his Melancholy.

CHAP. XXX. Diana, Latona, Pallas, Cybele, Angitia, Medea, Circe, Polydamna, Agameda, or Perimeda, Helena, and Oenone. Goddeſſes, or Heroines that contributed to the invention of Phyſick; or were at leaſt of the number of thoſe, who had the earlieſt knowledge of that Art.

THe Women likewiſe put in for a ſhare in the honour of inventing Phyſick, or ſome particular Med'cines at leaſt. Diana appears at their head, and claims the invention of ſome Herbs, of which number Artemiſia, whichArtemis. bears her name makes one; and ſome addApule • . Cell. de V •• b. Herb. cap 13. that ſhe taught Chiron the Centaur the uſe of it; tho others attribute the diſcovery of this plant to Artemiſia Queen of Caria, of whom more hereafter.

It is likewiſe inferr'd, that Diana underſtood Phyſick, from Homer's introducing her dreſſing the wounds of Encas; beſides 'twas natural for her to know ſomething of an Art, whereof Apollo her Brother was ſo great a Maſter,

Latona her Mother is allow'd ſome skill likewiſe for the ſame reaſon; and Homer joyns her with Diana in the cure of Eneas.

Pallas, likewiſe is honour'd with the diſcovery of ſome Plants, one of which is Parthenium or Feverfew, an herb of great uſe to Virgins, as Pallas was. Ovid Faſtor. lib. 3. adviſes the Phyſitians to ſacrifice her, that ſhe may favour 'em with her aſſiſtance; and there was at Athens a ſtatue of Pallas with the ſurname ofHealth. Hygiaea, erected by the order ofPlutarch. in vitâ Pericl. Pericles, to whom ſhe reveal'd the afore-mentioned herb in a dream, as a remedy for one of his Slaves, who had got a Fall from the top of a Temple. She was likewiſe ſurnam'dPreſerver, Saviour. Sotera.

Diodor. ſic. lib. 4. Cybele, Mother of the Gods, had likewiſe the reputation of Teaching remedies for the Diſeaſes of little Children.

Angitia Daughter of Aeta, King of Colchis, Sil. Ital. l 8. was the firſt that diſcover'd Poiſonous Plants, or Poiſons drawn from Plants. Of her the Marſi, a People of Italy learnt to charm Serpents. She was otherwiſe called Angerona. We ſind at leaſt an oldReines. Inſcript. 138. Claſs. 1. In ſcription, wherein this name is joyn'd to Angitia, without any point intermediate.Mac • ob. lib. 1. Cap. 10. Some think ſhe was call • d Angerona, becauſe the Romans, being epidemically afflicted with the Angina, or Quinſy, were delivered by means of vows made to her. Verrius Flaccus gives a different reaſon for it.

Some make Angitia Daughter of the the Sun, and the ſame with Medea; who according to others was her Siſter. This latter liv'd in the time of the Heroes Chiron's Pupils, and her adventures are pretty well known.Pala phat. Fab. lib. 1. What ſhe did was ſo ſurprizing, that all the World believed her to be an Enchantreſs. 'Twas ſaid of her, that ſhe made old Folks young again. The ground of which was this, that ſhe had a ſecret, that dyed white hair black. She was the firſt that advis'd the uſe of hot Baths, to make the Body ſupple, and to cure divers diſtempers; which gave occaſion to the People, who ſaw the preparation of Caldrons, Water, and Fuel, and could not gueſs at the uſe of 'em, to report, that ſhe boil'd Men. Old Pelias, notwithſtanding his great Age, making tryal of this new Method, and loſing his Life by the experiment, confirm'd the Fable.

Diogen apad Stob • um.There are yet others who agree, that Medea was no Sorcereſs, but they give another account of the matter, they ſay, that ſhe made the moſt tender, effeminate bodies luſty and vigorous, by teaching em the uſe of certain exerciſes, which made thoſe that ſaw the change ſay, that ſhe boiled their Fleſh to make 'em young.

Diodorus tells us further, that ſhe cur'd by means of herbs the wounds of Jaſon, Laertes, Atalanta, and the Theſpiades.

Circe, a third Siſter of Medea, and Angitia, is no leſs famous. Her skill in herbs got her likewiſe the reputation of an Enchantreſs, as well as Medea. Diodorus tells us, that Circe knew abundance of Plants good againſt Poiſon, She gave her name to that, which is calledE • chante • s Night Shade. Circaea. Aulus Gel • us lib. 10. Cap. 2. 〈◊〉 Cap. 8. ſome Authors ſay, that ſhe had a Son call • d Marſus, from whom the Marſi were deſcended. Whatever ſhe were theCi • ero de Mat. Deor. lib. 3. Circae ans lookt upon her as their Patroneſs, and paid a religious worſhip to her. Thoſe, that would be more particularly informed, why Circe was reputed a Magician by the Greeks, and that part of Latium, where ſhe ſettled for the Country of Poiſons, and Enchantments, may conſult Monſieur Bochart's Phaleg.

Polydamna, Wife to Thon, an Egyptian, is alſo of the number of thoſe that underſtood Phyſick, having had skill in the uſe of divers remedies of the product of her own Country, as Homer obſerves. We ſhall ſpeak of ſome of 'em under the head of Helen, who follows by and by.

The ſame Poet certifies for Agameda Wife of Mulius, that ſhe knew allike Med • cines, that the •• eth yielded, Propert. lib. 2. Ele • . 2. 〈◊〉 . in T ••• . ſhe was alſo call'd Perimeda, Tiraquel. de Nobil. ſome think her the ſame perſon, that Homer calls in another place Hecameda, that waſht Machaon's wounds with warm Water.

Helen, the beauteous Greek, ſo famous in Story, no leſs deſerves a place here for her knowledge of the Med'cine, which Homer calls Nepenthe, which ſhe had of Polydamna. This Med'cine as the Etymology of theFrom the Particle 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , dolor. name ſhews, was ſo admirable, that it eas • d all Griefs, and all Anger, and caus'd 'em to forget all misfortunes. A man cou'd not weep, ſays the Poet, the day that he taſted it, tho he had loſt his Father, or Mother, or the deareſt Friend in the World The properties of Nepenthe agree very well with thoſe of Opium; the only difficulty is, that Helen mixt it with the Wine, ſhe gave Menelaus's Gueſts to make 'em more gay, and not to ſtupify 'em. To this we may anſwer, that Opium has either of thoſe effects, on thoſe, that are very much uſed to it; and what is obſervable is this, that wonderful Drug comes from the ſame Country from whence Helen had her Nepenthe, that is Egypt.

Oenone, Rival to the precedent, was no leſs skilful then ſhe.Ipſe ratus dignam medicas mihi tra • dit artes, Admiſitque meas ad ſua dona manus. Quaecunque herba patens ad opem radixque medendi Ʋtilis in toto naſcitur orbe, mea eſt. M • miſer am quod amor non eſt medicabilis herbis. Deſtituor, prudens artis, ab arte meâ. Epiſt. ad Parid. (s) Apollo, ſays ſhe, himſelf taught me Phyſick, and I know all the medical Roots, and Herbs in the World.

We have already taken notice of ſome other Women, as the Daughters of Hercules and Chiron, the Wife, and Daughters of Eſculapius, who were of this number likewiſe; and we ſhall have occaſion to mention more hereafter.

CHAP. XXXI. Athotis, Thoſothrus, Jachen, and Solomon. Antient Kings and Prieſts, that practis'd Phyſick.

BEfore we examine the Progreſs of this Art, after the Siege of Troy, to which the Grecian Eſculapius brings us, and with which we cloſe the firſt Epocha of this hiſtory; we are oblig'd to re-aſcend a little, and return into Egypt, the Country of the firſt Eſculapius.

Scaliger. Can • Iſagog. p. 222We find there one Athotis,, ſecond King of the firſt Dynaſty of the Thinites, who, according to Manetho, was very skilful in Phyſick, and wrote himſelf ſome treatiſes of Anatomy The ſame Author joins with him one Thoſothrus, a King of the third Dynaſty, no leſs expert.

Galen. Inroduct. ſeu Medic.The cuſtom of embalming their dead in uſe among the Egyptians, gave 'em more convenience of learning Anatomy, than the Greeks had, who not daring to touch dead Bodies, cou • d only inform themſelves by diſſecting of Brutes, or when chance preſented to em unhappy wretches, whoſe wounds were large enough to diſcover their Bowels.

Theſe Kings undoubtedly imitated their PredeceſſorSee the Chapt. of Oſiris. Oſiris, who is ſaid to have invented.Vide Strabon. In this Country, the great Men were ſo far from thinking this Art any diminution to their honour, that they engroſs'd it wholly to themſelves, forbididing under great penalties any of the People to preſume to meddle therein, under their Kings, Prieſts, and Grandees, to whom it was permitted.Hiſt • animal. lib. 2. c. 18 Elian ſays the ſame of the antient Greece, that none but Princes practis'd Phyſick, meaning unqueſtionably the Princes, and Heroes before-mention'd.

Jachen, was undoubtedly of no leſs quality. He was, ſays Suidas, a favourite of the Gods, and very uſeful to Society, who lived in the time of Senyes King of Egypt, and who wrote very well of remedies drawn from Amulets, and Charms. Jachen, adds he, was very dextrous at curing diſeaſes, and cou'd ſtop the courſe of the Plagne, and temper the ſultry heat of the Dogſtar; for this a magnificent Tomb was rais'd to him, whither the Prieſts repaired in all Epidemical Diſtempers, and after the uſual Sacrifices, took Fire from his Altar, with which they kindled Piles prepared in ſeveral parts of the City, and thereby purg'd the Air of the Infection, and ſtopt the progreſs of the diſtemper. When this King, and Phyſician liv'd is uncertain, but they were apparently very antient.

In imitation of the Kings of Egypt, their Neighbours the Kings of Judea apply • d themſelves ſometimes to the ſtudy of Philoſophy and Medcine; witneſs their great King Solomon, of whom the Scripture ſays; that he wrote five thouſand Canticles, and pronounced three thouſand Proverbs; that he knew from the Cedar of Libanus to the Hyſſop that grows upon the Wall, and that he wrote of Inſ • cts, of Fiſhes, of Birds, and all other animals.

Lib. 8. c. 2. Joſephus enlarging upon this, ſays, that God endued this Prince with ſuch underſtanding and wiſdom, that no other thro all antiquity was comparable to him, that he ſurpaſs'd abundantly the greateſt, and moſt celebrated Egyptians. He compoſed, adds he, five thouſand Books of Songs and Verſes, and three thouſand of Parables; he wrote of natural hiſtory from the Hyſſop to the Cedar, and continued it thro all animals, as well Birds, as Fiſhes, and thoſe that live upon the Earth. For God had given him a perfect knowledge of their Natures, which he exerciſed in making Med • cines for the benefit of Men, among which were ſome, that had the vertue of caſting out Devils, ſo effectually that they dar'd not to return.

This way of caſting 'em out, is yet much in uſe with our Nation, and I have ſeen one Eleazar, a Jew, in preſence of the Emperor Veſpaſian, his Sons, Captains, and Souldiers, diſpoſſeſs divers. He hung at the noſe of the Man poſſeſſed a Ring in which was ſet a Root, which Solomon us • d to that purpoſe, which as ſoon as the Devil ſmelt, he threw the Daemoniack to the ground, and quitted him. He repeated afterwards certain words, which Solomon left written, and in his name forbad him to return. But to ſhow the effect of his charm more evidently, he ſilled a Pitcher of Water, and commanded the Devil to throw it down, to demonſtrate by that Sign, that he had quit • ed the poſſeſſed, which the Devil obeyed. I tho • ght my ſelf oblig • d, ſays the Author, to make this relation, that no one might doubt the extraordinary knowledge, which God of his ſpecial Grace gave to Solomon.

Vide lib. zeron. Hamor▪ The Rabbies ſay, that Ezechias ſuppreſs • d thoſe Books of Solomon, becauſe abundance put more truſt in the power of the Herbs, than of God. Trithemius mentions beſides this three 〈◊〉 Books of Ma • i • k Liber Lamene. 2. Penta • ulor • . libe • 3. De O •• i • us Spirit • um Albertus m •• n • s five m • re. 1 Liber Alme •• l. 2. Liber nov • m •• uni ruin. 3. De nov • m Candariis. 4. De tribus figuri • Spirituum. 5. De Sigiſſis ad Dae noni • c •• , and ſe ••• al • thers, which 〈◊〉 all d ••• • edly 〈…〉 . The Book call • d Clavicula Solomonis, which is ſaid to be an imaginary Book, yet is much ſought after by thoſe, that are inquiſitive after Magick, ſuppoſes him to have written upon that ſubject. Sufficient Apology, has been made for him; but this paſſage of Joſephus, ſhews that the Jews were ſtrongly poſſeſſed with the opinion, that Solomon uſed Superſtitions remedies in the cure of diſeaſes, as the reciting certain words, and applying a Ring, which was a ſort of Amulet, as we have before taken notice. It may perhaps be urg • d, that tis not impoſſible, that God ſhou'd have communicated this knowledge to Solomon; but we find no examples of of any ſuch cures in Holy Writ, and the words which the Prophets and Apoſtles pronounc'd on the like occaſions, were only to ſignify their Commiſſion, and Power received from God to cure all diſeaſes, as In the name of God, or of Jeſus Chriſt be thou healed. If they employ'd any matter, or made any application, it was of things common, and well known without any manner of ceremony, that might ſavour of ſuperſtition, like the application of the Ring, and Root, before ſpoken of. If Solomon did really ſtuff his Books with ſuch remedies, he had 'em not from Revelation, as Joſephus wou'd inſinuate, but from the correſpondence he held with the learned Men of Egypt. This Prince liv'd about a hundred and ſeventy years after the Siege of Troy.

I had forgot another argument of Solomon's knowledge of Phyſick, or at leaſt of the conſtitution of a human Body, which is drawn from the following words of the 12th Chapter of Eccleſiaſtes.

Remember now thy Creator in the days of thy youth, while the evil days come not, nor thy years draw nigh, when thou ſhalt ſay, I have no pleaſure in them. While the Sun or the Light or the Stars be not darkned, nor the Clouds return after the Rain. In the day when the keepers of the Houſe ſhall tremble, and the ſtrong men ſhall bow themſelves, and the grinders ceaſe becauſe they are few, and thoſe that look out of the Windows be dark'ned; and the doors ſhall be ſhut in the Streets, when the ſound of the grinding is low, and he ſhall riſe up at the voice of the Bird, and all the Daughters of Muſick ſhall be brought low. Alſo when they ſhall be afraid of that which is high, and fears ſhall be in the way, and the Almond Tree ſhall flouriſh, and the Graſhopper ſhall be a burthen, and deſire ſhall fail, becauſe man goeth to his long home, and the mourners go about the Streets; or ever the Silver cord be looſed, or the Golden Bowl be broken, or the Pitcher be broken at the Fountain, or the Wheel broken at the Ciſtern. Then ſhall the duſt return to the earth as it was: and the Spirit ſhall return unto God, who gave it.

'Tis eaſy to find that this is a deſcription of old age, managed after the oriental manner, and of the ſeveral inconveniences that attend it, till they at laſt are terminated by Death, or the diſſolution of the humane Body. The Sun, the Light, the Moon, and the Stars, denote the Wit, the Judgment, the Memory, and the other faculties of the Soul which daily decay in old men. The Clouds and the Rain are Catharr • s and Defluxions, familiar to this Age. The Keeper • s of the Houſe, and the Strong men are the Sences, the Muſcles, and the Tendons. The Grinders ſignify the Teeth. Thoſe that look out of the Windows are the Eyes. The Doors ſhut in the Streets and the ſound of grinding become low, ſignify the mouth which opens with pain to ſpeak, and the neceſſity of eating ſlowly and without noiſe. The voice of the Bird denotes the morning, which is the time when old men get up, becauſe they cannot ſleep. The Daughters of Muſick that are brought low, ſignify that men leave off Singing at that age, and have no • reliſh of Arts or Sciences. The fear and trembling of ancient perſons, and their difficulty of going, is repreſented by what follows immediately after. The flouriſhing Almond tree is white hair. The Graſhopper being a burthen is the body, which from a light and ſlender one, as it was before, is become groſs and heavy. To conclude, the long home is the grave, and thoſe that go about the ſtreets are the mourning men or women that made a trade of waiting upon burials.

The reſt of the Emblem or Enigm is more difficult to explain. To ſucceed in ſuch an attempt, a man ought to have the very ſame Idea of the parts of the body, as Solomon had. This is certain, that the ſacred Author deſigned under theſe hidden terms to ſhow the diſſolution of our principal organs, and this is all we can pretend to know. As for what has been written of the Silver cord, which ſome interpret to be the Arteries, or the Spinal Marrow; of the golden Bowl, which ſome take to be the the membranes of the Brain, the Liver, or the Heart; of the Pitcher, which ſignifies the Skull, and the Wheel that denotes the Lungs; all this, I ſay, is but a bare conjecture that has no ſolid foundation.

Perhaps there may be ſomething in the writings of the Rabbies, that may help to interpret this paſſage. But if there is, I know nothing of it, and leave is to others to find it out that underſtand them. To theſe curious Gentlemen I likewiſe leave every thing elſe relating to Phyſick which it to be found in the Books of the Jewiſh writers. The informations we receive from this quarter are but very inconſiderable, if all the reſt be of a piece, with the ridiculous Fable of the bone, call'd Luz, which according to them is found in the Back-bone, which is the Root, and as it were the Baſis of the whole frame of the human Body; ſo that the Heart, the Liver, the Brains, and the Genitals derive their original from this miraculous bone, which has this virtue or priviledge beſides that it cannot be burnt, nor grownd, nor broke to pieces, but continues ſtill the ſame, being as it were the bud of the Reſurrection from which the whole Body of the animal ſhall ſhoot again, as Plants from their Seeds.

Rilanus, from whom I have borrow'd this paſſage, adds, that the Rabbies reckon'd two hundred forty eight bones, and three hundred ſixty five veins or ligaments in a man's body. Thoſe that underſtand Anatomy will langh at this, but as little skill as theſe Doctors ſhow in this Science, 'tis probable that they were not much better verſt in it, in the time of Solomon, or thoſe Aegyptian Kings, whom we mention in the beginning of this Chapter. Their Superſtition was no leſs then, than when the Rabbies flouriſh • d, who plam'd an infinite number of Fables upon the world, as the account we have given of the Phyſick of theſe ancient times ſuf •• ciently teſti • ies,

THE HISTORY OF Phyſick. PART I. BOOK II. By Mr. BROWN.

CHAP I. Of what happen'd to this Art from the time of the Trojan War, to that of Peloponneſus.

WE have hitherto ſet down almoſt every thing, that the earlieſt times of antiquity furniſh us with, relating to Phyſick. If the Reader is ſurpiz'd to ſee the account ſo uncertain and mixt with Fables, to the time of the Trojan War, he will have more reaſon to be ſo, when he is inform'd that even after this period, if we may believe Pliny, Sequentia ejus, (Medicina a Trojanis temporibus) mirum dictu, in nocte dentiſſimâ latuere, uſ que and Peloponucſiacum bellum. Tunc eam in lucem revocavit Hippocrates. lib. 19. Cap. 1. Phyſick lay buried in a moſt profound darkneſs, till the Peloponneſian War broke out, when Hippocrates as it were reviv'd it, and brought it to light.

'Tis at leaſt the ſpace of ſeven hundred years, from the firſt of theſe Wars down to the ſecond. Celſus does not deſcend altogether ſo low as Pliny; but we want only about fourſcore years, which diſtance of time there is between Pythagoras and Hippocrates, the firſt having liv'd in the lxth Olympiad, and the ſecond in the lxxxth. Behold now after what manner he ſpeaks of the latter.

Celſ. Praefat.After thoſe whom I have mentioned (that is to ſay, the Sons of Aeſculapius) there was no perſon of reputation that practis'd Phyſick, till ſuch time as men began to apply themſelves more earneſtly to the ſtudy of learning, which being as prejudicial to the body, as it is ſerviceable to the mind, it ſo fell out, that thoſe who purſu'd it with the greateſt application, having deſtroy'd their health with the perpetual Meditations, and Watchings, had more occaſion for Phyſick than other Men. For this reaſon the ſcience of healing Maladies was at firſt conſider'd as a branch of Philoſophy, ſo that we may juſtly affirm that Phyſick and Philoſophy were born together. This is the true cauſe why we find ſeveral of the ancient Philoſophers very well skill'd in Phyſick, among whom we may reckon Pythagoras, Empedocles, and Democritus, as the moſt conſiderable.

What this Author ſays here, viz. that Phyſick and Philoſophy began together, is only purſuant to what he had advanc'd before, and we have already obſerv'd, that all the Phyſick of the Sons of Eſculapius and of their contemporaries, wholly conſiſted in healing of wounds.

If we muſt aſſign a reaſon for this great Vacuum which theſe Authors remark to have happen'd here in the Hiſtory of Phyſick, we may ſay that the knowledge of thoſe that practic • d it during this interval, being ſhut up within the narrow bounds of Empiriciſm, men were content with knowing a few Remedies, which experience had ſhown to be proper for certain Diſeaſes, without reaſoning either upon the cauſe of the illneſs, or the operation of the remedies, ſo that theſe remedies being handed down from Father to Son, and never going out of the Family, there was no neceſſity to write upon this ſubject.

This being ſuppoſed, we are not to wonder that ſince theſe Phyſicians did not make themſelves known by their writings, which is one of the ſureſt ways of preſerving our memories, their names are buried in oblivion. Another reaſon, no leſs forcible than the former, is this, that thoſe who ſucceeded Aeſculapius and his Son, how great ſoever their skill and experience might be, lived in a fabulous age, and having no opportunity to aſſiſt at ſo celebrated a Siege as that of Troy, they wanted a Homer to immortalize their names.

Vixere fortes ante Agamemnona Multi, &c.

One might however have expected that the Hiſtorians wou'd have done what we cou'd not hope from the Poets, but the Hiſtory of theſe times is generally ſo confus'd and defective, that the Phyſicians are not the only perſons that have reaſon to complain of it. We don't certainly know when Homer liv'd, but much leſs the place where he was born.

Therefore tho we ſhou'd allow with Celſus, that during this ſpace of time, there was no Phyſicians of any note, whoſe memory is preſerv'd down to us, we ought not to impute it to them, but to the Age wherein they lived, and it does not follow that Med • cine was not cultivated before his time, whom he ſuppoſes to be the reſtorer of it.

Iſidore of Sevil more clearly diſcuſſes this queſtion. Apollo paſſes among the Greeks, ſays he, for the author and inventor of Phyſick. His Son Aeſculapius improv'd this Art, or at leaſt had the reputation of doing it, but being kill'd by a Thunderbolt, 'tis ſaid that ever ſince that Phyſick was forbidden, and that the art periſh'd at the ſame moment with its Author; having been conceal'd or bury'd for almoſt 500 years, till the Reign of Artaxerxes King of Perſia, when Hippocrates the Son of Aſclepius of the Iſle of Co, diſcover'd it again to the world.

If we were to believe the account this Author gives us, the reaſon of the interruption of Phyſick is evident enough. After Eſculapius's death, no mention was made of this Art till the time of Hippocrates; but in all appearance he was but ill inform'd of what happen'd during that period he ſets down, as he was of the true name of the Father of Hippocrates, whom he calls Aſclepius by a groſs miſtake, imagining, I ſuppoſe, that he was call • d Aſclepiades, by the ſame Analogy that Homer calls Achilles Peleiades, becauſe Hippocrates was the Son of Aſclepius, juſt as Achilles was of Peleus: Whereas in truth, the name of Aſclepiades belong'd in common to all the poſterity of Eſculapius, whom the Greeks call Aſclepius. What Iſidore adds immediately after, about the three Sects of Phyſick, is argument enough that he had taken no great pains to inform himſelf ſufficiently in this matter.

CHAP. II. Of the Aſclepiadae, and the Schools which they erected.

THe deſcendants of Aeſculapius, who are call • d Aſclepiadae, have been believed to preſerve this Art in their family without interruption. We ſhould be able to ſay ſomething more particularly to this point, if the writings of Eratoſthenes, Pherecides, Apollodorus, Arius of Tarſus, and Polyanthus of Cyrene were now extant, who took care to compoſe the hiſtory of theſe Succeſſors of Eſculapius. But altho the Works of theſe Authors are loſt, yet the names of ſome of the Aſclepiadae are ſtill preſerv • d, as appears by the liſt of the predeceſſors of Hippocrates, who call • d himſelf the ſeventeenth in order of deſcent from Eſculapius.

Epiſt. Paeti ad Artaxerxem.The Genealogy of this Phyſician is ſtill remaining in the following manner. Hippocrates, of whom we ſhall ſpeak hereafter, was the Son of Heraclides, who was the Son of another Hippocrates, the Son of Gnoſidicus; the Son of Nebrus; the Son of Soſtratus the third; the Son of Theodore the ſecond; the Son of Criſamis the ſecond; the Son of Loſtratus the ſecond; the Son of Theodore the firſt; the Son of Criſamis the firſt Son of Cleomitides; the Son of Dardanus; the Son of Soſtratus the firſt; the Son of Hippolochus; the Son of Podalirius; the Son of Eſculapius. Stephanus Byzantinus beſtows two Sons more upon Gnoſidicus, beſides him already mention'd; the firſt of theſe two was call'd Aenius, and the ſecond Podalirius.

It may be ſaid, perhaps, that this Genealogy is fabulous; but ſuppoſing ſome miſtake or interpolation in this ſucceſſion of the Aſclepiadae, 'tis at leaſt certain that there were ſeveral branches of the Family of Eſculapius, beſides that from which Hippocrates was deſcended, which latter was diſtinguiſh'd by the ſurname of Aſclepiadae Nebrides, which was given it for the ſake of one Nebrus, who was very famous for his great skill in Phyſick, and to whom the Prieſteſs of Apollo gave a very advantageous character, according to the Author's obſervation, whom we cited laſt. We ſhall take occaſion to ſay ſomething hereafte • of Gnoſidicus, Heraclides, and the other Hippocrates, in the following Book. As for thoſe that came before them, we ingenuouſly own that we know nothing of them.

CHAP. III. Of the ſeveral branches of the Aſclepiadae, and the three different Schools which they erected.

AS we have already obſerv'd, there were other branches of the Aſclepiadae, that were diſperſed in ſeveral places.Galen. merhod. med. lib. 1. We find mention of three celebrated Schools erected by them; the firſt was that of Rhodes, which happen'd to fail firſt by the failing of this branch of the Succeſſors of Eſculapius, which ſeems to have fallen out a long while before Hippocrates, ſince he does not ſpeak of it, as he does of that of Cnidus, which was the third, and that of Co the ſecond. Theſe two laſt flouriſhed at the ſame time as as the School of Italy, wherein were thoſe Philoſopher-Phyſicians of whom Celſus ſpeaks, altho the Grecian Schools were more ancient. Theſe three Schools, that were the only ones that made any figure, by a Spirit of Emulation perpetually contended among themſelves, who ſhou • d make the greateſt progreſs in Phyſick. However, Galen aſſigns the firſt place to that of Co, ſince it produc'd the greateſt number of excellent diſciples; that of Cnidus held the ſecond rank, and that of Italy the third.

Herodotus alſo makes mention of a School of Phyſicians that was in Cyrene, where, as we have taken notice already, there was a Temple of Eſculapius, whoſe worſhip was different from that of the Grecians. From whence it may be conjectur'd, that there were likewiſe Aſclepiadae of another ſort.

The ſamelib. 3. Hiſtorian mentions likewiſe another School of Phyſick, that was at Crotona, the Country of Democedes a famous Phyſician, contemporary with Pythagoras, which Phyſician, as Herodotus informs us, being ejected out of his City, by the ſeverity of his Father Calliphon, came firſt to Aegina, and afterwards to Athens, where he liv'd in great repute. From thence he went to Samos, where he had an opportunity to heal Polycrates, the King of that Iſland of a troubleſom diſtemper, which was worth him two talents of Gold. Some time after this, being taken priſoner by the Perſians, he conceal • d his profeſſion, but upon a diſcovery was oblig'd to undertake the cure of Darius who had diſlocated his Foot, and of his Q •• toſſa, who had a Cancer i • her Breaſt This Hiſtorian adds, that Democedes ſucceeding in theſe two cures, obtain'd ſo great a reputa-with the King, that he made him dine at his own Table; however he cou'd not be induc'd to take up his abode there, for finding an opportunity to return to Greece, under the diſguiſe of a Spy, he perform'd it accordingly, deſpiſing all the Honours that were ſhown him in Perſia, and putting a trick upon thoſe that had given him this Commiſſion. After this he mar • ied, and took to Wife a Daughter of the famous Milo his Countryman.

CHAP. IV. Of the School of Cnidus in particular.

WE know no other particulars of the Phyſick of Democedes, nor of that of Crotona. Neither have we better Memoirs of the School of Rhodes. As for that of Cnidus, we may judge of the method of was followed there by ſome fragments ſtill extant in Hippocrates. De ratione virtuus in acutis lib. 1. Thoſe, ſays this Author, who compiled the Cnidian Sentences or Obſervations, have exactly obſerv'd all the Symptoms of every diſtemper, and how ſome of them took them: in a word, all that any perſon, who knows nothing of Phyſick, wou • d write after he had inform'd himſelf by the Sick of all that they had ſuffer'd. But, continues he, they have forgot the greateſt part of thoſe things which a Phyſician ought to know without hearing the relation of the ſick party.

The ſame Author has likewiſe obſerv'd, that the Cnidians uſed very few Medicaments, and that Elaterium, (which is a Purgative made of the juice of a wild Cucumber) Milk and Whey, were in a manner all the Med'cines they uſed.

We may inferr from what Hippocrates h • s ſaid in this place, firſt that theſe Phyſicians contented themſelves to make an exact ennumeration or deſcription of the accidents that attend a diſtemper, without reaſoning upon the cauſes, and tying themſelves to the prognoſtics. In the ſecond place we may gather that they us'd but a very ſmall number of remedies, which themſelves, and their predeceſſors had try'd. Theſe two remarks are enough to let us ſee, that the Cnidians were purely Empirics, or at leaſt that their chief perfection was not that of exact reaſoning.

They departed the fartheſt from this method, when they ventur'd to compare diſeaſes, or remedies together, which by them was call • d Analogiſm. The Cnidians, ſays Galen, us'd to cure thoſe that had an abſceſs in their lungs, after this manner. Having obſerv'd that a Cough threw up all that lay upon the lungs, they drew out the tongues of thoſe that were troubl'd with the above mention'd diſtemper, and endeavour'd to pour ſome drops of water down the aſpera arteria, on purpoſe to raiſe a violent Cough by theſe means, which wou'd make them diſcharge all the purulent matter in their Cheſt.

CHAP. V. Of the Phyſicians of Cos. Reflexions upon their Phyſick, and that of the Cnidians.

AS for what relates to the Phyſitians of Cos, we may likewiſe aſſert, that if the Coan prenotions, that are to be found among the works of Hippocrates, are nothing but a collection of the Practitioners of Cos, as ſeveral perſons have believ'd, that they were none of the niceſt reaſoners, nay, we may ſay, that they did not take the leaſt care to give an account of their Prognoſtics.

From what has been ſaid it will appear, that it is not altogether true that Pliny and Celſus have advanc'd, viz. that we meet with nothing of the hiſtory of Phyſick in ſo long an interval, but much leſs that Phyſick and Philoſophy began together, as the latter aſſerts, unleſs he is to be underſtood about Rational Phyſick, that is to ſay, about that which is peculiarly employ'd in finding out the hidden cauſes of diſeaſes, and aſſigning reaſons for the operation of remedies; for 'tis certain, that this latter cou • d not begin but with the ſtudy of Learning and the Sciences. It will be objected to me without queſtion, that I have here forgotten to ſpeak of a thing, for which the Aſclepiadae deſerv'd moſt reputation, and which overthrows all that I have ſaid about their manner of practice, which I maintain'd to be almoſt wholly empirical, viz. of their paſſing in the World for great Anatomiſts. 'Tis certain that Galen is of this opinion. At that time, ſays he, that Phyſick, was wholly confin'd within the family of the Aſclepiadae, the Fathers taught their Children Anatomy, and accuſtom'd them from their infancy to diſſect Animals, ſo that this being handed down from Father to Son, it was needleſs to ſet down in writing, how every thing was done, ſince it was full as impoſſible for them to forget this, as the Alphabet which they learnt at the ſame time.

Several other paſſages we meet in this Author, by which we may ſee, that he really believ'd that the Aſclepiadae were perfectly well skill'd in Anatomy. But we may confront the authority of this Phyſician with that of the ancient Commentator upon Plato, who expreſsly ſays that the Philoſopher Alcmaeon, of whom we ſhall have occaſion to talk in the following Chapter was the firſt that diſſected any Animal; which deſtroys all that Galen has advanc'd about the Aſclepiadae, at leaſt thoſe of them that preceeded Alcmaeon, with whom alone we are concern'd, here for as for thoſe that follow'd him, they were either contemporaries with Hippocrates, or elſe came after him.

Tho we were deſtitute of the teſtimony of this Author, yet by the little progreſs, that was made in Anatony even in the time of Hippocrates himſelf, it ſeems at leaſt probable, that men had examin'd the bodies of Animals but very ſuperficially, which is remote enough from what Galen aſſerts, that Anatomy was in its perfection in the time of the Aſclepiadae. And as for what he adds about a certain interval, which he pretends to have been between the moſt antient Aſclepiadae and Hippocrates, during which he wou'd needs perſwade us that Anatomy was neglected, the Reader will find in the Chapter of Eraſiſtratus, what judgment he is to paſs upon that matter.

I wou'd not be ſuppos'd to affirm, that the Aſclepiadae had no manner of knowledge of the parts of bodies. It wou'd be a great abſurdity to maintain it, for without this knowledge they cou'd neither practice Phyſick in general, nor Chirurgery in particular. Without doubt they knew very well, as for inſtance, the Bones, their Scituation, Figure, Articulation, and all that depends upon them; for otherwiſe they cou'd not have ſet them when they were broken or diſlocated. Neither cou'd they be ignorant of the Scituation of the moſt conſiderable Veſſels. It is likewiſe neceſſary, that they ſhou • d underſtand where the Veins and Arteries lye, becauſe they open'd and burnt them continually; for we have already obſerv'd in the Chapter of Podalirius, that theſe operations were very common even in the firſt age of Phyſick. Beſides, it was highly requiſite, that they ſhou'd very well know the places where the profoundeſt Veſſels meet, to avoid the loſs of blood, when they made any inciſions, or when they cut off any of the members. In ſhort, they were oblig'd to know ſeveral places, where there were Tendons and Ligaments, and ſome conſiderable Nerves; altho they confounded theſe three different parts, and knew very little of the laſt, as we ſhall ſhow hereafter. Beſides this, they knew ſomething in general of the chief Inteſtins, as the Stomach, the Guts, the Liver, the Spleen, the Kidneys, the Bladder, the Matrix, the Diaphragm, the Heart, the Lungs, the Brain; as well as the moſt ſenſible humours, ſuch as the Blood, Cholar, Melancholy, Flegm, the Seroſities, or Waters, and all the different ſort of excrements that proceed from ſeveral parts of our body.

It appears at firſt Sight, that the Aſclepiadae, cou'd not know all this without being Anatomiſts, or at leaſt without having diſſected Animals; but 'tis eaſy to demonſtrate, that they might attain to the knowledge of theſe things without it. The firſt and moſt familiar inſtruction they had came from their Butchers, and their Sacrifices, and as for what relates to to a human body in particular, they were glad of any opportunity to inſtruct themſelves, when they found any bones in the Fields, that were ſtript of the Fleſh either by Beaſts, or the length of time, that theſe bodies had been expos'd to the air, or when they found in ſome by places the carcaſs of ſome unfortunate Traveller, that had been murder'd by Robbers, or the bodies of Soldiers, that died of the great wounds of they receiv • d in Battel. They conſider'd them without giving themſelves the trouble to make any other Preparation, beſides what they found ready made to their hands, and took no notice of that ſcruple, which forbad them to touch any dead body which they found by accident. This was ſo great a ſcruple among the Ancients, that it appears from a paſſage in Ariſtotle, which we ſhall cite hereafter, that in his time there was no diſſection of human bodies. Now this Philoſopher liv'd above fourſcore years after Hippocrates. Tis true indeed, that the Egyptians, as we have already taken notice, having been accuſtomed of old to embalm dead bodies, were furniſh • d by this means with an opportunity to know the true diſpoſition of ſome parts of the body, which they muſt needs lay open, when they ſeparated them from others to preſerve the reſt; and it might ſo happen, that the Aſclepiadae reapt ſome advantage by theſe diſcoveries of the Egyptians, but as the chief intention of the latter was the preſerving of Bodies, ſo they ſcarce proceeded much farther, than it was neceſſary for them to go on with their deſign.

I have thus recounted the ſeveral means by which theſe ancient Phyſicians diſcover'd the ſtructure of bodies after the Death of the animal; but the beſt School they had, and indeed that which inſtructed them better than any of the reſt, was the Practice of their Profeſſio • , which daily gave them an opportunity, to ſee in living bodies what they were not able to diſcover in the dead, when they dreſs • d Wounds, Ʋlcers, Tumours, Fractures, Diſlocations, and perform'd other Chyrurgical operations. And as Phyſick was preſerv'd in the Family of the Aſclepiadae for ſeveral Ages, where it paſs • d from Father to Son, ſo the traditions and obſervations of their Fathers and Anceſtors ſupply'd the want of experience in each particular man. This laſt opportunity joyn'd with the former, has made ſeveral Phyſicians, who liv • d a long while after them, and of whom we ſhall make mention hereafter, to call it an eaſie and natural, tho a long way, to gain the knowledge of the humane Body: maintaining, that this way alone was ſufficient for practice. We ſhall find in the Fifth Book, what were the reaſons that induc'd them to this, as likewiſe what other Phyſicians had to ſay upon this occaſion.

CHAP. VI. Of thoſe Phyſicians that were Philoſophers, and firſt of Pythagoras, and Xamolxis his Slave.

HItherto, as we have obſerv'd, it does not appear that Reaſon had been very much conſulted in Phyſick, the whole knowledge of which Art ſeems to have totally conſiſted in diſcerning and knowing Diſeaſes rather by their ſigns than by their cauſes, and uſing a few ſimple Medicaments, that were almoſt all taken from Herbs, or the practice of ſome magical or ſuperſtitious Remedies. The Philoſophers were the firſt that interloping in this Art, at the ſame time introduc'd the faſhion of reaſoning into it Theſe Gentlemen added to it that part which is call'd Phyſiology, and conſiders a humane body, which is the ſubject of Phyſick, ſuch as it is in its natural ſtate, and endeavours to aſſign reaſons for its functions and operations, in examining the parts thereof, and all that belongs to it, by Anatomy, and the principles of Phyſick. Not that it appears by any of their writings, or by the Titles of their Books that they had ever been what we call Practitioners. Empedocles, of whom we ſhall talk hereafter, is the only man among them who is reported to have perform'd a cure. All the reſt appear to have devoted themſelves rather to the Theory than Practice of Phyſick.

Pythagoras, who liv'd about the lx Olympiad, and founded the Italick School, is the moſt ancient we know of thoſe that began to take this Art into their conſideration. This Pihloſopher neglected no means nor opportunity to render his knowledge univerſal. With this deſign he travell'd into Egypt, which was the Country of Arts and Sciences, and learnt all their curioſities. 'Tis very probable he borrow'd all the knowledge he had in Phyſick from thence, of which we have nothing remaining but a few ſmall fragments, which however ſufficiently diſcover a Spirit of ſuperſtition ſo remarkable in the preceeding Phyſicians, as we have already obſerv'd, that which relates to Phyſiology being very inconſiderable.Diogen. Laert. Hiſt. Philoſ. Galen. He believ'd that at the time of Conception, a certain ſubſtance deſcended from the Brain, which contain'd a warm vapour, from whence the Soul and all the Senſes derived their original, while the Fleſh, the Nerves, or Tendons, the Bones, the Hair, and all the Body in general, was made of the Blood, and other Humours that meet in the Matrix. He added, that the Body of the Infant was formed, and became ſolid in forty days; but that eleven, or nine, or more generally, ten months according to the rules of harmony, were requiſite to make him intirely compleat; that all that happen'd to him during the whole courſe of his life, was then regulated, and that he carry'd it along with him in a Series or Chain, proportion'd to the Laws of the ſame harmony above-mention'd, every thing falling out afterwards neceſſarily in its own time. At the end of this Chapter we ſhall examine what he meant by this. He likewiſe aſſerted, that the Veins, the Arteries, the Nerves, are the cords of the Soul. According to him the Soul ſpreads itſelf from the Heart to the Brain, and that part of it which is in the Heart, is the ſame from whence the paſſions proceed, whereas Reaſon and the Underſtanding reſide in the Brain. This opinion, which belongs in common to him and the ſacred Writers, perhaps came firſt from the Caldeans, with whom he had convers'd.

As for the cauſes of Diſtempers, he had learnt without queſtion all that was believ'd concerning them in the ſame School, and in that of the Magicians, whom he had likewiſe conſulted. The Air, ſaid he, is all fill'd with Souls, or Demons and Heroes, that ſend dreams, and ſigns, and diſeaſes to men, and even to beaſts, and 'tis for theſe Demons or Spirits for whomSe • the Chapt. of Melam • as and Polyidus. luſtrations and expiations are perform'd; and in ſhort, all that the Southſayers and men of the like profeſſion do upon theſe occaſions.

From the ſame place he has borrow'd all that he has written concerning the Magical virtues of Plants, of which he compos'd a Book, which ſome aſcribe to a Phyſician, whoſe name was Cleemporus. As for what regards their natural qualities, Pliny only informs us that Pythagoras had a particular eſteem for Cabbage. We ſhall ſee hereafter that he was not the only man among the Ancients that ſet a value upon this Herb, and looked upon it as a good remedy in caſe of ſeveral diſtempers.

There are ſtill remaining ſome precepts which he gave, relating to a man's managing of himſelf to preſerve his health. He ſaid, that a man ought to accuſtom himſelf to the moſt ſimple diet, and that which may be had in all places. • or this reaſon he wou'd eat no fleſh, and liv'd only upon Herbs and Water. He likewiſe prohibited the eating of Beans, either becauſe they make the blood groſs, or for ſome other myſterious reaſons mention • d by the Ancients. Living after this manner, it was an eaſie matter for him to follow the advice which he gave, viz. not to have any thing to do with women, but when we have a mind to become weak. Laſtly, it was a ſaying of his, that a man ought never to be immoderate in any thing that relates either to buſineſs or nouriſhment.

He makes health to conſiſt in a ſort of harmony, but does not deſcend into the particulars of it. He ſaid the ſame thing of virtue, of all that is Good in whatſoever reſpect, and of God himſelf, ſo by this harmony he meant the relation or juſt proportion, which all parts ought to have together, or the natural order of all things. But what has been ſaid already of this ſame harmony which Pythagoras obſerv'd in order of things that happen to every individual man in his life time, makes it credible that there was ſome greater myſtery conceal • d within.

This myſtery, perhaps, might be much of the ſame nature with that which this Philoſopher found out in numbers, each of which, according to him, have ſomewhat remarkable in them, ſome of them being a great deal more perfect than others. The odd numbers, for inſtance, were more conſiderable, and had more force in them than the even numbers; the firſt repreſenting the Male, and the ſecond the Female. But the number of ſeven was the moſt perfect of all.

The Reader may find in • ib. Cap. 6. Macrobius, and 〈…〉 Aulus Gellius, wherein this perfection conſiſts. To this opinion chiefly is owing the Doctrine of Climacteric years, the diſcovery whereof is attributed to the Caldeans, from whom Pythagoras perhaps borrow • d them. Each ſeventh year of a man's life is call'd by this name, and 'tis the receiv • d opinion that at this time a man runs the greateſt riſque in relation to his life, or health, or what they call the goods of fortune, by reaſon of the alterations and changes that happen at theſe years.

Lib. 3 C. 4.Upon the ſame opinion, according to Celſus, is founded the belief of ſome Phyſicians about the force of the ſeventh number in diſeaſes, and the difference they made between odd and even days, as we ſhall ſee hereafter.

Thoſe that have ſaid that Pythagoras left nothing behind him in writing, and that all we know of his opinions is only taken out of the Books of his diſciples, may perhaps deny that this Philoſopher maintain'd ſuch aſſertions.De dieb decretor. lib 3. cap. 8. &c. Galen, who is of opinion for other reaſons than thoſe that are drawn from the force of numbers conſider'd in themſelves, that a due regard ought to be had of the numerus Septenarius, and even, and odd days, ſeems to queſtion whether Pythagoras held that opinion. 'Tis ſo eaſy, ſays he, to diſcover the abſurdity and vanity of what is pretended concerning the virtue of numbers, that it is ſtrange how Pythagoras, ſo diſcreet and wiſe a man, cou • d attribute ſo much power to numbers. This Philoſopher had time to examine them, and to admire the reſult of their combinations, ſince Hiſtory reports him to have been well vers'd in Arithmetick and Geometry, but theſe Sciences ought rather to have given him an averſion for ſuch wretched trifles.

Zamolxis, whom the Getae ador'd as a God, is generally ſaid to have been a Slave of Pythagoras, altho others ſuppoſe him to have been much more antient. He paſſes for one that had great skill in Phyſick, but all the particulars we know of him, are that he us'd to ſay, that a man cou'd not heal the eyes without healing the head, nor the head without the reſt of the body, nor the body without the ſoul, and he pretended the that Greek Philoſophers being ignorant of this Maxim, for that very reaſon fail'd in the cure of moſt diſeaſes. The remedy that he us'd to heal or cure the Soul, was that of Enchantments, not ſuch as Eſculapius us'd, if we may take Plato's word for it. The Enchantments which Xamolxis meant, ſays this Philoſopher, were nothing elſe but virtuous diſcourſes and converſations, which, as he adds, produce wiſdom in the Soul, and that being once acquir'd, 'tis an eaſy matter to procure health to the head and to the reſt of the body. But by what ſomeHerodotus and Strabo. others have written concerning the means which Xamolxi • us'd to make himſelf paſs for a God, we may find, that he was capable of uſing Enchantments, even in the proper and common ſenſe.

CHAP VII. Empedocles, Alcmaeon, Epicharmus, and Eudoxus, the Diſciples or Followers of Pythagoras.

Empedocles was one of the moſt celebrated diſciples of Pythagoras. Tis believ'd that like his Maſter, he joyn'd Magic to Phyſick: or that his Phyſick was Magical. But in ſome places he lets us ſee that ſometimes at leaſt he applies himſelf to natural agents, where he tells us, that the Peſtilence and Famine that ravag'd Sicily his native Country ſo often, are occaſion'd by a South wind, which finding a paſſage through certain holes in the mountains, made great deſtruction in the plains: So he advis'd them to ſtop up theſe holes, after which the Country was free from theſe two cruel perſecutors. He gave another teſtimony of his great knowledge, in remedying the ſtench of a river that infected the air in a certain Province, which he brought about by digging Canals, by which he brought two other rivers into the bed of the firſt.

If this Philoſopher got ſo much reputation by theſe Contrivances, he was no leſs famou • for the extraordinary cures he perform'd. Diogenes Laertius tells us, that he was particularly admir'd for healing a woman, who was look'd upon to be dead, finding it was occaſion • d by a ſuffocation of the Ʋterus. He nam'd this malady from a Greek word, which ſignifies without reſpiration. He pretended that one might live in ſuch a condition the ſpace of thirty days. He gave out that he had infallible remedies for all ſorts of diſeaſes, and for old age, nay that he was able to raiſe the dead.

He had a very ſingular opinion about the manner of the formation of Animals.Galen. de Semin. lib 2. Cap. 3. He believ • d that ſome parts of their bodies were contain'd in the ſeed of the male, and others in that of the female, and that the Venereal appetite in both Sexes proceeds from this deſire that the diſunited and ſeparated parts have to be rejoyn • d.

As forId de Hiſt. Philoſoph. Reſpiration, he ſuppos'd it to be perform'd after this manner. As ſoon as the humidity, which at the beginning of the formation of the Foetus was very plentiful, begins to leſſen, the air ſucceeds it, inſinuates it ſelf through the pores, after which the natural heat endeavouring to get looſe, it caſts the air without, and when the heat re-enters, the air follows it again. The firſt, continues he, is call'd inſpiration, and the ſecond expiration. The Foetus or Infant in the mothers womb, according to him, has the uſe of reſpiration.

Hearing is perform • d by the means of the air, that ſtrikes the interiour part of the ear, which winding in the form of a Cockle-ſhell, and being joynd to the higheſt part of the body like a little Bell, diſcerns all the impulſions of the air that enter into it.

The Fl • ſ •• is compo •• d of an equal proportion of each of the four Elements; the Nerves of fire, earth, and two parts of water; the Nails are made of Nerves condens'd by the contact of the air. The Bones ſeem to be compos • d of equal parts of water and earth, but for all this they were made of the four Elements, among which the water and earth were predominant. Sweat and Tears proceed from the thinner particles of blood

The Seeds of Plants are as it were their Eggs, which fall from them when they are ripe.

Empedocles writ concerning Phy • i ••• m Verſe, and compos • d ſix thouſand, 〈◊〉 upon th •• argument. He had ſo great an eſteem for this art, that he pretended that Phyſicians (to whom he joyn'd Southſayers and Poets) had much the preheminence before other men, and came near the immortal Gods. He had a diſciple call • d Pauſanias, who was likewiſe a Phyſician.

Empedocles was born at Agrigentum, a City of Sicily, and according to Diogenes Laertius, flouriſh'd about the 84th Olympiad. Suidas pretends that he follow'd the profeſſion of a Sophiſt at Athens. His death was extraordinary. Some ſay, that being deſirous to examine the fire of Aetna with too much curioſity, he came ſo near that he was conſumed by them. Others have affirm'd that this was an effect of his vanity, and that he was ambitious of dying thus, that diſappearing all of a ſudden, he might be taken for a God.

Alemaeon, another diſciple of Pythagoras, was of Crotona; he particularly apply'd himſelf to the ſtudy of Phyſick. His name deſerves to be preſerv'd to all poſterity, if what aChalcid •• in Platou • s • imaum. Commentator upon Plato tells of him be true, viz. that he was the firſt that anatomiz'd Animals, to inſtruct himſelf in the ſeveral parts of their bodies.

The Reader will be ſurpriz'd that it was ſo long before Anatomy was introduc • d into Phyſick, and will hardly conceive how they came to beſtow the name of Phyſicians, or even of Chyrurgeons, upon men that under ſtood nothing of it. But this wonder will vaniſh, when he conſiders that I have already ſaid upon this ſubject in the Chapt of the Aſclepiadae.

As Alcmaeon's Writings have had the ill fate to be deſtroy'd by time, we know but little of his Anatomy, but what we find in Galen, which indeed more properly belongs to Phyſiology. He ſuppos'd that the Hearing was perform'd by the ear, being hollow within, as we find all hollow places refound when the voice penetrates them. As for Smelling, he pretended that the Soul, whoſe chief ſeat, according to him, was in the brain, receiv'd all odours by attracting them in reſpiration. He imagin'd that the Tongue diſtinguiſh'd taſtes by its humidity, by its moderate heat, and its ſoftneſs. The Seed, according to him, was a particle of the brain. The Foetus was nouriſh'd in the womb by drawing nouriſhment on all ſides of its Body, which is like a Spunge.

Health, according to its Hypotheſis, depends upon the equal mixture of heat, dryneſs, cold, and moiſture, nay, even of ſweet and bitter, and other things. On the other hand, diſeaſes ariſe when one of theſe predominates over the reſt, and by that means deſtroys their union and ſociety.

Epicharmus of the Iſle of Cos, was likewiſe a hearer of Pythagoras. He writ of natural Philoſophy and Phyſick, and is frequently quoted by Pliny, when he deſcribes the virtues of any ſimple.Tiraquell. de Nobilitate cap. 31. 'Tis reported, that his Writings are ſtill to be ſeen in the Vatican Library.

Eudoxus receiv'd his inſtruction from Archytas, a famous Pythagorean. He liv'd ſomewhat later than the above-mention'd.See the Chapt. of Chryſippus. We ſhall have occaſion to ſpeak of him hereafter.

CHAP. VIII. Of Heraclitus, Democritus, and ſome other Phyſicians that were Philoſophers.

THe Pythagorean Philoſophers were not the only perſons that concern'd themſelves with Phyſick. Heraclitus the Epheſian (who liv'd in the 69th Olympiad, that is to ſay, about the ſame time with Pythagoras, and had a Philoſophy peculiar to himſelf) applied himſelf likewiſe to the ſtudy of Phyſick.

Hiſtory informs us, that this Philoſopher, puſhed on by his moroſe auſtere humour, which occaſion'd the report that he always wept, retiring into a ſolitary place to avoid the converſation of mankind, and living only upon water and herbs, fell into a Dropſy. This obblig'd him, to repair to inhabited places to find better conveniences of being cur • d; not that he did it to have the advice of the Phyſicians, for inſtead of following their direction, he was in hopes to expoſe their ignorance to the world, by making them witneſſes of the cure which he expected to work upon himſelf.

He once demanded of them in obſcure terms, as his manner,Diogenes Laeat. if of rainy weather they cou'd make dry, which not being underſtood by the Phyſicians, he diſmiſs'd them, and ſhut himſelf up in a Stable, where he cover'd all his body with dung, hoping by that means, to conſume or drain the ſuperfluous moiſture that was in his entrails, but he did not ſucceed in his deſign, for he died of this diſeaſe ſoon after. Heraclitus • s aim in putting this queſtion to the Phyſicians, was to inſtruct them that they ought to endeavour to cure diſtempers as God cures thoſe of the great bodies that compoſe the world, by balancing their inequalities, and ſetting contraries in oppoſition one to another. For, ſaid he, all things go in our bodies after the ſame rate as they do in the world; Urine is form'd in the bladder like rain in the ſecond region of the air, and as the rain proceeds from Vapours that ariſe from the earth, and being condens'd produce clouds, ſo urine is produc • d from exhalations ariſing from the aliments that find their paſſage into the bladder.

Others relate, that Heraclitus put this queſtion to the Phyſicians, whether it were poſſible to preſs the bowels of any one ſo as to get out all the water that was contain'd in them, which the Phyſitians affirming to be impoſſible, he expos'd, himſelf naked to the Sun, and afterwards manag'd himſelf in the Stable, as is related above; the conſequence of which was, that he was devour'd by Dogs as he lay in the dung, being ſo weak, that he was not able to help himſelf. In ſhort, others have deliver'd this ſtory otherwiſe, and affirm that Heraclitus was cur'd of this ſwelling, and dy'd long after this of another diſtemper. The moſt remarkable opinion he held, I mean that relates to Philoſophy, was this, that Fire was the beginning of all things, that every thing came from Fire, and that every thing is done by Fire. We ſhall have occaſion hereafter to make ſome reflections upon this opinion. He is reported to be the author of this Sentence,Vide At • e •• um. that there were no ſuch blockheads and fools in the world as Grammarians, except Phyſicians.

Democritus was born in the 77th Olympiad. He applied himſelf to Phyſick, as he did to all other Sciences, and was ſo deſirous to become learn'd, that he ſpent all his patrimony in travelling to ſee the moſt celebrated and famous men abroad. He had been in Egypt, Perſia, Babylon, and the Indies, where he convers'd with Philoſophers, Geometricians, Phyſicians, Prieſts, Magicians, and Gymnoſophiſts.

Diogenes Laertius has given us the Titles of ſeveral Books written by Demceritus concerning Philoſophy in general, and Geometry. He likewiſe compos'd ſome about Phyſick in particular; the firſt is intitul'd Of the nature of man, or of the Fleſh, which in all probability is the ſame that we find under the ſame title, among the works of Hippocrates. He writ another Treatiſe about Plagues, which is cited by Aul' Gellius under this title Of the plague and peſtilential diſeaſes. A third treated of Prognoſtics, a fourth of Diet, or the method of regulating nouriſhment; a fifth of the Cauſes of diſtempers, and of things that were proper or contrary to the body, by conſidering the time. In ſome other Books he endeavour'd to find out the cauſes of Seeds, of Trees, of Fruits, and of Animals. There is, in ſhort, another which is intituled 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Se • the Chapter of Theophratius, lib. 4. about the Stone, that is to ſay, according to the Chymiſts about the Philoſophers Stone. Some Greek Books that treat of Chymiſtry are ſtill remaining, which carry his name, and are many-ſcripts in the Library of the Louvre But learn'd men look upon them to be ſpurious, as we ſhall ſee more largely hereafter.

Pliny likewiſe cites in abundance of places Democritus • s Books concerning Plants, in which he ſeems to have principally conſider • d their Magical or Supernatural Virtues. Democritus, ſays this Author, who was more devoted to the Magicians than any one ſince Pythagoras, relates more incredible and monſtrous Stories, than even he did. The Reader may conſult the 17th Chapter of the 24th Book of Pliny, to ſee more of this. Among other things we may find there a remedy or compoſition to have ſine Children. This compoſition is made of Pine-apples bruis • d with honey, myrrh, ſaffron, and palm-tree wine, adding to this a drug, or ſimple, call'd by him Theombrotion, and milk. According to this Author • s direction a man muſt drink of this immediately before he goes to his Wife, and ſhe likewiſe muſt drink of it as ſoon as ſhe is derivered, and all the while ſhe ſuckles her Child.

Pliny ſpeaks in the ſame place of an herb, which Democritus call'd by a Greek name, that ſignifies 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . baſhful, and contracts its leaves when a man touches it. Throphraſtus likewiſe makes mention of this plant, which is the ſame with what we now call the ſenſitive plant, which is very well well known. If there was no more ſuperſtition or Magick in the other places of Democritus than there is in this, Pliny wrong'd him when he accus • d him of it. But tis evident from what this Author adds, that the Books of Democritus were full of theſe trifles, and Tatian a Chriſtian Rhetorician, and diſciple of Juſtin Martyr, has likewiſe obſerv'd, that Democritus writ nothing but fabulous ſtuff.

Lib. 11. cap. 3. Columella cites two Books of Democritus, one of which was intitul'd of Agriculture, and the other of things that have an Antipathy to one another. One may judge of the contents of this latter Book by the following citation. Democritus, ſays Columella, affirms that Caterpillars and other inſects that deſtroy the greens in gardens, d • e immediately if a woman that has her menſes walks two or three ••• ns over the bods, with her f •• t ba •• , and • air diſheveled. But it muſt be obſerv'd that the ſame Columella 〈…〉 . elſewhere tells us, that the Books, that in his time were attributed to Democritus, were written by one Dolus or Bolus Mendeſius, an Egyptian, and who perhaps is the ſame with him whomLib • c. 7. Galen calls Horus Mendeſius. 〈…〉 . Celius Aurelianus makes mention of two other Books, that went under Democritus's name, but he look'd upon them to be ſpurious. One treated of Convulſive diſeaſes, and the other of the Elephantiaſis. In the former of theſe Books we meet with a remedy againſt madneſs, which conſiſted in a decoction 〈◊〉 Origarum, that was to be drunk out of a round • up faſhion • d like a Bowl. In the ſecond he adviſes to bleed thoſe that are infected with an Elephantiaſis, and give them of a certain herb, which he does not name.

We ſhall conceive a more advantageous Idea of Democritus, by what remains to be told of him. The ſame thing in a manner happen'd to this Philoſopher, which befel Heraclitus. He retir'd like him to a ſolitary place, that he might be more at liberty, but there was this remarkable difference between them, that whereas the former wept continually at the follies of mankind, the other laught inceſſantly.See the Letters at the end of Hippocrates's works. This ſtrange behaviour made his Countrymen of Abdera take him for a fool, ſo they ſent to Hippocrates, deſiring him to come and cure him. This Phyſician arriving there, found him employ • d in diſſecting of Animals, and enquiring the reaſon of it, he told him, 'twas to diſcover the effect of folly, which he lookt upon to be the cauſe of the bile. By this Hippocrates diſcover'd that the world was exceedingly miſtaken in their opinion of him, and after a long converſation, wherein among other things Democritus told him, that the madneſs and folly of Mankind was the cauſe of his perpetual laughter; he took his leave of them very well ſatisfy • d, and aſſur'd the people, that this Philoſopher was ſo far from being a fool, that on the other hand he was the wiſeſt of men.

Diogen. • aert.'Tis likewiſe reported, that in the preſence of the ſame Hippocrates, Democritus was able to diſtinguiſh the Milk they brought to him, telling them it was of a black She-goat, which never had but one Kid, and that by only looking upon a certain woman, he knew that ſhe had been deflower'd the night before.

After this interview, theſe two great men entertain'd a very high eſteem for each other, and kept a mutual correſpondence.Var. Hiſt. lib. 4. cap. 20. Aellan obſerves that Hippocrates writ all his Books in the Ionic Language for the ſake of Democritus, altho that famous Phyſician was a Native of the Iſle of Co, where the Doric Dialect was in requeſt. If this were true, a man might gather that Democritus was born at Miletus, as Lacrtius tells us, and not at Abdera, ſince the firſt of theſe Cities is in Ionia, but the other in Thrace.

However,Tune qu • que inat •• iam rijus inven • t ad • mnes •• curjus h • nunum, cujus prudentia menſtrat. Sammo • poſſe viros, & magna exempla daturos. V •• v ••• m • n pa • zia, craſſ • que ſub aere naſci. • id •••• curas, ne • n • n & g • adia vulg • , Int •••• n & lacrimas cum fortunae ipſe min ••• . Man •• et la • ueum, medium que oſtenderet unguem. Sat. X. Juvenal was of opinion that he belong'd rather to Abdera than Milctus, and from his Birth in ſo ſtupid and brutal a Country, makes this reflexion, that great men may be born under the groſſeſt air.

If we may believe Petronius, Democritus drew juices from all manner of herbs, and ſpent moſt of his Life in making experiments upon Stones and Plants, but perhaps theſe experiments conſider'd the ſeveral natural curioſities more, or at leaſt as much as the practice of Phyſick. What we find in Seneca, that Democritus had found out the ſecret to ſoften Ivory, and to make Emeralds of boil'd Flint ſtones, and whoever conſiders that they had the trick in former ages, to make a paſt for the counterfeiting precious Stones, is a ſu ••• cient proof of what I have already aſſerted, or of the uſe that Democritus made of his diſcoveries.

He likewiſe believ'd that we were ſo far from having any ſigns, by which we cou'd form a certain judgment that a man wou'd ſhortly dye, that we wanted indications ſure enough for a Phyſician to rely upon that a man was dead. Celſus who cites this paſſage, calls Democritus, Vir jure magni nominis, a perſon that had deſerv'dly a great reputation.

This Philoſopher died when he was above a hundred years old.Di • g •• La ••• 'Tis reported of him that being weary of his Life he daily retrench'd ſome part of the food, but his Siſter deſiring him not to dye, till a feſtival which drew nigh was over, that ſhe might not loſe the pleaſure of being at 'em, he commanded ſome hot bread to be brought to him, and liv'd ſeveral days with only ſmelling to it.Athenaeus lib. 2. cap. 7. Others ſay it was the ſmell of Honey which produc'd this effect. It has been likewiſe affirm'd that he made himſelf blind, that he might be leſs diſtracted in his meditations. Tertullian pretends the reaſon of this was, becauſe he cou'd not behold the Sex without emotion. But 'tis much more probable that he became blind by accident, or by old Age. But after whatſoever manner it happen • d,Queſt. Puſe. 5. Cicero obſerves that this Philoſopher eaſily comforted himſelf for the loſs of his ſight, that if he was not able to diſtinguiſh black from white, yet he cou • d perfectly well diſcern good from bad, juſtice from injuſtice, &c. judging himſelf to be happy, tho depriv'd of the pleaſure which the variety of colours affords.

CHAP. IX. An explicati • n of ſome of the Philoſophical opinions of Democritus, which ſeem not to have been rightly explain'd.

THis is not a proper place to treat of the opinions of Democritus, as they have a reſpect to Philoſophy. But I cannot forbear to explain a paſſage of Diogenes Laertius, and another of H • ſychius Milefius upon this ſubject, which may give the Reader ſome difficulty. Democritus, according to the latter of theſe authors, ſuppos'd that Atomes and a Vacuum were the principle of all things, and that all the reſt depended upon opinion or judgment.

To underſtand his meaning aright, 'twill be neceſſary to cite this paſſage, as it is in the original. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the Latin Interpreter has thus tranſlated; rerum primordia atomos & inane eſſe cenſuit, caetera omnia ex opinione ſtatui poſſe dixit. We meet with the ſame words in Diogenes Laertius, with this difference, that he adds to the end the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which is not in the former; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and they are thus Tranſlated, Caetera omnia legitimum eſſe opinari, which either ſignifies juſt nothing, or at beſt muſt be thus underſtood, as if the Author when he ſaid that a man was at liberty to believe what he pleas'd of the reſt, we ought to underſtand it of what immediately follows, that there are an infinite number of worlds, &c.

DEMOCRITVS

The learnedGaſſend. lib. 10 Diogen. Laert. tit. Unde qualitates rerum concretart. Gaſſendus had carefully examin'd this paſſage of Democritus, and thus explains it: Democritus was of opinion that all the ſeveral qualities we find in things, ſuch as colour, heat, &c. only exiſted 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , lege, dependant upon a certain law; not that they depend upon any inſtitution of men, as the Interpreters underſtand the place; but this Philoſopher employs upon this occaſion a word proper to his own Country or Province, and at the ſame time makes uſe of a Metaphor; to ſhew, that as the juſtice or injuſtice, the honeſty or diſhoneſty, the merit or infamy of humane actions depends upon what the Laws have eſtabliſh'd, ſo likewiſe that whiteneſs or blackneſs, ſweetneſs or bitterneſs, &c. in natural things, depended upon the diſpoſition or different ſituation of Atoms. This learned man was much in the right, when he obſerv'd that Democritus had made uſe of a word that was particular to his own Country, but he is miſtaken in what he ſays afterwards. To conclude, I have not remark'd that ſome Philoſophers of a more modern date than Gaſſendus, and who come very near the opinion of Democritus, have aſcrib'd the honout of it to him.

CHAP. X. Of ſome Phyſicians who were contemporaries of the preceeding Philoſophers, and firſt of Acron, reputed to be the chief of the Empirics.

THere was a famous Phyſician contemporary with Empedocles, whoſe name was Acron, born likewiſe at Agrigentum as well as that Philoſopher.Lib. 29. Cap. 1 • Acron, ſays Pliny, was author of a Sect in Phyſick which was call • d the Empiric ſect, a name form'd from a Greek word which ſignifies experience, becauſe this Sect rejected reaſonings upon things, and kept wholly to experience. This Author adds, that Acron had been recommended by Empedocles the Phyſician, who had a great repute among the people.

Caſaubon was of opinion that when Pliny writ this Paſſage, he thought of Acron's Epitaph compos • d by Empedocles, and mention'd by Laertius, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Acron of Agrigentum the moſt eminent of Phyſicians, the Son of an eminent Father lyes interr'd in this craggy rock, in the moſt eminent place of his eminent Country.

But tis evident from the Cacaphony which the Letter r makes in the Greek, where 'tis to be found in every word, that it is nothing but raillery, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Suidas has well obſerv'd. Empedocles perhaps compos'd this Epitaph, with a deſign to ridicule the vanity of the man, who, by a dull alluſion to his own name, call'd himſelf 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . the moſt excellent of Phyſicians. To confirm this opinion, Diogenes Laertius informs us a little before, that this Philoſopher hindred Acron from obtaining a certain place, which he wou'd have begg • d to build his own Tomb in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . becauſe he is, ſaid he, a Phyſician of the firſt rank; and that Empedocles having made a diſcourſe about equality, perhaps to prove that all men were equal, turn'd himſelf towards Acron and asked him what Epitaph wou'd you have engrav'd upon your Tomb! what think you of this Acron of Agrigentum, &c.

This raillery perhaps was occaſion'd by the jealouſy of this Philoſopher, who was concern'd to ſee Acron conſider'd as the chief man of that Art to which he pretended himſelf, upon which I have a reflection to make of ſome importance to the hiſtory of Phyſick, which is, that the ambition of Acron, or the good opinion he had of himſelf, intirely deſtroys the above-mention'd Hypotheſis of Celſus, concerning the birth or beginning of Phyſick; for if this art owed its original to Philoſophy, and there was no knowledge of it before the Philoſophers, it is not probable that Acron, who came after them, or at leaſt after Phythagoras, ſhould be ſo bold, as to pretend to the firſt place among the Phyſicians to their prejudice. 'Tis certain that there were Phyſicians before Philoſophers, but their Phyſick, as we have obſerv'd, was wholy empirical like that of Acron.

'Tis not improbable, that the reaſon why this Phyſician paſſed for the chief of the empiric ſect, was becauſe he attempted to maintain that ancient way of practiſing Phyſick, againſt that which the Philoſophers his contemporaries affected to introduce.

The above-cited Paſſage of Pliny ſeems to favour this conjecture, but 'tis probable that author was miſtaken. That empiric Sect, which Pliny ſpeaks of, did not begin till long after Acron; 'tis agreed that he was an Empiric alſo, but after the manner of the Aſclepiadae, and all the other Phyſicians that preceeded him; that is to ſay, his Phyſick wholly turn'd upon Experience, without much reaſoning; but for all that he was not of the Empiric Sect, for the firſt Phyſicians could not properly be call'd Sectaries, if we may be allow'd to uſe this term upon this occaſion. We ſhall conſider below what this Sect was, and who were the founders of it.

I can • t tell whether Suidas was not likewiſe miſtaken, or did not confound Acron the Empiric with another, where he ſays that Acron exercis • d the profeſſion of a Sophiſt at Athens, as well as Empedocles. 'Tis not to be doubted but that he ſpeaks of the former, becauſe he joyns him with Empedocles, and adds that Acron writ in the Doric Dialect (which was ſpoken in Sicily) a Book intitul'd, Tke Art of Phyſick, and another which treated of the manner of living in Health. If our Acron was a Sophiſt, he did not confound this profeſſion with that of a Phyſician, otherwiſe he had not paſſed for an Empiric.

We find in Plutarch that Acron was in Athens in the time of a great Plague, which happen • d at the beginning of the Peloponneſian war, and he aſcribes to him the advice of the lighting of great fires in all the Streets, with an intent to purify the air.

CHAP. XI. Of Herodicus, the Inventor of Gymnaſtick Phyſick.

De iis qui lero a Numine corripiuntur.WE ſhall conclude this Book with the hiſtory of Herodicus, of whom we had occaſion to ſpeak, when we deliver • d Plato • s opinion of Eſculapius's Phyſick. He was born at Selymbra a City of Thrace, asThis word u • deriv • d from a Greek Verb, ſignifying to exerciſe. Plutarch affirms, or rather at Lentini in Sicily, and was brother to the famous Rhetorician and Philoſopher Gorgias He liv • d in the time of the latter Philoſophers abovemention • d. He was a Phyſician, and Maſter of an Academy beſides, where the youth came to exerciſe themſelves, which gave him an opportunity to introduce Gymnaſtic, that is to ſay, the art of exerciſing the body into Phyſick, having himſelf by the help of exerciſe, if not wholly cured, yet ſtopt the farther progreſs of a Ptiſick, under which he labour'd; ſo that this troubleſom diſeaſe did not hinder him from arriving to a very advanc'd age.

Galen ſeems to make Eſculapius the author of Gymnaſtic, as well as the other branches of Phyſick, where he ſays that Eſculapius order'd ſome to ride on Horſeback, and to exerciſe themſelves in their arms, and that he ſhow'd them the ſeveral ſorts of motions they were to expreſs, and after what manner they were to be arm'd. Medea likewiſe, as we have already obſerv'd, practiſed ſomething of this nature, but altho we ſhou'd grant that they already knew the great advantages of exerciſe, and preſcrib'd certain rules upon this head, yet 'tis probable that Herodicus went much farther, and that he was the firſt man that improv'd it into an art, which he call • d the Art of Gymnaſtic Phyſick, or the art of exerciſing one ſelf for his Health.

Long before the time of Herodicus ſeveral ſorts of exerciſes were uſed in their publick ſports, that were celebrated in many places of Greece with ſolemnity. The inſtitutors of theſe Games propos'd hereby to divert the people, and to make mens bodies more active, vigorous, and fit for war, as alſo to obtain the favour of their God, in the honour of whom they were kept. The end of thoſe that were perſonally engag'd in theſe ſports, was to carry off the rewards that were allotted to the Conquerors. The ſame thing was practiſed in their Academies, which they called Gymnaſia and Palaeſtrae, i. e. places proper for one to exerciſe himſelf in. We cannot preciſely tell the time when theſe ſorts of Academies were firſt begun to be erected; what we know for certain is, that the Greeks were always looked upon to be the firſt inventors of them. The Reader may conſult Hieron Mercurialis, for his farther ſatisfaction upon this ſubject. Herodicus who was Maſter of one of theſe Academies, having obſerv'd, that the young People that were under his conduct, and learnt their exerciſes, were very healthful for the moſt part, imputed this immediately to the continual uſe of them, and afterwards carrying this firſt reflection farther, which was natural enough, he came to be of the opinion, that mighty advantages might be drawn from exerciſe, if inſtead of the above mention'd ends, the principal aim a man propoſed to himſelf by it, was the acquiring or preſerving of his health; ſo that he need have recourſe to no other Phyſick than this.

Having foreſeen that Gymnaſtic might be divided into three ſorts;The military Gymnaſtick was that which the youth practic'd to harden, inſtruct, and f • t themſelves for the Art Military. The Athletick lookt upon as vitious, becauſe thereby they propos'd no other end but to win the prize a • the Publick Games, without making themſelves ſerviceable any other way to the Publick; and took care only of their Bodies, totally neglecting their Minds. Quod corpora in faginâ, ani ••• n marie & veterno erant; ſays Seneca. the Military, the Athletick, and the Medicinal; he left the two firſt to apply himſelf to the latter, and preſcribe rules to be obſerv'd in it, according to the difference of perſons, Temperaments, Ages, Climates, Seaſons, Diſtempers, &c. ſetting down exactly the diet, the ſorts of habits, and the particular exerciſes that wou'd beſt ſuit with them according to the reſpective circumſtances above-mention • d.

I don't know whether he ſucceeded ſo happily in this project, as the experiment made upon himſelf, of which Hiſtory makes mention, wou'd induce us to believe. Hippocrates, who had been his Diſciple, does not give him an advantageous character upon this account, where he ſays, that Herodicus kill'd ſeveral that were ill of Fevers, with too much walking, and wreſtling, and fomentations; nothing being ſo prejudicial to perſons in ſuch caſes, as hunger, wreſtling, running, rubbing, &c. Herodicus, (adds Hippocrates) pretending to overcome the fatigue occaſion'd by ſickneſs with another fatigue, drew upon his Patients ſometimes inflamations, ſometimes pains on their ſide, &c. and made them pale, livid, and wholly out of order.

However this cenſure of Hippocrates did not hinder him from making uſe of ſome Gymnaſtick on ſome occaſions, altho he did not look upon it to be good in the caſes above-mention'd, and moſt of the Phyſicians that came after Herodicus took ſo great a fancy to this ſort of Phyſick, that they have always conſider'd it as an eſſential part of their profeſſion. We have loſt the writings which Diocles, Praxagoras, Philotimus, Eraſiſtratus, Herophilus, Aſclepiades, Theon, Diotimus, and ſeveral others compos'd upon that ſubject; but by the fragments that are ſtill remaining in Galen, or other Authors that have cited them, we may eaſily know in what eſteem Gymnaſtick was among the Antients.

The Phyſicians were not the only perſons that recommended it. The generality of men were ſo fully convinc'd of the great advantages, and alſo the pleaſure that accompany'd it, that abundance of people ſpent the greateſt part of their lives in places appointed on purpoſe to exerciſe in, that were afterwards erected in all the Cities of Greece.

'Tis true, theſe Buildings that went under the name of Gymnaſia, , were not ſolely apply'd to Gymnaſtick Phyſick, for at the ſame time they were put to ſeveral other uſes. They contain • d ſeveral Apartments for ſeveral purpoſes, large Squares, and great Portico's, or cover • d Allies of a vaſt length, fit for to walk or run in. There was a particular place for the Philoſophers, the Rhetoricians, and men of Learning, where they aſſembled and diſputed. Thus the Academy and Lyceum, two places of exerciſe in Athens became famous, one of them being choſen by Plato, and the other by Ariſtotle, to teach Philoſophy in. This ſeparate place for the Philoſophers was call'd Exedra, which in Greek ſignifies a Seat, becauſe there are benches in it for this purpoſe.

There were other Apartments ſet aſide for the young men, that came to exerciſe themſelves under Maſters call'd Gymnaſtae, who had ſome Servants under them that were call'd Paedotribae. The Wreſtlers likewiſe met there. The exerciſes perform'd were chiefly playing at quoits, throwing the dart, or certain heavy machines that were call'd balteres, ſhooting out of a bow, playing at ball, wreſtling, cuffing, leaping, dancing, running, riding, &c.

Part of theſe exerciſes were alſo practic'd indifferently by all ſorts of perſons for their health, but the Apartments that were more peculiarly applied to this laſt uſe, were the bathing rooms, thoſe where they were undreſs'd, or where they order'd themſelves to be rubb • d, anointed, &c. Every one uſed theſe exerciſes as he thought convenient. Some went no farther than one, while others applied themſelves ſucceſſively to more. Men of learning began with hearing the Philoſophers, and other Virtuoſi; after this they play'd at Ball, or employ'd themſelves in any other exerciſe, and at laſt went to the Bath.

One may wonder, and reaſonably enough, how Plato comes to inveigh ſo furiouſly againſt Gymnaſtic, and the inventor of it. Nothing appears to be more natural than this ſort of Phyſick, which every man of good ſenſe ought to prefer to the uſe of Medicaments, that are infinitely more troubleſom and dangerous. But we muſt know that when this Philoſopher declaim'd ſo powerfully againſt Gymnaſtic, he had his head full of the Idea • s of his Republick, wherein laying it down for a rule, that every man ſhou • d contribute to the publick Good, he look'd upon thoſe that minded nothing but their health, to be a ſort of unprofitable perſons that were only good to themſelves.

And altho he has recommended exerciſe in general, yet he blam • d Gymnaſtic, conſider • d as an Art, and particularly as it comprehended the Dietetic, or that part of Phyſick which regulates our food, becauſe it was too long and tedious a courſe, and thoſe perſons, that wou'd exactly follow the rules of it, were obliged to live in too confined and ſtrict a manner, and indeed to practiſe a ſort of continual Phyſick, which almoſt wholly turn'd them aſide from thoſe occupations for which they were deſign'd.

Plato has another obſervation about Herodicus or his Maxims as they relate to Gymnaſtic, which is very particular. He tells us then, that this Ph • ſician adviſed ſomePlat. Phaed. in princip. to walk from Athens to Megara, which is twenty five miles, and as ſoon as they had touched the Walls of that City, to come back the ſame way, without ſtopping a moment. In all appearance this is a calumny upon him, and perhaps ſuch ſtories as theſe were told at Athens to ridicule the Phyſicians that follow • d the rules of Gymnaſtic.

The Romans did not begin to build thoſe places of exerciſe, till long after the Greeks, but when they once took a fancy for them, they infinitely ſurpaſs'd them both in the number and magnificence of theſe buildings, as we may judge by the noble ruines that are yet remaining. Nay, they doted upon them at Rome to ſuch a degree, that according toVix C • is 〈…〉 2. Varro's remark, tho almoſt every man had one to himſelf, yet they were ſcarce content.

Thoſe that wou • d be throughly inſtructed in all that rela • es to Medicinal Gymnaſtic, may conſult the learn • d Mercurialis, who has gone to the bottom of this ſubject. Beſides, the Reader will find in the continuation of this Hiſtory, ſeveral things relating to this occaſion, and alſo concerning Herodicus, by which he will more plainly and fully diſcover the uſe of Gymnaſtic in ancient Phyſick.

CHAP XII. Reflexions upon what has been ſaid before.

THis is the ſumm of what we cou'd meet with moſt conſiderable, in that interval which may be call'd the firſt age of Phyſick. We have in a manner fetch'd all our materials from Greece, for want of monuments to inſtruct us what paſt in other Nations; and for the future we ſhall more ſeldom leave that Country, ſince the Greeks cultivated Phyſick as well as they did the other arts, with more care and application in the ſucceeding times, and indeed communicated them to almoſt all the world beſides.

One would be apt to imagine, at firſt ſight, that all we can find of the progreſs of Phyſick in the firſt and ſecond period of time, which we have ran over, is very inconſiderable. Every thing in this compaſs appears either fabulous, or uncertain, and at leaſt excremely confus'd, and the diſcoveries that were made in it are but few in number, and very ſuperficial, if compar'd to thoſe that have been made ſince.

Nevertheleſs, if Phyſick rather conſiſts in effects than in diſcourſes, and if the invention of remedies is of greater importance than all the reaſonings that can be made upon diſeaſes, as we ſhall ſee hereafter, we ſhall be ſatisfy'd that theſe firſt Phyſicians knew almoſt every thing that was eſſential to Phyſick, or at leaſt paſſes for ſuch now in moſt parts of Europe •• and that they us'd in a manner all the fundamental remedies, and thoſe that are moſt depended upon. All Phyſicians, if we except a f • w out of the number, look upon bleeding and purging to be moſt univerſal remedies: Now 'tis certain, by the proofs that we have brought, that they were uſed in the above-mentioned times.

Neither were they defective in other the moſt ordinary practices of Phyſick. They knew how to make uſe of Milk, Whey, and Baths, that are to this day the principal arms of the Phyſicians, againſt the moſt ſtubborn and obſtinate diſeaſes. Neither were they unacquainted with theSee the head of Hippocrates. Poppy, and even withSee the Chapt. of Helen and Polydamna. Opium, that great and univerſal anodyne.

In ſhort, 'tis very probable that they were maſters of ſeveralVid. lib. 5 Speciſics, and perhaps more than we have, ſince the principal bent of their ſtudies carried them that way.

This was it, without diſpute, which occaſion'dDe Priſcâ Med. Hippocrates to ſay, that the whole circle of Phyſick has been eſtabliſh'd long ago, and that the world had found out the way to make abundance of diſcoveries, which wou • d ſerve to make new ones, provided that the party who went upon the ſearch was fit for ſuch an undertaking, and being acquainted with all that was already diſcover'd, wou'd follow the ſame track, The man, continues he, who rejecting this counſel, takes another road, and pretends to have diſcover'd ſome new track, not only impoſes upon himſelf, but the reſt of the world. This old way was that of obſervation and experiments; from which the following ages deviated too much.

But I foreſee that the ſtiff aſſerters of the Antiquity of Chymiſtry, will not fail to object that I have forgotten that, which in their opinion; does the greateſt honour to ancient Phyſick, viz. the knowledge of that Art. If I had been of their opinion, I had found an opportunity to have defended it, when I was upon the Hiſtory of Hermes Triſmegiſtus, whom they pretend to be the Inventor of Alchymy. But for me, I ingenuouſly own, that my eyes are not quick-ſighted enough to diſcover the leaſt footſteps of this Art in theſe ancient times. I ſhall endeavour to anſwer the arguments of thoſe that maintain the contrary in the ſecond part of this work. But that they may not be prepoſſeſs'd againſt me, before they have heard what I have to ſay for my ſelf, I muſt tell them before hand, that we ought carefully to diſtinguiſh between Alchymy, which pretends to the melioration or tranſmutation of Metals, or the way of making Gold and Silver out of any other matter, and Chymiſtry, which propoſes for its only end, the preparation of medicaments, and the preſerving of health. The former perhaps is of great antiquity, the love of riches being as old as the world, and in all appearance men try • d all manners of ways to get money ever ſince the beginning. But we ſhall ſatisfy the Reader that the latter was invented but a few years ago.

HIPPOCRATES.

THE HISTORY OF Phyſick. PART I. BOOK III.

CHAP I. How far Hippocrates carry'd this Art.

WE have already ſeen that Phyſick, which at firſt was practis'd either by all ſorts of perſons indifferently, or by ſome particular men, who made it their ſole profeſſion, fell at laſt into the hands of the Philoſophers about the lx Olympiad, whether becauſe they had more occaſion for the aſſiſtance of this Art for the reaſons alledg'd by 〈…〉 Celſus, or becauſe profeſſing to ſtudy nature, they believ'd that a knowledge of the humane Body, which 〈…〉 moſt admirable of all her works, was abſolutely neceſſary to ſuch a deſign. But Philoſophy and Phyſick happening to be much enlarged and cultivated afterwards, for the ſpace of about 80 years, men were forced to ſeparate theſe two profeſſions, ſince either of them was enough to employ a man's time entirely.

Demo • riti autem (ut quidam crediderunt) diſcipulus Hippocr • es Cous, primus quidem ex omnibus memoriâ dig nis, ab ſtudio ſapientiae diſciplinam hanc (medicinam) ſeparavit, Vi • & arte & facundia infignis Celſ. Praefat. lib. 1. Hippocrates was the firſt that undertook to make this ſeparation. He had not ſtrictly addicted himſelf to that ſort of Phyſick, that was hereditary in his Family, but made as great advances into Philoſophy, as any man of his age, but believing that the ſpeculations of this latter Science were not ſo uſeful to Society, as the practice of the former, he retain'd ſo much Philoſophy as wou'd enable him to reaſon juſtly in Phyſick, which he made his principal, or rather his only ſtudy.

Soranus pretends that Hippocrates was born in the Iſle of Co, in the firſt year of the 80th Olympiad, but others make him older, as we ſee below. His Fathers name was Heraclides, his Mothers Phaenarete or Praxithea. We have already ſeen, when we had occaſion to ſpeak of the Aſclepiadae, that on his Fathers ſide he pretended to be the 17th in order of deſcent from Eſculapius; nor was he leſs noble by the mothers ſide, as being the 19th deſcendant from Hercules.

He was not content with learning Phyſick under his Father; he had Herodicus above-mention'd for his Maſter in that faculty. He was likewiſe the diſciple of Gorgias the Sophiſt, Brother to that Phyſician, and according to ſome, of Democritus the Philoſopher, as we gather from the above-cited paſſage of Celſus. But if he learnt any thing of this latter twas in all probability, by the converſations chiefly which he had with him, when he was intreated by the Abderites to come and cure this Philoſopher. It is likewiſe credible, that he was a follower of Heraclitus, as we ſhall ſee hereafter.

If Hippocrates was not looked upon to be the firſt inventor, yet all antiquity gives him this honour at leaſt, of being the firſt that re-eſtabliſhed it after Eſculapius and his Sons. It may alſo be affirm • d, that by the great reputation he acquir'd he has effac'd the glory of all that preceeded him, except the God of Phyſick himſelf; ſo that in the Hiſtory of Phyſick, we cannot conveniently ſtop any where between the God and him, or make any conſiderable Epoch, but in paſſing all at once from one to the other, altho there was above ſeven hundred years difference between them.

Pliny makes Hippocrates the author of Clinic Phyſick, which we have aſcrib'd to Eſculapius, for 'tis not probable, that it was ſo long before the cuſtom began of viſiting the Sick in their bed; but what diſtinguiſhes this Phyſician ſo eminently from thoſe that came before, is, that according to the obſervation of the ſame authorPrimus Hippocrates medendi praecepta clariſſimè tradidit. lib. 26. cap. 2: he is the firſt that clearly laid down the precepts of Phyſick, reaping great advantage from the knowledge of the age he liv'd in, and making Philoſophy ſervicable to Phyſick, and Phyſick to Philoſophy.Lib. de decenti habitu. We ought to joyn, ſays the ſame Author, Philoſophy with Phyſick, and Phyſick with Philoſophy, for a Phyſician that is a Philoſopher is equal to a God.

Upon this account theThe Greeks called 'em 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Reaſon, or Ratiocination, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Opinion or doctrine. The Emp • i al Ph • ſician • 〈◊〉 claim to him likewiſe. Dogmatick, or Reaſoning Phyſicians, call'd ſo in oppoſition to the Empirics, have unanimouſly own'd him for their head, as being the firſt that aſſiſted reaſon with experience in the practice of Phyſick. The Philoſophers mention'd by us in the preceeding Book, were well enough vers'd in the art of reaſoning, but wanted experience or practice. Hippocrates is the firſt perſon who poſſeſs'd both one and the other.

This may ſeem to contradict what I have already advanc'd upon the credit of Celſus, viz. that Hippocrates ſeparated Phyſick from Philoſophy. For a Salvo to this ſeeming contradiction, we need only ſuppoſe, that Hippocrates, who was deſcended of a Family, where he as it were ſuck'd in Phyſick with his Milk, finding this Art in the hands of Philoſophers, who had lately engroſs'd it to the prejudice of the Aſclepiadae, thought there was no better way to ſupport the declining honour of his houſe, than by uſing his utmoſt efforts, beſides the knowledge deriv'd to him by tradition, to acquire all that learning which gave theſe new Phyſicians ſo great a reputation in the world. But after he had made himſelf Maſter of it, he openly declar'd, that altho the lights of Philoſophy were very ſerviceable to give a man a juſt Idea of things, and to conduct methodically and in the right way ſuch as deſign'd to carry arts to perfection; yet however that Philoſophy was not ſufficient of itſelf to perfect a man for all profeſſions, if he did not deſcend to the particulars, which did not belong to its juriſdiction; that Philoſophy had nature in general for its object, but that Phyſick in a ſpecial manner applies itſelf to nature as it had a relation to man, whom ſhe conſider'd under the different circumſtances of health and ſickneſs; that it did not follow that a man muſt be a Phyſician becauſe he was a Philoſopher, unleſs he had ſtudy'd humane body in particular, and inſtructed himſelf in the ſeveral changes that befall it, and in the proper methods to preſerve or reſtore; that ſince 'tis impoſſible to acquire this knowledge without long experience, he ought to employ his whole time this way, and quit the general name of a Philoſopher for that of a Phyſician, tho this oblig'd him by no means to forbear Philoſophizing in his profeſſion. And this is what Hippocrates meant by joyning Philoſophy with Phyſick, and Phyſick with Philoſophy.

CHAP. II. Of the Philoſophy of Hippocrates.

IF we may believeDe Nat▪ Facult. lib. 1.8 2. De deecret. Hipp. 5. Meth • d. med. lib. • e Element 9. Galen, Hippocrates no leſs deſerved the firſt place among the Philoſophers, than the Phyſicians. He likewiſe affirms that Plato has rejected none of Hippocrates's opinions, that the writings of Ariſtotle are only a Comment upon the Phyſiology of the latter, and that Ariſtotle is nothing but the interpreter of Hippocrates and Plato, from whom he borrow'd his Doctrine of the firſt qualities, • ot, cold, dry, and moiſt. Tis true, Hippocrates ſeems in ſome places to declare for the four Elements, air, water, fire, and earth. This at leaſt muſt be acknowledg'd that in his Book of the nature of man, he oppoſes thoſe Philoſophers who only maintain one. But he eſtabliſhes another ſyſtem in his firſt Book of Diet, where he makes mention of no more than two principles, fire and water, one of which gives motion to all things, and the other nouriſhment and encreaſe. Theſe contradictions, with ſome others that we ſhall take notice of hereafter, proceed from the many interpolations in the works of Hippocrates. The paſſage we cited laſt, is one of thoſe, which anciently were ſuppos'd to belong to another Author.

What is more certain, and of greater importance to the buſineſs in hand, Hippocrates makes it appear in moſt of his Writings, that he acknowledges a general principle, which he called nature, to which he aſcrib'd a mighty power. Nature is of it ſelf ſufficient to every animal, and that in all reſpects. She performs every thing that is neceſſary to them, without needing the 〈◊〉 inſtruction from any one how to do it. Upon this foot, as if nature had been a principle indued with knowledge, he gives her the title of juſt, he aſcribes a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . For Power, Faculty, or Virtue. It is ſometimes employ'd to ſignify the heighth of 'em. virtue, or virtues to her that are as it were her Servants.Lib. de alimento. There is, ſays he, one only faculty, and there are more than one. 'Tis by theſe faculties, that all operations are perform'd in the bodies of animals. They diſtribute the blood▪ the ſpirits, and heat thro all parts, which by this means receive life and ſenſation. He affirms elſewhere, that it is this faculty which gives nouriſhment, preſervation and growth to all things.

The manner wherein nature acts, or its moſt ſenſible adminiſtration by the means of the faculties, according to him conſiſts on one ſide in attracting what is good and agreeable to each ſpecies, and in retaining, preparing, or changing it, and on the other ſide in rejecting whatever is ſuperfluous or hurtful, after ſhe has ſeparated it from the good. The Phyſick of Hippocrates generally turns upon this hinge, as alſo upon that inclination, which, as he ſuppoſes, every thing has to be joyn • d with what agrees with it, and to remove from all that is contrary to it ſelf ſuppoſing firſt an affinity between the ſeveral parts of the body, which is the reaſon that they ſympathize reciprocally in the ills they ſuffer, as they ſhare the good that arrives to them in common; according to the great Maxim which he eſtabliſhes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . that every thing concurs, conſents, and conſpires together in the body, with relation to the animal O Economy, as we ſhall find more particularly in the following Chapter.

Thus I have ſhown what it is that Hippocrates calls nature. He no otherwiſe deſcribes this principle of ſo many ſurprizing operations, unleſs it be that he ſeems to compare it to a certain heat whereof he ſpeaks after this manner.De Car •• bus. What we call heat or hot, ſeems to me to have ſomething of immortal in it, that underſtands all, that ſees and knows as well what is preſent, as what is to come. At leaſt we find a great reſemblance between the effects which he aſcribes to that heat, of which more hereafter, and thoſe which he attributes to nature.

As for the reſt, altho Hippocrates acknowledges in ſome places, fire, water, air, and earth, or fire and water in particular, to be the firſt elements of the bodies, yet he ſeems in others to admit three different principles, the ſolid, the liquid, or the humid; and the Spirits, which he explains otherwiſe 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Equidem lib. vi ſect. viii. by the container, the contained, and that which gives motion. But as he particularly made uſe of theſe principles to explain all the accidents of humane body, we ſhall forbear to give his meaning of them, till we come to that Chapter.

In one of Hippocrates's Books, which is entituled, of Fleſh, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the latter is more natural, and anſwers the ſubject of the Book better. according to others of principles, we find ſomething very ſingular concerning the formation of the univerſal world, and of Animals in particular. He at firſt ſuppoſes that the production of man, or his being, that he has a Soul, that he is in health or that he is ſick, all his good and ill fortune in the world, that he is born or dies to proceed from things 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . elevated and above us, or the coeleſtial bodies. By this we may underſtand the Stars, the influences of which, according to this Author, have no ſmall power over humane bodies. But he explains himſelf, when he aſcribes all the above-mention'd things to that immortal heat, of which above, that is generally ſuppos'd to be the ſame thing with what he calls nature in other places.

The greateſt part of the heat, continues he, that I have deſcrib'd, having gain • d the higheſt place, at the time of the Chaos, form'd that which the ancients call'd the Aether, another part of this heat, or the greateſt part of the heat which remain'd, continuing in the loweſt ſpace, which is call'd Earth, there was a meeting of Cold and Dry there, and a great diſpoſition to motion. A third part keeping the middle ſpace between the Aether and the Earth, made what we call the Air, which is likewiſe ſomewhat hot. At laſt, a fourth part, that lay neareſt to the Earth, and was the thickeſt and moſt humid of all, form'd what we call water. All theſe things having been jumbled together by a circular motion, at the time of the above-mention'd Chaos, that portion of heat which continu'd in the earth, being diſpers'd into ſeveral places, and divided into ſeveral parts, in one place more, and leſs in another, the earth was dried up by this means, and form'd as it were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . membranes or tunicles, in which the matter growing hot, as it were by a ſort of fermentation, that which was moſt oyly and leaſt moiſt, was quickly burnt, and ſo form'd the Bones, but that which was more viſcid, and in ſome meaſure cold, not being combuſtible, form'd the Nerves, or rather the Tendons and Ligaments which are hard and ſolid. As for the Veins, they were form'd of the coldeſt and moſt viſcid parts, the more glutionous parts being dry'd by the heat, and from thence came the Membranes and Skins, of which they are compos'd. The cold particles which had nothing in them oleous or viſcid, being diſſolv'd, produc'd the humour or liquor which theſe Membranes incloſe. The Bladder with its contents were form'd after the ſame manner, as were alſo all the other cavities.

In thoſe parts, continues Hippocrates, where the glutinous exceeds the fat, the Membranes are made, and in thoſe where the fat is ſtronger than the glutinous, Bones are produc'd. The Brain •• ing the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the Capital City. ſeat or proper place of cold and glutinous, which the heat cou'd neither diſſolve not burn, tis firſt of all formed of the membranes in its ſuperſ •• e, and afterwards of bones, by the means of a ſmall portion of fat, which the heat had roaſted, the marrow of the back-bone is made after the ſame manner, being cold and glutinous like the brain, and conſequently very different from the marrow of the bones, which being only fat is not cover'd with any membranes. The heart having likewiſe a great deal of glutinous matter in it, became ha • d and glutinous fleſh, inclos'd in a membrane, and hollow. The Lungs being near the heart are thus formed. The heart by its own heat preſently dries up the moſt viſcid part of the moiſture, makes a ſort of ſcumm full of Pipes and Channels, being likewiſe filled with divers little veins. The Liver is made of a great quantity of moiſt and hot, that has nothing fat or viſcid in it, ſo that the cold being too ſtrong for the hot, the humid is coagulated or thicken'd.

Upon the ſame foot Hippocrates reaſons about the production of the Spleen, the Reins, and ſome other parts. What we have already cited may ſerve to give a Specimen of his manner of Philoſophizing. Upon which I make this reflection, that this Syſtem of Hippocrates ſeems to be not very different from that of Heraclitus; the heat by which the former ſuppoſes all things to have been produced, being very near the ſame thing with fire, which according to the latter was the origine or principle of all Bodies, as we have obſerved above in the Chapter of that Philoſopher. Several paſſages may be taken out of the firſt Book of Diet to confirm what we have advanc'd. In a word, ſays he in one place of this Book the Fire has diſpos • d all things in the body in imitation of the Ʋniverſe, &c.

But while we are upon the Philoſophy of Hippocrates, leſt the Alchymiſts ſhou'd take it ill at our hands, we muſt by no means omit this paſſage in the firſt Book above-mention'd, viz. that thoſe that work in Gold, beat it, waſh it, and melt it by a gentle Fire, becauſe a violent fire is not proper for ſuch a buſineſs. 'Tis pretended that Hippocrates here, had an Eye on the myſtery of the Philoſophers Stone, of which we ſhall have occaſion to ſpeak in the ſecond part of this Hiſtory.

And this may ſuffice for his Philoſophy. Let us now deſcend from the general principles of bodies, to the particular principles of the human body, and leaving all Philoſophical reflections, let us ſee what obſervations we can find in Anatomy there, for thoſe properly belong to the Hiſtory of Phyſick. Thoſe that are minded to ſee more particularly how far Hippocrates carried his Philoſophy, may conſult the Books de Flatibus, de natura hominis, the firſt de natura pueri, de dieta, and ſome others. But the Reader ought to be inform'd, that the above-mention'd treatiſes are ſuſpected to be ſpurious, and not to belong to him. His opinion concerning the ſeat of the Soul is to be found in the following Chapter.

CHAP. III. Of the Anatomy of Hippocrates.

'TIs a difficult matter to give a juſt extract of the Anatomy of Hippocrates, for three things hinder us from knowing ſo much of this ſubject as it is neceſſary we ſhou'd. In the firſt place we find ſeveral contradictions in the writings of Hippocrates, or rather in thoſe that are aſcrib'd to him. Secondly, tho we ſhou'd heap together all that he ſays of each part, 'twould be an imperfect account, and not very coherent, Laſtly, tho ſo many faults had not crept into the Text as there have, or there were leſs diſagreement in the original MSS. yet his ſtile is ſo conciſe, and there are ſome places in him ſo obſcure, as being frequently expreſſed in terms peculiar to himſelf, that are not to be found elſewhere, that 'tis extreamly difficult for one to underſtand him aright, tho he is never ſo great a maſter of the Greek Language.

For this reaſon we ſhould very much regret the loſs of one of Galen's Books, intituled, The Anatomy of Hippocrates, if we had not juſt reaſon to ſuſpect this Author of partiality, when he engages for the intereſts of this antient Phyſician, ſufficient proofs whereof we ſhall ſee below that purely belong to Anatomy.

The helps that a man might expect to find upon this occaſion from the modern Commentators, is but inconſiderable. If any light is to be had from them, we ought rather to truſt the antient interpreters than thoſe of our Age: becauſe it is to be feared, that the latter, full of their new diſcoveries, imagine they ſee them every where, like thoſe that can diſcover in Homer the moſt hidden myſteries of all Arts and Sciences; or thoſe quick-ſighted Genelemen, that can find the Philoſophers Stone, in all Books whatever, let the matter they treat of be what it will.

That we may not be charg'd with being guilty of this prepoſſeſſion, which we have condemn'd our ſelves, we will faithfully ſet down all that we cou'd find relating to this argument in the works of Hippocrates, and take particular care not to omit the leaſt thing about which the Anatomiſts of the following ages have had different opinions, or pretended to make any diſcovery, that ſo we may give every man his due, and rob none of the praiſe that really belongs to them.

I will not pretend to confine my ſelf to a certain order, but indifferently ſet down every thing as it comes to hand, and refer the Reader, that expects a continu'd deſcription, or a greater inſight into the nature, connexion, ſituation of the parts of the body, to a full treatiſe of Anatomy, which he will find in the Chapter of Galen.

De locis in homine. The nature of the Body, (ſays Hippocrates) is the principle or foundation on which all the reaſoning of Phyſick is built. One wou'd be apt to infer from hence, that he had a mind to recommend Anatomy as one of the principal means by which we may diſcover the nature of the body. What helps to confirm this conjecture, we find that immediately after he teaches what is the ſituation, compoſition, and uſe of the ſeveral parts. 'Tis undeniable, that Hippocrates wou'd have us ſtudy the nature of the body, but we may diſcover by ſome other places, that he thought we cou'd arrive to the knowledge of it no way ſo well, as in the practice of Phyſick, for he laughs at thoſe who fancy'd themſelves to be great Phyſicians, becauſe they knew ſomething in Anatomy.De Priſc. med • cin. Some Phyſiciansiand Philoſophers, ſays he, pretend that a man can't underſtand the art of Phyſick, unleſs he knows what man is, what is his firſt formation, and after what manner his Body is made. But for my part I am of opinion that all that has been ſaid or written about nature by theſe people belongs more to the art of Painting than it does to Phyſick, and am perſwaded that a man can't know nature clearly, but by the means of Phyſick, as thoſe that are well skill'd in that art, will ſoon perceive. Here he ſeems to addreſs himſelf to the Philoſophers that preceeded him, and to theſe of his own time, who, as we have obſerv'd, had thruſt themſelves into this profeſſion, and were the firſt that began to inſtruct themſelves in Anatomy. It has been remarked above that the Aſclepiadae, the Predeceſſors of Hippocrates, had other helps of knowing the humane body beſides Anatomy. As for Hippocrates, 'tis probable that he did not neglect this latter way, as being related to Philoſophy, which he had carefully ſtudied. There wou'd not be the leaſt pretence to doubt of this, if the little Book or fragment attributed to him and intituled little Book or fragment attributed to him and intituled Anatomy, was really of his writing, but this is not certain, ſince Erotiam who has given us a Catalogue of Hippocrates's Books, makes no mention of it. Be it as it will, we ſhall ſee anon how far he advanc'd in this Science, either by Anatomy, or any other method which we have touch'd upon in the Chapter of Aſclepiadae.

Hippocrates owns in one place that theLib. de Aliment. Veins come from the Liver, which is the origine and fountain of them, as the Heart is of the Arteries. In another place he maintains that the Veins and Arteries proceed equally from the Heart.Lib. de Carnibus. There are two hollow Veins that come from the Heart, one of which is call'd the Artery, and the other the Vena Cava. At that time all the Blood Veſſels were indifferently call'd Veins, and the word Artery properly ſignify'd the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . aſpera arteria, or the Wind-pipe. Nay, Hippocrates gives the name of Veins to the Ureters, and ſeems to beſtow the ſame appellation upon the Nerves, as we ſhall take notice below; beſides there are but few places where he formally diſtinguiſhes the Arteries from the Veins, and where he calls them Arteries, which may render the credit of thoſe books, or at leaſt of thoſe paſſages ſuſpicious, where this diſtinction is to be found.

The Artery, adds he, immediately after, contains more heat than the Vena Cava, and is the receptacle of the Spirits. There are other Veins in the Body beſides theſe two. As for that which is reported to be the largeſt of all, and next to the heart, it runs thro the Belly and the Diaphragm, and dividing itſelf into two ſtreams, viſits either Kidney towards the Loins. Above the heart this Vein divides to the right and to the left, and aſcending to the head, diſtributes itſelf to either Temple. We may, continues he, joyn the other Veins to this that are alſo very large, but to ſpeak all in a word, all the Veins that are diſpers'd thro the whole Body, come from the Vena Cava, and the Artery.

Here are already two opinions concerning the Origin of the Veins and Arteries: There is a third likewiſe to be found in two ſeveral paſſages in Hippocrates, whether in reſpect of the Origin of the Veins, or in reſpect of your diſtribution.Lib. de Oſſium naturâ & de Natur. humanâ. The largeſt veins of the Body, are, ſays he, diſpos'd after this manner. There are in all four pair; the firſt pair come out behind the head, and deſcending down the back part of the neek, on each ſide of the ſpine, come to the Hips and Thighs, paſs on thro the Legs to the outſide of each Foot. For this reaſon, in all pains of the Back and Hips, bleeding in the veins of the Hams and external Ancles, are of great relief; the ſecond pair coming likewiſe from the Head, run behind the Ears down the Neck; they are call • d the Jugulars, and run within the Spine down the Loins, where they divide on either ſide towards the Teſticles and Thighs, and the inſide of the Hams, from thence through the inward Ancles to the inſide of the foot. For this cauſe, in all pains of the Teſticles and Loins, bleeding in the veins of the Hams and internal Ancles is very ſerviceable. The third pair come out of the Temples, and run along the Neck towards the Shoulders and Lungs, from thence one turning from the right a little towards the left, runs under the Breaſt, to the Spleen and Kidneys, the other likewiſe turning from the left to the right, runs under the Breaſt to the Liver and Kidney. And theſe two branches terminate in the Rectum. The fourth part coming out of the fore part of the Head and Eyes, run under the Lungs and the Clavicles, and from thence thro the upper part of the Arm, paſs over the bending of the Elbow, to the back of the Hands and Fingers, and thence they return again thro the palm of the Hand, on the inſide of the Elbow, and under the Arm to the Arm-pits, and upon the ſurface of the ſide, one to the Spleen and the other to the Liver. At length both branches running over the Belly, terminate in the privities.

To ſalve the contradiction between theſe two laſt paſſages, it may be urg'd that the Book of the nature of the Bones, from whence this latter is drawn, is not Hippocrates's, but Polybius, his Son-in-Law's. Neither Galen nor Erotian take notice of this Book among the works of Hippocrates. They have not ſo much as taken notice of the name, tho they ſeem to have explain'd certain words found in it.

There is a paſſage ofDe Generat. Anim. lib. 3. cap. 3. Ariſtotle, wherein this Philoſopher ſpeaking of the Origin and deſtribution of the Veins, and relating the ſeveral ſentiments of the Phyſicians thereupon, cites theſe very words of this Book of the nature of the Bones, which we have tranſlated, and cites them as Polybius's. This proof were ſufficient, but it removes not all the difficulty; for we read the very ſame words in the Book of Human Nature, which Galen maintains ſtrongly to be Hippocrates's, pretending to prove it by the Authority ofPlaton. Phaedr. Plato, who, as he ſays, has quoted a paſſage out of it, tho others have aſcrib'd this Book to Democritus. Nevertheleſs Galen himſelf De Hippocrat. & Platon. decre • . l. 6. c. 3. But Pelops. Galen's Maſter, was of another mind, maintaining, that Hippocrates held, as himſelf alſo did, that the Veins and Arteries, as well as Nerves, had their Origine from the Brain. denies this later opinion touching the origin and deſtribution of the Veins, to be Hippocrates's, or even Polybius's; but affirms that it muſt have been foyſted ſurreptitiouſly into the Text. But this is not probable, for we find the ſame opinion in the Book de locis in Homine.

There is another difficulty relating to the Book of the fleſh or of the principles, from whence was taken what we ſaid in the firſt place, that the Veins and Arteries came out of the Heart. Ariſtotle in the afore-cited paſſage, after having remarked that almoſt all the Phyſicians conſented with Polybius to bring the veins from the Head, concludes they were all in an error, not knowing that they came from the Heart, and not from the Head. If Hippocrates be the Author of that Book of the Fleſh, wherein this opinion of Ariſtotle is plainly laid down, how is it likely this Philoſopher ſhould not know it? Why ſhould he not as well have read the Writings of Hippocrates, as thoſe of Polybius?

From hence we may infer, that this Book is no more Hippocrates's, than that of the Nature of the Bones: Perhaps Ariſtotle choſe rather in this place to cite Polybius or Synneſis of Cyprus, and Diogenes Apolloniates, Phyſicians of ſmall reputation in compariſon of Hippocrates, than to cite Hippocrates himſelf, whoſe Name we ſind but inPolit • c. li. 7. cap. 4. one place of his Works, and there mentioned only en paſſant; perhaps, I ſay, he has omitted to quote him out of malice or envy.

Plato ſhew'd more honour, having made honorable mention of him in ſeveral places. Perhaps the Book in queſtion was not Hippocrates's, for neither do we find the Title of it in the Liſt that Erotian gives of his Works.

Of the deſcription of the HEART.

Amongſt the Anatomical Books aſcrib'd to Hippocrates, there is none written with more exactneſs than that of the Heart, which being very ſhort, we give you here the entire Tranſlation of it.

The Heart, ſays the Author of this Book, is of a Pyramidal figure, its colour is a deep red. It is encompaſſed on all ſides with a clos'd Membrane, in which is a ſmall quantity of moiſture like Urine; ſo that the Heart is as it were in a ſort of Bladder. It was form'd after this manner, in a Caſe, for its better defence. Of the Liquor, there is but juſt as much as is neceſſary for the refreſhment of the Heart, and to preſerve it from being overheated. It diſtils from the Heart, which draws to it part of the moiſture, which the Lungs reſerve from the Drink. For when any one drinks moſt of it falls into the Stomach, the OEſophagus The Gullet. being as it were a Tunnel which receives what we ſwallow whether Liquid or Solid. But theThe upperpart of the Wind-pipe. Pharynx draws a little of the Liquor into its cleft, the Epiglottis, which is as it were the lid of the Pharynx, hindering the greateſt part of it from falling into it. As a proof of this, if we make any Animal whatſoever, eſpecially a Hog, drink Water tinged with blue or red, and cut his throat while he is drinking, we ſhall find this water charged with the Tincture. But every one is not fit to make this experiment. We are not to make any difficulty of believing that part of the drink ſlips into the Aſpera Arteria. But it may be ask'd how comes it then to paſs, that in drinking too ſwift, the Water getting into the cleft of the Pharynx, raiſes a violent Cough. It is becauſe the quantity of the Water being too great, oppoſes directly the return of the Air from the Lungs in expiration. Whereas when a little ſlips in at the clift, ſlipping gently down the ſides of the Aſpera Artiria, it hinders not the Air from Riſing. But on the contrary facilitates the paſſage by moiſtening theWindpipe. Aſpera Arteria.

The Heart draws the moiſture from the Lungs at the time of inſpiration, and after the Air hath ſerv • d the uſe of the Heart, it returns by the way it came. But the Heart ſucks up a part of the moiſture which paſſes into its Bag, letting the reſt return with the Air.

This Air being return'd as far as the Pallate. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . eſcapes thro a double paſſage, and it is neceſſary that it ſhou'd go out and the moiſture alſo, they being of no uſe to the nouriſhment of the Body. How can Wind and Crude water ſerve for the nouriſhment to a man, not but that one and t'other have their uſe, for they ſerve to fortifie the Heart againſt the Evil it is naturally afflicted with, that is exceſſive heat.

The Heart is a very ſtrong Muſcle, not for its Tendons, but for the hardneſs and compactneſs of the Fleſh. It has two diſtinct Ventricles in one incloſure,E. v 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . one on one ſide, and t'other on t'other, which are not like to one another; the one is on the right-ſide, at the mouth of the great Vein, and the other on the left, and they take up almoſt the whole Heart. The cavity of the firſt is greater than that of the latter, and is more ſoft, but it extends not quite to the point of the Heart, the extremity of which is ſolid, it appears as if it were ſewed or fixed to the Heart. The Left Ventricle is ſituated directly under the Left Nipple, to which it anſwers in a right Line, and where its pulſation or beating may be felt. Its ſides are thick, and it has a cavity like that of a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Mortar, which anſwers to the Lungs, which moderate by their nearneſs the exceſſive heat of this Ventricle; for the Lungs are naturally cold, and receive a further refreſhment by the inſpiration of the Air. Both theſe Ventricles are rough, and as it were coroded within, eſpecially the Left. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . The natural fire or heat which is born with us, has not its Seat in the Right, and it is ſomething wonderous that the Left, which receives from the Lungs an Air, which is not temper'd or mix'd, ſhou'd be the moſt rugged; it was likewiſe made thicker than the other, for the better preſervation of the aforeſaid heat. The Orifices of theſe Ventricles are not viſible, till the Ears of the heart be firſt open'd or cut off, and its head or baſis: When they are cut off, we find two Orifices in either Ventricle, but the Vena Cava which comes out of one of them, is not ſeen after it is cut. Theſe are the Fountains of Human Nature, and from hence flow thoſe Springs that ſerve the whole body. Theſe are the ſtreams that give life to Man, and when they dry up he dies.

At the Exit of theſe Veins (the Vena Cava, and great Artery) and all round the mouth of theſe Ventricles, there are certain ſoft and hollow bodies called the Ears of the heart; they have not, however, any perforations like the Ears, nor do they ſerve to hear ſounds, but they are the Inſtruments by which Nature draws the Air, and ſhew themſelves the Work of an Ingenious Workman, who conſidering the Heart ought to be veryThe Author ſays this place is very obſcure, that he has tranſlated it as well as he cou'd; that if he has not ſucceeded extraordinarily in it, that he has for his comfort the company of the reſt of the Interpreters in his misfortune. ſolid, as being form'd of blood coagulated or thickned at the mouth of the veins, and that it ought to have likewiſe the faculty of drawing, has fix'd Bellows to it as Smiths do to their Forges, that it might draw the Air by this means. In confirmation of this, we ſee the Heart in one part continually agitating it ſelf, and the Ears in particular to dilate and ſubſide in their turns. I am likewiſe of opinion, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . the ſmall veins draw the Air in the Left Ventricle, and the Artery in the Right. I ſay likewiſe, that that which is ſoft, is moſt proper to draw and to be inflated, and that it was neceſſary that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , by which the Author ſuppoſes the right Ventricle of the Heart to be meant. But I rather think, that the Auricles were ſtill intended, as by comparing them with the precedent and ſubſequent expreſſions will appear. what was fix'd to the Heart ſhou'd be refreſhed, ſince it partakes of the heat; but the Engine which draws the Air ought not to be ſo large, leſt it ſhou'd overcome the heat.

I ought likewiſe, ſays Hippocrates, to deſcribe the hidden Membranes of the Heart, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . which are an admirable Work; ſome are ſpread within the ventricles of the Heart like Spiders Webs, they cloſe the Orifices of the ventricles of the Heart, and ſend their threads into the ſubſtance of the Heart. They ſeem to me to beSee the Chapter of the Nerves. the Nerves or the Tendons of this Entrail, and the Origin or Place from whence they ſpringT •• Aorta ſignifies the great Artery only in all the ſucceeding Anatomiſts, h •• Hippocrates, under that name, comprehends the Vena Arterioſa alſo. the Aortae. Theſe Membranes are diſpoſed by pairs; for to every Orifice, Nature has fram'd three, which are round above in the form of a Semi-circle. Thoſe that know theſe Membranes, wonder how they can ſhut the Aortae.

And if any one 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Which words Foeſius tranſlates thus: Siquis veteris inſtituti probè gnarus, mortui animalis corde exempto, hanc quidem demat, illam vero reclinet, ne que aqua in cor penetrare, nec; Flatus emitti poterit. And Cornarius, much after the ſame manner. Siquis veteris, eximendi cor mortui, moris goarus, aliam auferat aliam reclinet, neque aqua, &c.

Why theſe Tranſlators render the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , by that of Mos, or Inſtitutum, which it does not ſignifie, is a myſtery to me; it ought to be tranſlared Ordo, with relation to the Membranes: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , according to Erotian, is an Attick Word, ſigniſ • ing 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or Order. I explain alſ • the Word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ancient, by the term Natural, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Ordo vetus, ſeu naturalis. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , ſays Erotian, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 auferat, I read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 firmet, which I ſuppoſe to be the true reading, but that the former crept into its place through the error of the Copiſts, miſled by affinity of the ſound of thoſe two Words.

who underſtands the ancient Order (or the natural Order and Diſpoſition of this Membrane) takes out one rank (or keeps one rank ſtretch'd) and cloſes the other, neither water nor wind can get into the Heart. Theſe Membranes are diſpoſed with more Art, or more Exactneſs, on the Left-ſide than the Right. The reaſon of this is, becauſe the Soul of Man, or the Reaſonable Soul, which is above the other Soul, has its Seat in the Left ventricle of the Heart. This Soul has not its nouriſhment from the Meat which comes from the Belly, but from a pure luminous Matter ſeparated from the Blood. This Matter which ſerves for Aliment to the Soul, is abundantly furniſhed from the neighbouring Receptacle of the Blood, and caſts its Rays round, as the Natural nouriſhment, which comes from the Inteſtines and Belly, is diſtributed into all parts; and for fear, leſt that which is contained in the Artery, ſhou'd hinder the courſe of the nouriſhment of the Soul, and give a check to its motion, the Orifice of this Artery is cloſed as aforeſaid, for the great Artery is nouriſhed from the belly and inteſtines, and not by this firſt or principal nouriſhment. But the great Artery is not nouriſhed by the blood, which we ſee, as is manifeſt by opening the left ventricle of any Animal, for we find it quite empty, or find nothing in it but ſerous humour, or a little Bile, and the aforeſaid Membranes, but the Artery is never without blood, nor the right ventricle. This Veſſel therefore gave occaſion to the making of thoſe Membranes for the paſſage out of the right ventricle, is likewiſe furniſhed with Membranes, but the blood moves upon that ſide but feebly. This way is open on the ſide, to carry the blood thither for its nouriſhment, but it is ſhut towards the heart; ſo that way is left for the air to paſs inſenſibly from the lungs to the heart, not in great quantities, for the heat which in this part is but feeble, wou'd be over-power'd by the cold, the blood not being naturally warm, no more than water which receives its heat from elſewhere, tho moſt believe it's hot in its own nature.

This Book of the Heart will give us the greateſt Idea of the Anatomy of Hippocrates and his exactneſs, but it is one of thoſe that is not acknowledg • d, either by Erotian or Galen. What the Author ſays in the beginning of this Book, of the paſſage of one part of the drink into the Lungs, being a very ancient Opinion, and maintained by Plato, who muſt have it from the Phyſicians that preceded him, of which Hippocrates was moſt conſiderable; we might infer, that the Book in which this Opinion is maintained is his: but thoſe who forged this Book, might on purpoſe inſert this opinion to warrant its antiquity. We ſhall ſee hereafter further proofs that it is ſpurious, in the Chapters of Ariſtotle and Eraſiſtratus. This opinion is repeated in the Book of the Nature of the Bones. It is indeed amply refuted in the fourth book of Diſeaſes, but moſt Authors agree this later book not to be Hippocrates's. We ſhall find ſomething more of importance in the Chapters of the Fibres.

We have ſeen already three different Opinions taken from the Writings of Hippocrates, concerning the Origin of the Veins; there is yet a fourth, and what is more particular. This later opinion is to be found in the ſame book with the third; I mean the book of the Nature of the Bones, in which the Veins are derived from the Head. The paſſage is this: The veins which are ſpread thro' the body, and which give it See the Chapter of the Nerves. the ſpirit, the flux and the motion, are all branches of one Vein; whence it draws its Origin, or it terminates, I know not, but ſuppoſing a Circle a beginning is not to be found.

Something like this is what we read inDe locis in hom. ſub initia. another place. There is no origin or beginning in the body, but the parts are equally both beginning and end, for in a Circle there is no beginning. There are ſome other paſſages parallel to theſe.Lib. de Al • men. The nouriſhment comes from the inward parts to the hair, nails, and outward ſuperficies. It goes likewiſe from the external parts and ſuperficies, to the internal. All agree, conſent and conſpire together in the body. And a little after:Ibid. The great Principle reaches to the extremities, and the extremities to the great Principle. Ibid. The Milk and the Blood come from the ſuperfluity of the nouriſhment, or are the remainder of the nouriſhment of the body. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . The ſame word is to be found in the firſt book of Diet. We find there likewiſe theſe following words: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to turn about, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 gyration, or turning round; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , terms uſed by Hippocrates, to ſignifie the Mechaniſm of our bodies, by an alluſion to the methods uſed by Artificers of all ſorts in their Shops. The Circulations go a great way in relation to the Faetus, and to the nouriſhment; after the nouriſhment is perform'd, what remains returns and turns to Milk, and becomes nouriſhment to the Mother, and afterwards to the Faetus. And again, the ſame way which leads upwards, leads alſo downwards; or, there is but one way which goes both upwards and downwards.

De Loc. in Hom. All the Veins communicate, and run one into another; for ſome are joyn'd immediately together, others communicate by ſmall veins, which run from the Trunk of one to another, and which ſerve to nouriſh the fleſh.

De Natur. hom. There are a great number of different veins which come from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . So read all the MSS. ſays Foeſius. Yet Galen reads 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , from the Vena Cava. the Ventricle or Belly, by which the nouriſhment is conveyed into all the parts of the body. The ſame nouriſhment paſſes alſo from the great veins, as well internal as external, to the belly, and the reſt of the body. Theſe veins ſupply one another reciprocally with nouriſhment, thoſe without to thoſe within, and thoſe within to thoſe without.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Epidem. lib 6. ſect. 6. The fleſh draws from the belly, and likewiſe from without; and our ſenſes diſcover to us, that all the body is tranſpirable, from within to without, and from without to within. Hippocrates ſpeaks in another place of the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 De Diet. acut. See the whole paſſage at length in the Chapter of Blood letting. reſt of the blood and ſpirits in the Veſſels, which ſuppoſes a precedent motion.

We have both related and render'd as exactly as poſſible, the foregoing paſſages concerning the motion of the blood, ſpirits, and nouriſhments in the body, becauſe they ſeem to point at the moſt conſiderable Anatomical diſcoveries of our Age. Hippocrates did unqueſtionably acknowledge a ſort of circulation of the blood and humours: the aforecited paſſages are in expreſs words. He uſes alſo in another place, a term by which the Greeks uſed to ſignifie 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , lib. de humor. in prin. the reflux of the Sea, to expreſs the return of the humours from the skin to the centre of the body.

It is neceſſary here, to avoid a fallacy, in giving to Hippocrates the honour of a diſcovery reſerved to our Age, to make the following Remarks. It is apparent that this ancient Phyſician held this flux and reflux, or this circulation, to be made thro' the ſame Veſſels which carry'd and brought back indifferently from the Centre to the Circumference, and from the Circumference to the Centre again. As for what eſcaped the known Veſſels, it paſs'd according to himDe morb. lib. 4. thro inſenſible channels, and ways undiſcoverable, which yet were open as long as the Animal liv'd, according to the principles laid down by him and related by us, that all conſents, conſpires and agrees together in the body, or that all is tranſpirable from within to without, and from without to within.

If theſe Principles ſerved his turn in this caſe, the attraction ſpoken of before, and the faculties ſubſervient to Nature, brought him off eaſily for the reſt; that is, that the motions of the blood and humours were uſually determined by neceſſity and attraction. De Nat. • uer. The blood, ſays he, which by the order of nature deſcends but once a month to the Womb, flows thither every day while the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Seed or Faetus therein contained, draws what is neceſſary for it, according to its ſtrength, and has its reſpiration greater or leſs. at firſt, the reſpiration of the Faetus being very ſmall, little blood comes from the Womb; but as by this reſpiration increaſes the Faetus draws more blood. and it deſcends in greater quantities into the Womb.

Nor does the Faetus only draw, but all the parts likewiſe.De Morb. lib. 4. The Ventricle or Stomach, ſays Hipporates elſewhere, is a fountain which furniſhes all the body when it is full; but when it is empty, it draws in its turn from the body which exhauſted it. The Heart, the Spleen, the Liver, and the Head, are the fountains which ſupply the other parts, and in their turns draw from them. There are in Hippocrates a hundred paſſages like theſe, ſome of which we ſhall take notice of in the ſequel. The Office of Nature, or the Faculties, is, according to him, to regulate the attraction, and provide for all the neceſſities of the Animal; Nature, as we have obſerved, or its Faculties, nouriſh, and make every thing to grow and increaſe.

We ſhall add but a word or two more upon the ſubject of the motion of the blood in the Veins and Arteries, by which we may judge of the Idea Hippocratet has had of it. There are, ſays he, De loc. in Hom. This Book is by univerſal conſent agreed to be genuine. two other By this name Hippocrates understands as well the Arteries as Veins. veins which beat continually; theſe veins are the only ones in the body that contain no blood, for the blood turns from 'em. Now that which turns away, or returns, is a contrary motion to that which comes forward on that ſide; ſo that the firſt retiring, or withdrawing from theſe veins, and that which comes from above, endeavouring to deſcend, they do not agree, but puſh one another by turns, and mix and circulate one with another, which produces the pulſation or beating of theſe veins.

We ſay nothing at preſent of the extraordinary motions of the blood and humours; we reſerve them for the next Chapter. I know that ſome of the greateſt Riolan. and ſeveral others. Anatomiſts and Phyſicians of the Age, Men very learned in the Languages, and all ſorts of Literature, have done, and yet do believe, that the aforecited paſſages go abundance further. We ſhall have occaſion to examine their Opinion in the Second Part of this Hiſtory.

Of the BRAIN.

Lib. de Gland. Galen ſuppoſes this Book to be ſpurious.The Brain is reckoned by Hippocrates among the Glands, becauſe it appeared to him of the ſame nature, being white, fryalble and ſpungy as they were. And he believed, that the Brain ſucked up the ſuperfluous humours of the body like the other Glands, which being all of a ſpungy nature, imbibe, ſays he, moiſture eaſily.

But there is this further of the Brain; That the Head being hollow and round, draws inceſſantly, like a ſort of Cupping-glaſs, the moiſture from the reſt of the body, which riſes in the form of a vapour; after which, it being over-charged, it ſends it down to the lower parts, eſpecially the Glands, from whence come Defluxions and Catarrhs.

Hippocrates in ſome other places, makes the BrainLib. de Morb. ſacro. the Seat of Wiſdom and Ʋnderſtanding, altho', as we have ſeen before, he lodges theLib. de Corde. Soul, which is the ſame thing with the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Ʋnderſtanding in the Left Ventricle of the Heart. Hippocrates takes notice elſewhere, that the Brain wasDe loc. in hom. cloathed with two Membranes, the one thick and the other thin. We ſhall have further occaſion to ſpeak of the Brain and its Membranes, when we ſpeak of the Senſes and their Organs.

Of the NERVES.

If Hippocrates's Anatomy of the Brain be very ſcanty, he has yet leſs of the Nerves. To underſtand rightly the following Remarks, we muſt take notice that the Greek Anatomiſts that came after Hippocrates, diſtinguiſhed three ſorts of parts which were before confounded; the Nerves called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which are the paſſages of the Animal Spirits, which communicates ſenſe and motion to all the parts of the Body, the Tendons, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which come from the Muſcles, and ſerve to contract or extend the Members and the Ligaments, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which ſerve peculiarly to ſtrengthen the Articulations of the Bones. Hippocrates has given the firſt of theſe names indifferently to all the three parts; ſo that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Nerve, did as well and as often ſignifie in him a Tendon and a Ligament. He ſeems ſometimes to mean by it a Nerve, tho', according to Galen, Hippocrates uſes generally the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in that ſignification.

There is a paſſage in the pre-notions of Cos, where he ſpeaks of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . internal Nerves and ſlender Nerves, by which may be underſtood the Nerves properly ſo call'd.

There is likewiſe another paſſage, wherein thoſe names ſeem to be given to the true Nerves.Lib. de Oſſ. Nat. The Riſe or Origin of theſe Nerves, ſays Hippocrates, is from the back part of the Head, continuing along the Spine of the Back to the Iſchium; whence come the Nerves which go to the Privities, to the Thighs, the Legs, the Feet, and the Hands, and diſtribute themſelves even to the Arms, one part going into the Fleſh, the other along the Bone, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Perone to the Thumb, while it traverſes the fleſh to the reſt of the Fingers. It goes alſo to the Blades of the Shoulders, to the Breaſt, and to the Belly, through the Bones, and through the Ligaments. There come alſo others from the Privities, which taking their courſe by the Anus, tend toward the cavity of the Hips, proceeding afterwards part upon the upper part of the Thigh, and part under the Knees; they continue to the Tendon and Bone of the Heel, to the Feet, and ſome to the Perone, and ſome others to the Reins.

Hippocrates ſeems here to ſpeak of real Nerves, yet when he comes in the ſame Book, to aſſign the uſe of the Nerves, which he deſigns by the ſame name, he confounds them with the Tendons. The Nerves, ſays he, ſerve to bend, to contract, and extend the Members.

In this later place, the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Nerve may perhaps ſignifie a Tendon, whereas in the former it ſignifies a Nerve. But if Hippocrates knew the Nerves, he ſeems to have been a ſtranger to their uſe, for in the ſame paſſage he gives there the proper Office to the veins. By the whole paſſage we may ſee what he thought of the uſes of ſome other parts: The Bones, ſays he; give the form to the Body, and ſupport it. The Nerves bind, contract and extend the Members. The fleſh and the skin unite all the parts together. The veins which are ſpread thro' the whole body carry 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the Spirit, the flood or facility of flowing, and the motion. By theſe veins which carry the Spirit, &c. we are to underſtand the Arteries, by what has been before obſerv'd of the Office Hippocrates allots them. There is yet another paſſage in the fourth Book of Diet, where he ſpeaks of the paſſage of the ſpirits through the veins and through the blood; and obſerves, that 'tis their natural way. Convulſions, the Palſie, ſudden Speechleſneſs and Vertigoes, are there taken notice of as effects of the interception of the ſpirits in the veins; and the Apoplexy ſeems to be intended by the name of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Interception of the veins. See anon the paſſage at length, in the Chapter of Blood-letting.

As for the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which as we have ſaid generally ſignify'd a Nerve, we muſt examine the principal paſſages wherein it is found, that we may give the truer judgment of it. The following are the moſt conſiderable paſſages. We ſhall firſt propoſe one, wherein Hippocrates, after having laid down ſome of the Symptoms that accompany a diſlocation of the Thigh bone forward, adds,Lib. de Artic. That in ſuch a diſlocation they feel abundance of pain, and that there is a ſuppreſſion of Ʋrine, becauſe the head of that bone preſſes upon very conſiderable Nerves, ſo that it cauſes a Tumour in the Groin. Galen, upon this paſſage ſays,In Lib. de Artic. Comment. 3. That by theſe conſiderable Nerves Hippocrates meant the Nerves which go along with the Vein and Artery thro' the Groin, which are call d 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . conſiderable, or of great power, becauſe they are near the ſpinal Marrow, and come out at the ſame place with thoſe that go to the bladder. Hence it is, that the head of the Thigh-bone being diſplaced this way, the bladder it ſelf ſuffers, and ſuch an inflamation ariſes, that no Ʋrine can paſs. It ſometimes alſo happens as Galen ſays, That the Ʋrine is ſtopp • d with the greatneſs of the inflamation, which reaches to the neck of the bladder and the ſphincter Muſcle, and ſtops by that means the paſſage.

If the ſuppreſſion of Urine ſpoken of, ariſes from the compreſſion of the Nerves deſign'd by Galen, we ſhould rather attribute this ſymptom to a Stupifaction, or a ſort of Palſie of the bladder, than to an inflamation of it, an inflamation being not ſo natural a conſequence of the compreſſion of the Nerves as numbneſs; but Hippocrates himſelf ſeems to acknowledge, that this inflamation is the effect of the pain preceding, and this makes me ſuſpect, that by theſe Nerves he meant no more than the Fibrous and Tendinous parts of the Muſcles of the bladder, or near it.

We find in the ſame Book another paſſage, wherein Hippocrates ſeems to deſign the Nerves by the name 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . If you would, ſays he, cauterize or burn the skin under the Armpits, you muſt take care of going too forward, or taking too much, for fear of hurting ſome conſiderable Nerves, which are near the Glands of that part. Galen wou'd have it, that Hippocrates here points at the Nerves that come from the ſpinal Marrow to the Arms; and, indeed, it ſeems as if he cou'd mean nothing elſe. Nevertheleſs, what Hippocrates adds preſently after, perſwades me that he deſigns nothing but the Tendons of the Muſcles which draw the Arm downwards. You muſt know, ſays he, that when you have lifted up the Arm very high, you cannot lay hold on the skin of the Arm-pit, at leaſt not ſo as to extend it; the Arm being lifted up, the skin which was under the Arm-pit diſappears, or can't be pinch'd: And you muſt further take care of the Nerves, which in this poſture advance, and are extended very much, which muſt in no manner be hurt. He uſes alſo in this place the ſame name 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .

The ſame Book likewiſe furniſhes us with a third paſſage, wherein we meet the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , repeated ſeveral times it is in ſpeaking of the Articulations of the Vertebrae; but all that he ſays there, ſeems better explicable of the Ligaments than of the Nerves properly ſo call'd.

We find likewiſe in anotherDe Morb. vulgar. lib. 2. ſect. 4. Book of Hippocrates the following paſſage: There are two Nerves, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which come from the Brain, which paſſing behind the great Vertebrae, draw ſidewards from above towards the Gullet or Oeſophagus, and touching the Artery on both ſides, join again as if there were but one, and terminate where the Vertebrae and the Diaphragma take their Origin, or are join'd. Some have ſuppoſed that theſe Nerves parting in this place, tended towards the Liver and towards the Spleen. There is another Nerve which proceeds from each ſide the Vertebrae along the Spine, and paſſing obliquely over the Vertebrae, diſperſes it ſelf into the ſides. And theſe Nerves, as well as the Veins, (of which I ſpoke before) ſeem to traverſe the Diaphragm, and terminate in the Meſentery: Theſe Nerves re-joining again at the place where the Diaphragm takes its Origin, and paſſing through the middle below the Artery return to the Vertebrae, and at laſt loſe themſelves in the Os Sacrum.

It is impoſſible to tranſlate this paſſage well by reaſon of its obſcurity; it is taken from a fragment of Anatomy in the Book before cited, which appears to be out of its place, having no coherence with any thing, either antecedent or conſequent, yet Galen has commented upon this Book of Hippocrates, Comment, in lib. de arti • . for he relates ſome of the firſt words of the paſſage we have tranſlated, which proves that the fragment from whence it was taken, was inſerted even in his time in the place where we now find it. Galen contents himſelf to inſinuate in two words, that this paſſage treats of real Nerves, without giving himſelf the trouble to explain it entire; and perceiving that this paſſage was little for the honour of Hippocrates, he goes about to excuſe him, ſaying, What he writ was only for a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Memorandum for himſelf, and not to treat exactly to the bottom of this matter. And to give the more credit to it, he adds, That the firſt and third Books of his Epidemicks were the only Books which Hippocrates finiſhed, or that he wrote with any deſign of publiſhing. The paſſage here meant being taken out of the ſecond, which, according to Galen, was but a ſort of Meddly which the Author had not digeſted; this may be ſo, but he ought to have ſhewn that Hippocrates had elſewhere ſpoken better, or more clearer, on this head.

It is to no purpoſe to perplex our ſelves to find in an Author what he has not; if we ſhou'd allow that this ancient Phyſician, and the Aſclepiades his predeceſſors, knew or had ſeen ſome conſiderable Trunk of Nerves, as it was hard if the practice of Chirurgery gave them no occaſion, they appear not to have diſtinguiſh'd them well from Tendons or Ligaments, nor to have known the true uſe of them.

See the Chapter of Blood-letting.The forecited paſſage, in which Hippocrates aſſigns to the Veins and Arteries the Office of the Nerves, is a convincing proof of his Ignorance on that ſubject; but there cannot be a better proof than we find in the Writings of this Phyſician, and the manner of his reaſoning withVid. lib. • . Alcmaeon, and other Philoſophers of his time, about Hearing, Smelling, and the reſt of the Senſes; therein we do not ſee that either one o • t other ſo much as ſuſpected the ſhare the Nerves have in Senſation.

Of the Organs of SENSE.

We have ſeen before Alcmaeon's Opinion: The following deſcriptions of the Organs of Senſe are taken from Hippocrates. Lib. de Carn. The Ears, ſa's he, have a hole which butts upon a bone as hard and dry as a ſtone, to which is join'd a Fiſtulous cavity, or a ſort of paſſage oblique and narrow, at the entry of which there is a Membrane extreamly fine and dry, whoſe drineſs, as well as that of the bone, produces the ſound, the Air being reflected by this bone and by this membrane. After which, without mentioning the Nerves, he endeavours to prove that whatever is dry ſounds moſt. In another place he ſays,De Loc. in Hom. That the cavities which are about the Ears are made only for the better hearing of noiſes and ſounds. And he adds, That whatever comes to the Brain by the Membrane (which encompaſſes it) is diſtinctly heard, that for that reaſon there is but one paſſage which pierces in this place to the Membrane which is ſpread over the Brain.

As for the Smelling he ſays, The brain being moiſt, has the faculty of ſcenting or ſmelling, by drawing in the odour of dry things with the air, which runs a-thwart 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Lib. de Carnib. 4. certain dry bodies. The Brain, adds he, reaches even into the cavity of the Noſe; in this place there is no bone between them, but only a ſoft cartilage like a Spunge, which can neither be call'd bone nor fleſh.

He deſcribes the Eye after this manner: There are, ſays he, ſome ſmall veins extreamly ſlender, which go 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , into the ſight or eye. Lib. de loc. in hom. into the eye thro' the Membrane which incloſes the Brain. Theſe veins nouriſh the ſight of the eye with a Liquor extreamly pure, which comes from the brain, in which the Images of things appear to the eyes; the ſame veins, if they dry up, extinguiſh the ſight. There are alſo three Membranes which encompaſs the eye, of which the firſt is the thickeſt, the ſecond is thinner, the third is extreamly fine, which preſerves the liquor or humour of the eye. The firſt being hurt, the eye is out of order: The ſecond being broken, puts it in great danger, that it puffs outward like a bladder: But the third, which preſerves the humour, is that whoſe breaking is of worſt conſequence.

What follows we find in anotherLib. de Carn. Book. We ſee for this reaſon, or after this manner, viſion is made.

There is a vein which runs from the Membrane of the Brain, which paſſing thro' the bone, enters into each eye. By theſe two veins, the moſt ſubtil part of the viſcid humour of the brain diſtils as it were thro' a Streiner, and forms round about it a Membrane like to that which is tranſparent in the eye, which is expoſed to the air and winds, which is form'd much after the ſame manner that other Membranes are; but there are ſeveral Membranes about the eye, which are like to that which is tranſparent within. In this tranſparent, the light and luminous bodies are 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . reflected, and by this reflection viſion is made. Viſion is not made by what is not Diaphanous, and does not reflect. The reſt of the white about the eye is a ſort of fleſh, and what we call the ſight appears black becauſe it is deep. The Tunicles which are about it are black for the ſame reaſon. We call, ſays he, a Membrane or Tunicle, that which is like a skin, which is no way black of it ſelf, but white and tranſparent. As for the moiſture which is in the eyes, it is ſomething viſcid, for we have ſometimes ſeen, after the breaking of the eye, that there came out a thick humour, which is liquid while it is warm, but ſolid as Incenſe when it is cold.

Thoſe that think that Hippocrates knew as much as we do now, may ſay that he called the Optick Nerves veins. 'Tis true this name ſignifies variety of things in this Author, for he gave it not only to the Arteries, but likewiſe to the Veſſels which contained no blood, ſuch as the Ureters, becauſe they are round, long, hollow and white, like veins. He does indeed ſometimes diſtinguiſh certain veins by the Epithet of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . veins that hold blood, but 'tis not in oppoſition to the Nerves, but to certain Veſſels which he calls 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , lib de Oſſium Nat. veins that are very ſlender, and contain but little blood. He talks alſo of a Nerve full of blood, which according to Erotian ſhou'd be a vein, tho' others underſtand by it the Panniculus Carnoſus. A learned Interpreter of Hippocrates pretends that he gave to ſome veins the Epithet of hollow, to diſtinguiſh them from veins that were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , vid. Foeſii O • comom. Hipp • c. invoce 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . ſolid; but I find not this later word in Hippocrates, tho the hollow veins there cited might be meant of the veins and arteries in general, which are both hollow Veſſels. The ſame Interpreter ſays elſewhereId. in voce 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . that Hippocrates in one place, comprehends under the name of Veins, Nerves, Tendons and Ligaments, which he appears not to me to prove. Ruſus Epheſius tells us, That the moſt ancient Greeks call the Arteries Nerves; if it be true that Hippocrates called the Optick Nerves veins, he ought to have ſaid that the Ancients reciprocally called the Nerves by the names of Arteries and Veins.

All that we can gather from all this is, that the inaccurateneſs of Hippocrates, and other Authors of thoſe Times, in diſtinguiſhing different Veſſels by different names, ſhews that they had but a very ſuperficial knowledge of them. Perhaps the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Vein was a term as general amongſt them as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . that of Veſſel amongſt the Anatomiſts ſince, which ſignifies indifferently a Vein, Artery or Nerve, or even the Ʋreters, or any other parts that ſerve for the conveyance of Liquors or Spirits. If it were ſo, the Ancients run no riſque when they call all the Veſſels veins without diſtinction.

Of the FIBRES.

Before we quit the Nerves, we muſt examine the Greek word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , whoſe plural makes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , by which it is pretended that Hippocrates ſignify'd equally a Fibre and a Nerve. Some ſays Erotian will have this word to ſignifie a Nerve, others explain it only of the Fibres, whereof the Nerves are compoſed. The Greek Authors that have written of Plants, have call'd by this name the Nerves or Strings which appear on the back of Leaves, and the ſtrings at the end of Roots. The Anatomiſts have given the ſame name to the ſmall ſtrings which are in the fleſh, and other parts; and the Latins have tranſlated it Fibrae. Hippocrates has undeniably uſed the word in that ſenſe; as when he obſerves, that the Spleen is full of ſtrings or fibres. He takes notice alſo of the Fibres in the blood; but it is pretended likewiſe, that he ſignified the Nerves by it. To prove it, a paſſage is cited, where he ſays,De Oſſi • m Natur. That the heart has Nerves or Fibres which come from all the Body.

He uſes there the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which we find no where elſe; but Foeſius reads 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . This latter word may as well be rendred Fibre as Nerve; that which inclines us to the later ſignification, is what he adds as a proof, That the Seat of Thought is rather about the Thorax than any other place of the body, becauſe this agrees with the opinion of thoſe who bring the Nerves from the Heart, as we ſhall ſee hereafter: But, perhaps, neither the common reading, nor that of Foeſius, are true. And we ought to read with Cornarius 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . habenas, the Reins changing one letter it alters not the pronunciation. This Author tranſlates this paſſage thus. The Heart is ſituated as in the Streights of a paſſage, that it may hold the Reins for the guidance of the whole Body. For this reaſon Thought has its Seat about the Thorax or Breaſt, rather than any other part. The changes of colour alſo are produced by the opening and ſhutting of the veins by the Heart; when it opens them it looks freſh and lively, when it ſhuts them we become pale and wan.

Of the MUSCLES.

There is little more to be found in Hippocrates concerning their Muſcles than their name. The following paſſage is the firſt that takes notice of them,Lib. de Arte. The parts whoſe fleſh is turn'd round, which is what we call aMūs. Muſcle, have all a belly or a cavity. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . For all that is not compoſed of parts of a different nature, whether it be covered with a Membrane, or whether the fleſh covers it, all that is hollow, and while it is well, it is full of ſpirit, but when it is diſeaſed it is fill • d with a ſort of water, or corrupted blood. The Arms have fleſh of this ſort, the Thighs and the Legs the ſame, as well as the moſt meagre and fleſhleſs parts.

We find in another place the wordDe Off. Nat. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which can be nothing but an Adjective to 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which is underſtood, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Muſculi adductores, or adſtrictores: The Muſcles which ſerve to draw back or gather together. He ſpeaks there of the Anus. I know not whether there be any other particular wherein the action of the Muſcle is touch'd. As for the names, the ſucceeding Anatomiſts diſtinguiſh'd the Muſcles; he has ſpoken in one place of the Muſcle call'dLib de Artic. Pſoas.

Of the Oeſophagus; of the Stomach or Ventricle; and of the Guts.

Lib. de Anatom.The Oeſophagus, according to Hippocrates, is a Tunnel which reaches from the Tongue to the Stomach, which is the place where the Meat it putrified, or is concocted. We find both theſe expreſſions in Hippocrates: He calls the Stomach, in the paſſage we have cited, the putrifying Belly, ( 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .)Lib. de Aliment. He uſes elſewhere the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that is which begins to putrifie, ſpeaking of the nouriſhment or food in the ſtomach. But we find much oftner the words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Coction, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to Concoct. This digeſtion, according to him, is made by the heat of the Stomach, which he calls a part all Nervous, which joins to the Liver on the Concave-ſide.

We muſt further take notice, that the words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , ſignifie the ſame thing in our Author. The latter ſignifies often in Hippocrates the Orifice, or mouth of any Veſſel or part whatſoever, as of the Bladder, of Gall, the Matrix, &c.

Lib. de Anatom. Hippocrates ſeems not to diſtinguiſh more than two Guts, one which is ſtraight, about the length of a dozen Cubits, being afterwards full of folds; ſome, ſays he, call it Colon. And he obſerves in another place,De Morb. Epidem. This Gut in a Man is like that of a Dog, but that in a Man it is bigger. This Gut is ſuſpended by, or faſten'd to a part which he calls Meſocolon, that is the middle of the Colon, and that part it ſelf is faſten'd to the Nerves which come from the ſpine of the back, and paſs under the belly. The ſecond named 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , is furniſhed with abundance of fleſh all round, and ends in the Anus. Elſewhere he ſays, This latter Gut is Porous, and adds ſome particulars concerning the Inteſtines, which ſhall be remembred when we come to the Reins.

Of the LIVER.

Hippocrates ſays of the Liver, that it abounds more with blood than the reſt of the Bowels, and that there are in it two eminencies which they call Ports.

He ſays further, That the Liver has five Lobes, or is divided into five Parts. We have ſeen before, that he has made in another place the Origin of the Veins. He obſerves that ſeveral Bronchiae paſs from the Heart to the Liver; and with theſe Bronchiae, the great vein by which the whole body is nouriſhed. He elſewhere calls this vein 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . the Liver-vein; he aſſigns to the Liver the Office of ſeparating the Bile, which it does by the means of its veins, which draw whatever is Bilious, or proper to make Bile in the Aliment.

Of the SPLEEN.

The Spleen beginning from the laſt of the ſhort Ribs on the Left-ſide, ſtretches its ſelf out like the print of a Man • s foot; it receives one vein that divides it ſelf into an infinite number of ſtrings like the threads of a Spiders web, which are full of blood, and diffuſed through its whole ſubſtance. It is faſten'd, or hangs to the Omentum, which it furniſhes with blood by divers ſmall veins. Hippocrates ſays in one place, that the Spleen is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Fibrous. He ſays alſo, that it is ſoft and ſpungy, and by that means draws from the Ventricle which it is near to, part of the moiſture which comes from the drink, the reſt being afterwards ſuck • d up by the Bladder of Urine.

Of the LUNGS.

The Lungs have, according to Hippocrates, five Lobes like the Liver; they are cavernous, rare, and pierced with divers holes like Spunges.De priſe. Med. For this reaſon it draws from the neighbouring parts the moiſtures they contain.

Of the Membrane which ſeparates the Belly from the Breaſt.

The name which Hippocrates gives to this Membrane, which ſeparates the Belly from the Breaſt, is the ſame by which the Greeks ſignify'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . the Mind or Ʋnderſtanding. The moſt ancient Phyſicians called it ſo, out of a perſwaſion that it was the Seat of the Underſtanding, making it to divide the function attributed, as we have ſeen before, to the Heart, which is near it.

Not that this was the generally received opinion; it was believed falſe, even in the time of Hippocrates. If the book of the Falling Sickneſs be his, the Author of this book expreſſes himſelf thus: The Part which is called Phrenes, is falſly ſo call • d and at random. This name is grounded upon an (b) opinion, and not upon any thing real; for I ſce not how this part contributes to Prudence or Underſtanding. All that it does is, that when any one is ſurprized with any great and ſudden joy or grief, it beats, and cauſes thereby a ſort of uneaſineſs or pain; for it is ſine, and more ſtrongly upon the ſtretch than any other part of the body, having no belly or cavity to receive what is good or what is bad, but being alike encumbred with one or t'other. This part, ſays he, perceives, or has ſenſe, but it is not the Seat of Wiſdom no more than the Heart; wherefore the name of this is as improper as that of the Ears of the Heart, which have no hearing.

In another place Hippocrates ſays of this Membrane, That it has its Origin near the Back-bone behind the Liver; and in one, that it is nervous and ſtrong. He ſays yet in another place, That this Membrane cauſes madneſs and folly when the blood ſtagnates there, or moves too ſlowly.

Of the Reins, the Ureters, and Bladder of Urine.

Our Author ſpeaking ofDe Off. Nat. the Reins, numbers them amongſt the Glands, or at leaſt he ſeems to think that they have Glands, and thoſe more groſs than the reſt of the body; but it ſeems more probable that he meant the Glands near them, whatever they were, than thoſe of this part.

He had ſaid a little before to the ſame purpoſe: That the Inteſtines had the biggeſt of all, which drew the moiſture therein contained. He believed, That the Reins drew likewiſe the moiſture from the neareſt Glands, and ſent it to the Bladder▪ He ſuppoſed in another place, That this moiſture came from the drink; and that the Reins, by a faculty peculiar to themſelves, having ſuck'd a part from the veins near which they are ſituated, it filtred, or run through the ſubſtance of • em like water, and deſcended into the bladder by the veins which lead thither, while the reſt of the drink ſoak'd immediately thro' the Inteſtines into the ſame bladder, the Inteſtines or Inteſtine, being very ſpungy and porous in the part contiguous to it.

Of the Organs, and manner of Generation.

We find in Hippocrates, the names of the principal parts diſtinguiſhing the b • xes, but he ſays nothing of their ſtructure. He has this only concerning the Veſiculae Seminales, That there are on either ſide the Bladder, little bodies like • oney combs, in which the ſeed is contained. He believed that it came from all parts of the body, but particularly from the Head, deſcending by the veins behind the Ears down the ſpinal Marrow, and into the Reins. As for the manner of Conception, and the formation of the Faetus in the Womb, he pretends that the Seed both of the Male and Female being mingled in the Womb, grow thick and hot, or ſpirituous; after which, the Spirit contained in their Centre expandy it ſelf, and draws a part of the Air which the Mother breathes; by means of which mixture, theſe two Seeds in receiving refreſhment, are nouriſhed or inflated, till it forms about it ſelf a ſmall Pellicule, which afterwards contains others under it, which are all fix'd together.

At this time the blood of the Mother flowing into the Womb, and fixing there, produces a ſort of fleſh; from the middle of which ſhoots the Navel, which is a Pipe hanging down from theſe Pellicules, by which the Faetus breathes, is nouriſh'd and increaſes. That the Faetus is nouriſhed by the Navel, is repeatedDe Nat. Puer. in more than one place, yet notwithſtanding this, Hippocrates elſewhere affirms,De Carnib. That it is nouriſhed by ſucking at the Mouth, that otherwiſe it cou'd not have excrements when it came into the World in its Guts, and would not ſo readily ſuck at the Breaſt if it had not before done ſomething like it.

Hippocrates continuing to ſpeak of the formation of the Child, ſays, That the fleſh before ſpoken of being form'd, the blood of the Mother, which is drawn every day in greater quantity into the Womb, by this fleſh which breathes, cauſes the Pellicules to ſwell, and that it cauſes foldings in the outward ones, which filling themſelves with this blood, produce what is call'd the Chorion. Afterwards as the fleſh grows, the ſpirit diſtinguiſhes or diſentangles the parts, every one going towards its like, the thick to the thick, the clearer or thin to the thin, the moiſt to the moiſt, every thing repairing to its proper place, or to the quarters of thoſe of the ſame nature, from whence they had their Origin; ſo that what comes from the thick remains thick, and the moiſt, and the reſt accordingly, the heat after all bringing the bones to the hardneſs they are of. After this, the extremities of the body ſhoot outward like the branches of a Tree; the Parts, as well internal as external, are better diſtinguiſhed, the Head erects it ſelf above the Shoulders, the Arms ſeparate themſelves from the Sides, and the Legs ſpread themſelves out; the Nerves or Ligaments go to the Joints, the Mouth opens, the Noſe and Ears ſhoot out of the Head and are perfected, the Eyes are fill • d with a pure humour, and the diſtinctions of Sex appear; the Entrails are diſtinguiſhed and ranged, the Infant begins to breathe by the Mouth and by the Noſe, the Belly is fill'd with Spirit or Air, as are the Guts alſo, and the Air comes to them likewiſe by the Navel. At length the Guts and Belly open ſo, that a paſſage is made to the Anus, and another from the Bladder outwards. Hippocrates, or the Author of this Book, having reaſoned thus of the formation of the body of a Child, ſhews that Plants are produced after the ſame manner, and explains their growth from Seeds by the ſame principles. He hints likewiſe, that Birds in the Egg have the ſame formation, but inlarges not much thereupon. The yolk of the Egg is, according to him, the matter of which they are produc'd, and the white their nouriſhment. From all which he concludes, That Nature is the ſame, and acts after a uniform manner, in the generation of Men and Plants, and whatſoever ſprings from the earth; in which, his opinion is the ſame with that ofSee the Chapter of Empedocles. Empedocles.

What Hippocrates ſays of the manner of his diſcovery, that the mixture of the Seeds in the Womb is ſoon cover'd with a skin, is pretty remarkable: He had opportunity to inform himſelf therein, by means of the advice he gave a Muſicianeſs Slave, who being gone ſix days, to the great prejudice of her Voice, and her Maſters profit, to leap ſeveral times upon the ground; which ſhe having done, the Seed came away with noiſe. It was like, ſays he, to a raw Egg without a ſhell, the liquor of which was very tranſparent. He ſaw there very fine white Fibres upon the Membrane, which contained this liquor, which being mix'd with a thick blackiſh red Matter, which made the whole Membrane appear red, there was in the middle of this Membrane ſomething very fine, which he took for the Navel, and it was about the beginning of the place of the Origin of the Membrane.

The Author continuing to examine what happens to the Embryo in the Womb, from the time that its body is form'd, to the time of its birth, ſays, That the body of a Female has all its Parts diſtinct, at the end of forty days at fartheſt, and the Male at thirty. For which he gives this reaſon, That the Seed which produces a Female is more feeble and moiſt than that which produces a Male. He gives alſo another reaſon drawn from the time of Womens evacuations after Labour, which for brevity ſake we ſhall omit here. He adds, for the difference of Sexes, That Males are begotten when the Seed of both Male and Female is vigorous; and Females, when their Seed is weaker or moiſter, and has leſs heat. He obſerves, That the Males come from the right ſide of the Womb, which is ſtronger and hotter, and the Females from the left.

The Body of the Infant being thus rough drawn, grows continually, drawing to it ſelf the moſt Oily part of the blood of the Mother, which makes its bones become more hard, the fingers part, and nails come upon their ends, hair upon their heads, and other parts of their bodies. After three months the Male begins to ſtir, and the Female generally after four; tho' there may be ſometimes ſome variation. The Infant being come to its juſt growth and bulk, and not finding any longer ſufficient nouriſhment from the Mother, begins to ſtir violently, and breaks the Membranes in which it was wrapp'd, and ſo procures its excluſion, which happens uſually in the tenth month. Being born, it's nouriſhed with the Milk of its Mother, or a Nurſe. The matter of which this Milk is compoſed, is the moſt fat and oily part of the Aliment, after this manner. The Womb, as it grows big, preſſes the Omentum and Belly, and by that compreſſion obliges 'em to diſcharge their fat, which is preſently ſuckt into their Breaſts; the veins of which dilate themſelves afterwards more and more, by the ſucking of the Infants.

This, according to our Author, is the manner of the formation, and increaſe of Infants in the Womb, and of their coming into the World; which is to be underſtood of ordinary caſes, which exclude not the extraordinary ones, whereof in ſome Books written for that purpoſe, Hippocrates gives a particular Account.

Of the ſeventh and eighth Months Birth.

There are two Books, one Intituled, The ſeventh Months Birth; and the other, The eighth Months Birth. The firſt of theſe Children may live, and arrive at a good Age, but not the ſecond; which, according to our Author, muſt neceſſarily die in its entrance into the World, or preſently after. The reaſon that he gives of this difference is, That ſeven months after conception the Child in the Womb being perfectly form'd, and already pretty ſtrong, altho' it has ſome time to grow, moves very vigorouſly, which cauſes the Membranes, in which it is involv'd, to ſtretch a little, as we ſee the Ears of Corn open ſome time before the Grain is ripe. It happens ſometimes that this diſtention being greater than the Membranes can bear, they break and the birth muſt follow. This Birth being too early, moſt of them that are born at that time die immediately. But as we have obſerved, the Infant having at that time his body compleatly form'd, ſome however eſcape with due care.

As for thoſe that remain longer in the Womb, after the relaxation of the Membranes, Hippocrates ſuppoſes that the ſtrong efforts they have made, renders them weak and ſick for forty days; ſo that if they are born in that time, the freſh efforts which they are oblig'd to make to force their way into the World, quite ruins their ſtrength, and certainly kills them, whereas thoſe that out-ſtay the term, eſpecially thoſe that have forty days more to recover in, being born in full ſtrength, eaſily ſurvive.

Theſe two forty days are the laſt of ſeven, which Hippocrates ſuppoſes to paſs between the time of the conception and the birth of Children, who come according to the ordinary courſe of Nature.

He ſuppoſes at leaſt, that if the Child does not ſtay the full ſeven times forty days, which carries the time of birth ten days over nine months, reckoning as he does thirty days to a month, it ought at leaſt to be enter'd into the laſt forty days; as thoſe are that are born between the beginning and end of the ninth month.

He thought likewiſe that it was ſufficient for Children, that came in the ſeventh month, that they were enter'd into the ſeventh. For which reaſon, he puts thoſe that are born at the end of one hundred and eighty two days, and a ſmall part of a day, in the number of thoſe Children that comes at ſeven months compleat, tho' this number of days, after his way of reckoning, makes but ſix months and two days, and wants eighteen days to compleat the fifth forty.

That which perſwaded Hippocrates that Children born at ſeven months were more likely to live than thoſe born at eight; and that ſeven times forty days were required between conception and a mature birth, was, That he ſuppoſed the number ſeven to be the moſt perfect of all numbers, and to have a mighty influence not only in the formation and birth of Children, but even over the life, death, and diſtempers of Men; according to which he ſays in one place,Lib. de Carn. That the Age or Life of Man is of ſeven days, or is govern'd by the number ſeven; that all that befals him, or all that reſpects the Oeconomy of his body, is regulated by the number ſeven by Septenary periods. In which he follow • d the opinion of Pythagoras, acknowledging with him certain LawsDe partu ſeptimes & Epidem. lib. 2. ſect. 6. of Harmony, by which the whole Univerſe is govern'd, which conſiſts in the conjunction or union of certain Numbers, of which ſeven is the moſt powerful. But whatever was Hippocrates's reaſon for aſſigning theſe poſitive times of birth, 'tis very remarkable that the whole World has ſubmitted to his Deciſion, and his Authority alone has been the Rule and Standard to all theSeptimo menſe naſci perfectum partum receptum eſt propter autoritatem doctiſſimi viri Hippocratis. Paulus lib. 7. § de ſtatu hominum. He is cited upon the ſame account by divers other Lawyers. Lawyers and Emperors of Rome in their Laws upon this ſubject.

We ſhall cloſe the Account of his Anatomy with this digreſſion, taking notice only, that there are in the Writings of Hippocrates many things concerning the Bones, their number, figure and contexture; and that it is the part of Anatomy in which he is of all the moſt exact, as being the moſt neceſſary to the practice of Surgery, particularly that which relates to Fractures and Diſlocations, which he underſtood excellently well, as we ſhall ſhew in proper place: However, we thought not fit to take further notice of it here, becauſe 'tis a part of Anatomy leaſt diſputed in after-times, and becauſe we ſhall give a compleat Syſtem of Anatomy, wherein the Oſteology will be comprized in the Chapter of Galen.

This is what we wou'd obſerve of the Anatomy of Hippocrates: We ſhall find ſomething relating to it in the next Chapter, and after in that of Eraſiſtratus.

Of the Cauſes of Health, and of Diſeaſes; their ſubject and principal differences.

Hippocrates, as we have ſhewn, laid down three Principles, the Solid, the Liquid, and the Spirits, which he ſometimes explains 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . by that which contains, and that which is contain'd, and that which gives the motion.

He ſeems to lay down theſe Principles only to Animal Bodies, and that he deſigned by 'em the three principal ſubſtances whereof they are compos'd.

By that which contains, we may underſtand the ſolid Parts, as the Bones, the Nerves, or the Tendons and Ligaments, the Cartilages, the Membranes, the Fibres, and other like Parts.

By that which is contained, Hippocrates particularly meant four ſorts of Humours, or liquid Matter,De Nat. hom. found in the body: The Blood, the Pituita or Flegm, the yellow Bile, and the melancholy or black Bile, of which we may make two ſorts of different humours, as we ſhall ſee by and by.

By that which gives the movement, he deſign'd what is otherwiſe call'd Spirit, which according to him is a ſubſtance like Air, from whence it is drawn, and is diffus'd thro' the whole body.

Hippocrates ſays, That the blood is naturally hot and moiſt, of colour red, and ſweet to the taſte: The Flegm is cold and moiſt, white, viſcid and ſaltiſh; the Bile yellow, dry, viſcid and bitter, and drawn from the fat part of the blood or aliments; the melancholy, black, cold and dry, very viſcid, windy, and very fermentative.

The Body of Man is compoſed of four Subſtances;De nat. hom. on theſe depend health and ſickneſs. Men are well when theſe humours are in their natural ſtate, or while they balance one another in quality, quantity and mixture. On the contrary, they are ſick when the quantity of any of theſe is leſs or greater than it ought to be, or when it is diſcharg'd from the reſt upon any particular part of the body, and eſpecially when they are not mix'd together as they ought to be. We muſt define health and ſickneſs from what we have ſaid of 'em: Hippocrate • himſelf has given no expreſs definition, except of ſickneſs, in one place, which he calls 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Lib. de Flatib. all that incommodes Man; but this is too general.

He thought that the blood, in good condition, nouriſhed; and that it was the fountain of the vital heat; that it caus'd a freſh colour and good health. That the yellow Bile preſerv'd the body in its natural ſtate, hindering the ſmall Veſſels, and ſecret Paſſages, from being ſtopp'd, and keeping open the Drain of the Excrements. He thought it actuated the Senſes, and help'd to the concoction of the Aliment. The black Bile was a ſort of Ground, which ſerv'd as a ſupport and foundation for other humours. The Flegm ſerv • d to ſupple and facilitate the motion of the Nerves, Membranes, Cartilages, Joints and Tongue, and other Parts.

Beſides the four firſt qualities which Hippocrates attributed to the Humours, as moiſture, drineſs, heat and cold, it is apparent that he believed they had, or might have abundance of others, which all had their uſe, and were never hurtful but when one prevailed over the reſt, or was ſeparated from them. Take his own words:De priſ • . Med. & lib. 2. in the Chapter of Alcmaeon. The Ancients, ſays he, did not believe that the dry, the cold, the hot, or the moiſt, nor any other like quality, incommoded a Man, but that whatever exceeded, or prevailed, of any of theſe qualities, and which Nature cou'd not overcome, was that which incommoded the Man, and that which they endeavoured to take away or correct; ſo of the ſweet, the moſt ſweet was the ſtrongeſt, as of the bitter or ſowre, that which was moſt bitter and moſt ſowre; in ſhort, the higheſt degree of every thing. Theſe are, ſays Hippocrates, the lateſt diſcoveries of the Ancients in the body of Man, and which were hurtful. There are really in our bodies, bitter, ſweet, ſowre, ſalt, rough, and inſipid, and abundance of others which have different faculties, according to their quantity or quality. Theſe different qualities are inſenſible, and do not hurt ſo long as they are in due mixture; but if theſe humours ſeparate, and lodge apart, then their qualities become at once both ſenſible and inconvenient. From what Hippocrates has here ſaid we may gather, that he did not ſuppoſe the Matters we have ſpoken of to act only by what the Philoſophers call • d firſt qualities; ſo far from that, that he ſays a little after, That 'tis not the hot that is of any mighty power, but the ſowre, the inſipid, &c. whether within a Man, or without a Man, whether in regard of what he cats, or what he drinks, or what he applies outwardly, in what manner ſoever, concluding that of all the faculties, there are none leſs active than heat and cold.

What we have ſaid of the ſeparation of the humours from one another, relate to what Hippocrates ſays in divers places, that the humours move. This motion, which is the cauſe of ſeveral diſtempers, expreſſes ſometimes by a term, it ſignifies 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , impe •• 〈◊〉 , ••• dine incenli. a Fury, like that of ſome Animals that grow Luſtful at certain times.

There are other paſſages by which Hippocrates ſeems to impute Diſeaſes,Lib. de affect • nib. & lib 〈◊〉 de Morb. to two of theſe humours only, the Bile and Pituita, as they offer'd either in quantity or quality, or place. But as he ſpeaks elſewhere of two ſorts of Bile, theſe two humours may be ſplit into three, and with the blood make four.

Lib. 4. de Morb.In ſome other paſſages he adds a fifth, which is Water, of which he ſuppoſes the Spleen to be the Spring, as the Liver and the Brain are of the Blood, the Bile and the Pituita. Some of his Commentators make this Water the ſame with the Melancholy, to which Hippocrates ſeems to ſubſtitute it. I cannot ſee how to reconcile their opinion with the Idea he had of that humour; he look'd upon't, as we have ſaid before, as a ſort of Lee of the reſt of the humours, which will by no means agree with water. Nor are they nearer their point for making two ſorts of Melancholy, one of which we have been ſpeaking, and another which ought rather to be call'd black Bile, which is only the yellow Bile turn'd black, as he ſuppoſed, by being over-heated and burnt, this having nothing in common with water. The only ſupport of the opinion in queſtion, is, that he ſays in the ſame paſſage, that this water is the heavieſt of all the humours: I ſee no reaſon why we ſhou'd not object that this is another Syſtem,It is aſcrib'd to Polyblus his Son-i • - • aw. See Book 4. Ch. 1. ſince it has been always ſuſpected that Hippocrates was not the Author of that Book. This water might be ſomething like what Hippocrates elſewhere calls Ichor, by which he meant any ſort of clear, thin Liquor, form'd in the body of a Man, whether ſound or unſound. So he calls by this name what runs from a malignant Ʋlcer, and ſpeaks in ſeveral places of ſharp and bilious Ichors, and burning Ichors.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .We find yet a third Syſtem of the Cauſes of Diſeaſes in another book, Intituled, Of Winds or Spirits, which is mix • d with the Works of Hippocrates, but moſt ſuppoſe it not to be his. The Author of this book uſes ſometimes the word Wind, ſometimes Spirit, with this difference, That the latter ſignifies the Spirits or Air, and Wind incloſed in the body, but the former the Wind without; from whence nevertheleſs, he derives that within by means of the Air drawn by reſpiration, and the Air contain'd in the Food we take. This book upon reading, ſeems to be one of the moſt rational and coherent of all Hippocrates's Works. He looks upon the Air and the Spirits to be the true Cauſes of health and of diſeaſes, even in preference to the humours, which here are only collateral Cauſes, as the Spirits mix with 'em. But this later opinion may be reconcil'd with that which we have before allow'd to be Hippocrates's, concerning the effects of the humours; only alledging, that all that has been attributed to them, in relation to health or ſickneſs, ſuppoſes an impulſe of the Spirits as the firſt movers, and that therefore Hippocrates nam'd them, as we have ſaid before, that which gives the motion.

There is, according to Hippocrates, as great a variety of external Cauſes of health and diſeaſes, as there is of things without the body of Man which may act upon him, as there is of diverſity in his Conduct, and of accidents in the courſe of his Life.

From this Hypotheſis, it is plain that Health and Sickneſs in general depend upon the following Cauſes: On the Air which ſurrounds us, what we eat and drink, ſleep, watching, exerciſe; what goes out of our bodies, and what is kept in, and upon the Paſſions. In this number likewiſe, are rank'd thoſe foreign bodies which occur, and are ſometimes uſeful, yet may often diſſolve, cut or break the union of the Parts of ours. Poiſons and venemous Animals are likewiſe reckon'd among theſe later Cauſes.

We ſhall not engage any further in the Cauſes of Diſtempers in particular, that wou'd lead us too far out of our way: And we may the more eaſily be diſpens'd with, becauſe we ſhall have occaſion to take notice of all that is proper here in the Article of Galen, whoſe Syſtem is more clear and methodical than that of Hippocrates, whoſe Principles he follows in almoſt every thing.

We ſhall take notice only of two things; firſt, the Relation that Hippocrates finds between ſome of the external and internal Cauſes. For example, he compares the four Humours with the four Ages of Man, with the four Seaſons of the Year, and with the Climates: Infancy, the Spring and temperate Countries, ought, according to him, to produce blood, and by conſequence more ſanguine Diſtempers than Bilious, Pituitous, or Melancholick.

Youth, Summer, and hot and dry Countries, produce Bile, and all the maladies which ſpring from it. Middle Age, Autumn, and Places of a heavy unequal Air, cauſe Melancholy and melancholick diſtempers. Old Age, Winter, and cold moiſt Countries produce Flegm and flegmatick Diſtempers.

He carefully examines what ſorts of Food produce blood, • ile, &c. It treats alſo the effects of ſleeps, watchings, exerciſe and reſt, and other external Cauſes afore-mentioned, and all the benefit or miſchief we may receive from them. In the ſecond place, we ſhall take notice, that of all the Cauſes Hippocrates makes mention of, the two moſt general are Diet and Air, which he examines with all the care poſſible. Firſt, he has compoſed ſeveral books upon the ſubject of Diet only; he has taken exact care to diſtinguiſh what is good and what is bad, for the condition the Perſon is in. And he was ſo much the more obliged to it, becauſe his method of Practice turn'd almoſt wholly upon it; that is to ſay, upon the choice of a certain Diet, whether in reſpect of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Lib. de Alimento. quality or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Lib. de Alimento. quantity, or time, and the proper ſeaſons of giving it, as we ſhall ſee anon.

He conſider'd alſo the Air very much, and all that depended on it. We have ſeen in the Lump what he thought of the four Seaſons, and ſeveral Climates. He examined likewiſe what Winds ordinarily blew, or extraordinarily: The irregularity of the Seaſons, and even the riſing and ſetting ofLib. de D •• t. lib. de acre, &c. lib. de humor. lib. 4. de Morb. Aphoriſm. 1. lib. 3. Stars, or the time of certain Conſtellations; as of the Dog-Star, the North-Bear, and the Pleiades; as alſo the time of the Solſtices, and of the Equinoxes, theſe days in his opinion producing great alterations in diſtempers, of which he has not explain'd the manner.

From hence may be inferr'd, that Hippocrates look'd upon the knowledge of Aſtronomy as neceſſary to a Phyſician, and that he believed that the Stars had ſome influence over our Bodies. With this agrees, what he elſewhere ſays of the things of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Heaven, which he numbers amongſt the Cauſes of diſtempers, and with what we have taken notice of before, page the 9th, That according to Hippocrates, our health, our life, our death, and all that reſpects our being, depends upon things raiſed above us. And it ſeems likely, that he meant ſomething like this, when he talked of ſomethingPrognoſt. lib de Nat. Mul • ebr. lib. de Morb. Sact. Divine in the Cauſes of diſtempers. Some of his ancient Commentators believed, that when he ſpoke after this manner, he alluded to what was upon theſe occaſions ſaid byWhat Galen means by ſaving, That thoſe that aſcribe the Diſeaſes to the Gods, cite the Authority of thoſe that wrote, what they call Hiſtories, is hard to be unde • ſtood. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . the Poets, eſpecially Homer, who attributes to the wrath of the Gods the Diſeaſes that befal Men. But Galen is not of their mind, and he has reaſon to give them this reprimand,In lib. Progn. com. 1. That they that Comment upon, or Interpret an Author, ought not to ſay whatever themſelves think true, or what they think the Author ought to have believed, but what is really his opinion, whether true or falſe. Galen maintains, That Hippocrates no where attributes to the Gods the Cauſe of Diſtempers; and he proves that Hippocrates was not of that opinion: firſt, for the reaſon he gives of ſome Symptoms of a particular diſtemper, which he deſcribes, and of the name he gave that diſtemper. He call'd thoſe which were ſeized by it, by a name which ſignifies 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , lib. deratione vict. in acut. ſtricken, undoubtedly from the vulgar opinion, that thoſe that were taken with it were in ſome manner ſtruck by ſomeThis muſt be the conſequence of Galen's reaſoning, which otherwiſe is worth nothing. Deity as it were by Thunder. But Hippocrates expreſly takes notice, that the Ancients gave it this name, becauſe thoſe that died of it, had, after their death, their ſides livid and mortify'd, as if they had received blows. He proves it in the ſecond place, from one of the Books of Hippocrates, inſcrib'd De Morbo Sacro; that is, of the Falling-Sickneſs, wherein the Author endeavours to root out the vulgar prejudice that the Gods ſent certain Diſtempers among Men. Theſe Arguments of Galen may be ſupported by what Hippocrates ſaysLib. de aere aquâ, & locis. elſewhere of a diſtemper peculiar to the Scythians, which paſs'd for Divine; of which we ſhall ſpeak hereafter.

To return to the ſignification of what Hippocrates call'd Divine in Diſeaſes, Galen concludes that he meant no more than the Conſtitution of the Atmoſphere, which is equivocal, becauſe the Air may be diſpoſed in ſo particular a manner, that we may acknowledge ſomething in it Supernatural. This Senſe, follow'd by ſome of the ModernGor • haeus, Fernel. Commentators, who think that the Divine of Hippocrates depended upon the qualities of the Air; but upon ſuch qualities as they call'd occult or hidden, becauſe they had no relation with the ordinary, or thoſe which were call'd firſt, that is, hot and cold, dry and moiſt, nor with any other known quality. Yet this is not the meaning of Galen in this place, nor of Hippocrates himſelf, who ſeems to expreſs himſelf in favour of the former opinion, when he ſays in the Book cited laſt ſave one, That the Diſeaſe call'd Sacred riſes from the ſame cauſes that other diſtempers do; that is, from the things which go and come, or which are ſubject to change, ſuch as the Sun, the Cold, the Winds, which ſuffer perpetual viciſſitudes. Now tho' theſe things, ſays he, be Divine, we are not to imagine this diſeaſe any more Divine than the reſt, but all diſeaſes ought to be look'd upon as Humane and Divine at once.

It may perhaps be objected, That it is doubtful who is the Author of this Book, but if we obſerve the conſtant Cuſtom of Hippocrates to take exact notice of the Seaſons, in which, or after which, the Diſeaſes that he would deſcribe appear'd, we ſhall ſee, that whatever diſtemper he ſpeaks of, even the Plague it ſelf, he mentions nothing but the ordinary changes of the Air, as hot or cold, or moiſt or dry. For example; That a rainy Spring was preceded by a moiſt Winter, or followed by a ſcorching Summer, that ſuch and ſuch Winds blew, &c. without ſaying one ſingle word of the particular and hidden qualities of the Air, which are ſuppoſed to produce extraordinary diſtempers.

'Tis true there are ſome paſſages in his Writings, on which they pretend to found the occult qualities aforeſaid, which Galen admitted as well as the Modern Authors before cited We find there, firſt, the very word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 lib. de Aliment. hidden Cauſe. Galen affirms, that when Hippocrates ſpeaks of Epidemical Diſtempers, which he ſays come from the Air, or that which we breathe, which is charged with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which Galen renders 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . an unwholſome vapour, or a vapour proper to breed Diſeaſes, that this unwholſome vapour did not act according to the ordinary qualities, but by an occult property abſolutely inexplicable.

Yet I don't ſee that Hippocrates has explain'd himſelf concerning the nature of this Vapour, nor the influence of the Stars, or their manner of acting upon inferior Bodies, tho' he ſuppoſes their action. This vapour ſeems what he in another paſſage calls 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , inquinamenta, lib. de Flat. Impurities or Infections of the Air; but he ſays not wherein this infection • onſiſts. We ſhall cloſe what relates to the Cauſes of Diſtempers with this Remark, That in the ſame place where Hippocrates derives all Epidemical diſtempers from the Air, he endeavours to prove that they do not come from the Aliments like ordinary diſtempers; where we ſee, that according to him, the Air is the moſt general Cauſe of all Diſeaſes.

The Humours and Spirits being, as we have ſeen, the Cauſes of Health and Sickneſs, the ſolid or containing Parts, which are the third ſort of ſubſtance in the compoſition of Animal Bodies, muſt be the ſubject of them, becauſe they are ſound or unſound, according to the good or ill diſpoſition which the humours and ſpirits produce in them, and as the impreſſions made upon them by foreign bodies, and thoſe things that are without them, are beneficial 〈◊〉 miſchievous. This conſequence may be juſtly drawn from ſeveral paſſages of Hippocrates, ſuch as the two following:De Nat. hum. When, ſays he, any of the humours is ſeparated from the reſt, and lodges apart, the place from whence it came muſt be out of order, and likewiſe that where it is lodged in too great quantity, ſuffers ſickneſs and pain. The ſecond paſſage is this:Ibid. That the Diſeaſes which come from any part of the body, that is conſiderable, are the moſt dangerous; for, ſays he, if the diſeaſe 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . muſt reſt, that is to ſay, l • dge in the place where it began, when a Part that is of great importance ſuffers, the whole body muſt ſuffer.

We find no Train, nothing proſecuted far, concerning the difference of Diſtempers, in Hippocrates; all that we can gather is, That the different Cauſes of which we have ſpoken, and the different Parts of the Body, produce as great a variety of Diſtempers; according to this paſſage,Lib. de Aliment. the differences of Diſeaſes ariſe from the following things: From the nouriſhment, the heat, the blood, the flegm, the bile, and all the humours. As likewiſe from the fleſh, the fat, the veins, the arteries, the nerves, the muſcles, the membranes, the bones, the brain, the ſpinal marrow, the mouth, the tongue, the throat, the ſtomach, the inteſtines, the diaphragm, the belly, the liver, the ſpleen, the reins, the bladder, the womb, and the skin. Some of theſe diſtempers Hippocrates held to be the mortal, others dangerous, the reſt eaſily curable, according to the Cauſe from whence they ſprung, and the Parts upon which they fell. He diſtinguiſhes likewiſe Diſeaſes in ſeveral places, from the time of their duration, into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . acute, or ſhort, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . chronical, or long; this likewiſe is referr'd to the different Cauſes before-mentioned, acute Diſeaſes being caught by the bile and the blood, in the flower of Mans age, or in Spring time, and Summer. The Chronical, on the contrary, are produc'd by the flegm, or the melancholy, in old Age, and in the Winter. Of theſe diſtempers, ſome are more acute than others; the like of the Chronical. We ſhall ſee in the ſequel the duration of one as well as t'other.

Hippocrates diſtinguiſhes diſtempers likewiſe by the particular Places where they are prevailed, whether ordinary or extraordinary. The firſt, that is thoſe that are frequent and familiar to certain Places, he call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Endemick Diſeaſes; and the latter, which ravag'd extraordinarily, ſometimes in one place, ſometimes in another, with which at certain times numbers were ſeized at once, he call'd Epidemick, that is Popular Diſeaſes, as the Plague, the moſt terrible of all. He made likewiſe a third, oppos'd to the former, which he call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . ſtraggling diſtempers, including all the different ſorts of diſtempers which invade at any one ſeaſon; in a word, thoſe diſtempers, ſome of one ſort, and ſome of another. He diſtinguiſh'd thoſe which were born with us, or were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . hereditary, from thoſe that were contracted afterwards. He made a difference likewiſe, betwixt thoſe of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . a kindly nature, and thoſe of a malignant; the firſt of thoſe, which are eaſily cured and frequently; the ſecond, thoſe which give the Phyſicians a great deal of trouble, and are ſeldom overcome by all their care.

Of the remarkable Changes that happen in Diſeaſes, particularly of the Criſes; and Critical days.

Hippocrates made four Stages in Diſtempers; the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . beginning of the Diſeaſe, its augmentation, its ſtate or heighth, and its declination. Theſe laſt are Diſeaſes that end happily, for in others Death ſupplies the place of the declination. In the third Stage, therefore the change is moſt conſiderable, for it determines the fate of the ſick Perſon, which is uſually, or ofteneſt done, by means of a Criſis.

Hippocrates call'd Criſis, that is, Judgment, any ſudden mutation in ſickneſs, whether for the better or the worſe, whether health or death immediately ſucceed.

This change, according to him, is made by Nature, at that time Abſolving or Condemning a Patient. To apprehend his meaning aright, we muſt recollect his Idea of Nature, which he repreſents as the Directreſs of the whole Animal Oeconomy.

If therefore Diſeaſes be only a diſturbance of this Oeconomy, as we may conclude from what he has ſaid before of their Cauſes, Nature and Diſeaſes, muſt be at eternal oppoſition; but as in the conflict, or difference betwixt 'em, Nature is, as it were, both Judge and Party, ſhe ought generally to have the better, for this reaſon the word Criſis is taken for a favourable Judgment, which terminates happily the diſeaſes.

Nature's way of acting in ſuch caſes to deſtroy her enemy, is to reduce thoſe humours, whoſe diſcord occaſions that of the whole body, to their uſual ſtate, whether in relation to their quantity or quality, mixture, motion, the places they are poſſeſs'd of, or any other manner, by which they become offenſive. Amongſt the means which Nature imploys to this end, Hippocrates inſiſts more particularly upon what he calls 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . De rat. vict. in acut. Concoction of the humours. This is her firſt aim: By means of this Coction ſhe makes her ſelf Miſtreſs, and brings us things to a good Criſis. The humours being brought to this paſs, whatever is ſuperfluous and hurtful empties it ſelf preſently, or at leaſt, it is very eaſie to evacuate them by ſuch means, as we ſhall ſpeak of when we ſpeak of the Cure of diſtempers, or of the aſſiſtance which the Phyſicians give to Nature upon theſe occaſions, what is ſuperfluous being evacuated, which is done either by Bleeding, by Stool, by Vomit, by Sweat, by Ʋrine, by Tumors or Abſceſſes, by Scabs, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Pimples, Spots, and other things; Nature eaſily reduces the reſt to the condition they were in before the acceſſion of the diſeaſe.

But we muſt take notice, that theſe Evacuations are not look'd upon as the effects of a true Criſis, unleſs it be in Conſiderable quantity, ſmall diſcharges not being ſufficient to make a Criſis. On the contrary, they are a ſign that Nature is depreſs'd by the load of humours, and that ſhe lets them go thro' weakneſs and continual irritation. What comes forth thus is crude, becauſe the diſtemper is yet too ſtrong; while things remain ſo, none but a bad or imperfect Criſis is to be expected, which ſignifies that the diſtemper triumphs, or at leaſt is of equal ſtrength with Nature, which is attended by death, or a prolongation of the diſeaſe, during which Nature often has leiſure to attempt a new Criſis, more happy than the former, after having made freſh efforts to advance the concoction of the humours. We ſhall ſpeak of the ſigns of Concoction or Crudity, and ſome other marks of the Criſis, in the following Chapter.

What is chiefly to be obſerv'd here, is, That concoction cannot be made but in a certain term, as every fruit has a limited time to ripen; for he compares the humours, which Nature has digeſted, to Fruits come to maturity.

The time requir'd for this depends upon the differences of diſtempers, touch'd on in the preceding Chapter. In thoſe which Hippocrates calls very acute, the Digeſtion or Criſis happens the fourth day; and thoſe which are only acute upon the ſeventh or the eleventh, Aphor. 23. Sect. 2. or the fourteenth, which is the longeſt term that Hippocrates allows in diſtempers that are really acute, tho' in ſome places he ſeems to ſtretch toLib. de Criſib. the twentieth and one and twentieth days; nay, even toDe dieb. cri • ie. the fortieth and ſixtieth days.

All diſeaſes that exceed this latter term are counted Chronical; and whereas in thoſe that exceed fourteen, or at moſt twenty days, everyTo made this Account come right, the fourth day muſt be counted twice in the midd • e of e • ry ſennight, and twice alſo at the beginning of the third. We ſhall ſee the progreſſion of theſe numbers as they lie in Hippocrates. fourth day is a Critical day, or at leaſt a Remarkable day, by which they may judge whether the Criſis, upon the following fourth day, will be favourable or not In thoſe which come from twenty to forty, he reckons only the ſevenths; and thoſe that exceed forty, he begins to reckon by twenties, as appears by the progreſſion following, which contain the days particularly mark'd by Hippocrates, the firſt of which is the fourth, from thence he goes to the ſeventh, the eleventh, the fourteenth, the ſeventeenth, the twentieth, the ſeven and twentieth, the thirty fourth, the fortieth, the ſixtieth, the eightieth, the hundredth, the hundred and twentieth; beyond which, the number of days has no power over the Criſes, which are referr • d to the general changes of the Seaſons, ſome determining about the Equinoxes, others about the Solſtices, others about the riſing or ſetting of certain Stars or Conſtellations; or if numbers have yet any place, they reckon by Months, or whole Years. So Hippocrates will have it, that certain diſeaſes in Children areAphoriſm. 28. Sect. 3. judged in the ſeventh month after their Birth; others in their ſeventh, or even their fourteenth year.

I have yet one Obſervation to make concerning the twentieth and one and twentieth days, that both of them are equally ſet down as Critical days in different placesLib. de Criſ. de di • b. Crit. Apho. 36. Sect. &c. of the Works of Hippocrates. The reaſon which he gives in one of theſe places, why he prefers the former of theſe days before the latter, which would make up their Account the three Septenaries compleat, is becauſe that the days of ſickneſs ought not to • e reckoned intire,Lib. de partu Septimeſt. the years and months being not compoſed of intire days.

Nevertheleſs, this reaſon does not hinder him from putting down the one and twentieth day for the true Critical day, as almoſt all the other odd days, to which he appears ſo ſtrangely affected in the caſe of Criſes, that he ſays, in one of his Aphoriſms, That the ſweats that come upon the 3d, the 5th, the 7th, the 9th, the 11th, the 14th, the 17th, the 21th, the 27th, the 31th, or 34th days, are beneficial; but thoſe that come upon other days, ſignifie that the ſick ſhall be brought very low, that his diſeaſe ſhall be very tedious, and he ſubject to relapſes. He ſays further expreſly, in another Aphoriſm,Aphoriſm. 61. Sect. 4. That the Fever which leaves the Sick upon any but an odd day, is uſually apt to relapſe. Galen explaining this paſſage, pretends that we ought to read a critical day inſtead of an odd day; but he gives himſelf a needleſs trouble, the ſame thing occurring in divers places, as in the ſecond Book of his Epidemicks, where there is a paſſage parallel to the afore-cited, and another which ſays, That thoſe that die, die of neceſſity upon an odd day, if the diſtemper be long upon an odd Month or Year. More of this ſubject may be found in his fourth Book De Morbis, where what has been ſaid of odd days is look'd upon as the received Opinion of all the World; ſo that tho' it ſhould be objected that this Book is not Hippocrates • s, but his Son-in-Law Polibius's, the proof will yet remain in full ſtrength, for this Author does not lay this down as his opinion only, but as a notion generally eſtabliſh'd.

Galen was obliged to declare againſt odd days, for the ſame reaſons he rejects the dignity of the number ſeven, and other numbers, which by the Pythagoreans were eſteemed to have a certain virtue in themſelves, as being more perfect than the reſt; and altho' he allows that the Criſis falls out upon the ſeventh days, yet he does not impute this effect to the power of the number, but to the Moon, which governs the Weeks which conſiſts of ſeven da • s, whether Hippocrates thought of the Moon's influence upon this occaſion, but he talks in one of his Books before-cited;D • partu Septimeſt. of a harmony reſulting from the union of certain numbers more entire and certain than the reſt, it ſhews plainly that he meant in the ſenſe of Pythagoras, which Celſus takes notice of when he ſays,Verum in his quidem antiquos, • u • c celebre • admodum Pyth • go • ici numeri fefellerunt, lib 3. cap. 4. That the Pythagorean numbers, which were very much in vogue at that time; that is, in the time of Hippocrates, miſlead the ancient Phyſicians into Error.

But whatever was Hippocrates's opinion of the power of his odd, and other Critical days, he confeſſes that it falls out otherwiſe ſometimes; and he gives an inſtance of a ſalutary Criſis coming upon the ſixth day, and the like upon the fifteenth, but theſe are very rare inſtances, and therefore don • t overthrow the General Rule.

Before we quit this head, we muſt take notice, that beſides the changes which determine the fate of the Patient, Hippocrates ſpeaks often of another ſort of a change, which is when the diſeaſe, inſtead of terminating, changes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the Species, as when a Pleuriſie turns to an inflamation of the Lungs, a Vertigo to an Epilepſie, a Tertian Fever to a Quartane, or a continual, &c.

CHAP. IV. Of other accidents or ſymptoms that accompany Diſeaſes, and thoſe that happen before or after them. Of the ſigns by which Hippocrates diſtinguiſh • d one from the other, and knew beforehand what wou'd be the ſucceſs, or future event.

THE vaſt eſteem Hippocrates gain'd is chiefly owing to his great Induſtry, in ſtrictly obſerving the moſt minute circumſtances of Diſeaſes, and his exact care in nicely deſcribing every thing that happen • d before, and every accident that appear • d at the ſame time with them; as alſo what gave eaſe, and what increas'd the malady, which is what we call the method of writing the Hiſtory of a diſeaſe.

By theſe means, he not only underſtood how to diſtinguiſh one diſeaſe from another, by the ſigns which properly belong'd to each, but by comparing the ſame ſort of diſtemper, which happen'd to ſeveral perſons, and the accidents which uſually appear • d before and after, he cou • d eaſily foretel a diſeaſe before it came, and afterwards give a right judgment of the ſucceſs and event of it.

He ſeems alſo inLib. 1. d • diaeta, ſub princip. a certain place, as if he would inſinuate that he is the greateſt Phyſician that can put this in practice, or can teach a method how to tell the Patient beforehand, what ſhall happen to him in the courſe of his diſtemper, which is what we call giving the Prognoſticks of a diſeaſe.

Twas by this way of prognoſticating that he came to be ſo much admir'd by all the Ancients, who, without doubt, were throughly convinc'd of that Maxim, which he owes to himſelf, viz. Lib. praenotion. in princip. That that Phyſician, who upon the appearance of ſome certain ſigns in a diſeaſe, can tell his Patient what he has hitherto ſuffered, and what will happen to him every day; and after having received information from him, he not only ſpeaks further of thoſe things he omitted before, but alſo lays down beforehand what will come to paſs, 'tis he ſhall have the reputation of knowing perfectly the condition of the Patient, and make him entirely reſign himſelf to his management. And as it is not always in the power of the Phyſician to ſave the Lives of the ſick, for that reaſon Prognoſticks will be ſerviceable in ſome meaſure to ſecure him from reproach.

Hippocrates underſtood ſo well the Doctrine of Sign • , that it may very well be ſaid to be his Maſter-piece; and Celſus makes this remark,B ••• nſio ••• 〈◊〉 : Medi • i, quamvis in curatio • ibus mu ••• nt, ta •• en ••• c Hipp • c • at • m optime p ••• agiſſe • a • e • ur, Lib. 2. praf •• . That the Phyſicians that liv'd after him, tho' they found out ſeveral new things, relating to the management of diſeaſes, yet they were oblig • d to the Writings of Hippocrates for what they knew of Signs.

You find a vaſt number of theſe Signs almoſt every where in his Writings, but they are particularly collected in his Book of Aphoriſms, and three other Books, that treat of nothing but that ſubject alone; the Prenotions or Prognoſticks, the Predictions, and the Coacae Praenotiones.

Galen, becauſe they were very faulty, wou'd not allow the two laſt to be of Hippocrates's writing, He adds further, That what is valuable in them is taken out of the two firſt, and from the Books of Epidemical Diſeaſes; notwithſtanding, many Learned Men, both Ancient and Modern, have writ Commentaries upon them, and had 'em in great eſteem.

To be able to make a tolerable gueſs from a Prognoſtick, that is to ſay, to be capable to tell beforehand, that, from the appearance of ſuch and ſuch a thing, this or that ſhall neceſſarily follow, the obſervation ought to be made from its ſeldom or never-failing; one Experience alone, or even 2 or 3 being not ſufficient to give an Authority; which cannot be ſaid of all the Prognoſticks of Hippocrates in general. As to ſome of them, one wou'd rather judge they were Remarks made in particular caſes, by thoſe that exactly obſerv'd what happen • d to every Patient, from the beginning to the end of his diſtemper; and who, by comparing what they ſaw firſt with what followed after, thence concluded good or ill ſucceſs.

This is what Galen hints at, when he tells you, that one part of theſe Prognoſticks were abſtracted from the Books of Epidemical Diſeaſes. He adds, That if any one deſign • d to make himſelf Maſter of the Art of Prognoſticating the ſucceſs of Diſeaſes, he thought that the beſt means to ſucceed wou • d be to look into the Hiſtories of them, delivered to us by the moſt learned of the Faculty, and from thence draw concluſions ſuitable to his intent. This method in effect wou • d prove very good; but to avoid the danger of being miſtaken, twou'd be neceſſary to collect an infinite number of Obſervations on all diſtempers, of what nature ſoever they are, to be able to find out amongſt them a ſufficient number of caſes exactly alike in every ſort of diſeaſe, ſo that he might ſpeak for certain, that in ſuch a diſeaſe, when ſuch a ſign, or rather ſuch and ſuch ſigns appear, the Patient ſhall die; and on the contrary, when he ſees other ſigns, the Patient ſhall eſcape.

For example, if of twenty Patients that in continual Fevers have bled ſeveral drops of blood at the Noſe, or that have but gently ſweated in the head or breaſt, fifteen or eighteen of them die; and if of twenty that have bled in abundance, and have alſo ſweat all over the body, as many of them have eſcap'd as of the others died, one may generally infer that the firſt accident is of fatal conſequence, and the ſecond a good Prognoſtick. But it does not at all appear, that thoſe that have collected theſe Prognoſticks, and particularly the Prenotions of Cos, have always taken care to have as many examples of every caſe as they propoſe wou'd be neceſſary to put a confidence in. The life of Man is too ſhort for that, it • s what Hippocrates himſelf has confeſs • d, as you'll ſee further in what follows. The advantage which this ancient Phyſician gain'd to himſelf in this point, is, That he cou'd ſupply the defect of his own experience in the ſervice and aſſiſtance he might receive from that of his Predeceſſors the Sons of Aeſculapius, ſuppoſing them to be Men of capacity ſufficient for experiences, which to produce as they ought to be, Hippocrates has alſo own'd to be very difficult. He was ſo throughly convinc'd of it, that he made no difficulty to acknowledge, that one might eaſily be deceiv'd, particularly in what relates to Prognoſticks. Predictions, ſays he, in caſes of acute diſeaſes, are uncertain, and no one can juſtly tell whether the Patient will live or die. In the following account you'll ſee further proofs of the modeſty and ſincerity of this Author.

'Twas not only from the compoſition of Man that Hippocrates drew ſigns, to know and foreſee diſeaſes and the conſequences of 'em. The natural functions, the actions and manners of every particular perſon, their behaviour, their conſtant way of living; in a word, all the circumſtances that have any relation to the cuſtoms and habits of Men, and what happens whether before, or at the ſame time, with the diſtemper, by our own fault, or the indiſcretion of others, by the internal diſpoſition of our body, or as it is in relation to things external which influence it; all this, I ſay, furniſh'd this Father of Phyſick with ſigns, by which he judg • d of the ſtate of body they were in, in relation to diſtempers preſent or to come.

The firſt thing Hippocrates conſider'd, particularly when he was concern'd in an acute diſeaſe, was the looks of the Patient. Tis a good ſign with him for a Patient to have the viſage of one in health, and the ſame which the Patient himſelf had when-he was well; as it varied from this, ſo much greater the danger was apprehended to be. This is the deſcription which Hippocrates gives of the looks of a dying Man: When a Patient, ſays he, has his Noſe ſharp, his Eyes ſunk, his Temples hollow, his Ears cold and contracted, the skin of his Forehead tenſe and dry, and the colour of his Face tending to a pale green, or Lead colour, one may give out for certain that Death is very near at hand; unleſs, as he adds further, the ſtrength of the Patient has been exhauſted all at once by long watchings, or by a looſeneſs, or being a long time without eating The Phyſicians have call'd it the Hippocratick Face, to denote that they have taken this obſervation from Hippocrates. The lips hanging relax • d and cold, are likewiſe look • d upon by this Author as a confirmation of the foregoing Prognoſtick.

He alſo took ſeveral of his ſigns from the diſpoſition of the Eyes in particular. When a Patient can't bear the light, when he ſheds tears involuntarily, when in ſleeping ſome part of the white of the eyes is ſeen, unleſs he uſually ſleeps after that manner, or has a looſeneſs upon him, this ſign, as well as the precedent ones, prognoſticate ill. The • e is deaden'd (as it were with a miſt ſpread over them, their brightneſs loſt) likewiſe preſage death, or is a ſign of great weakneſs. The eyes ſparkling, fix'd and fierce, denotes the Patient to be delirious, and that he is already, or ſoon will be ſeiz • d with a Phrenſie▪ When a Patient ſees 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 any thing red, and like ſparks of fire and lightning paſs before his eyes, you may expect an Hemorrhage; and this often happens before thoſe Criſis • s which are to be by a loſs of blood.

The poſture in Bed ſhews alſo the condition of the Patient. If you find him lying on one ſide; his Body, Neck, Legs and Arms a little contracted, which is the poſture of a Man in health, it is a good ſign. On the contrary, if he lies on his back, his arms ſtretch • d out, and his legs hanging down, it • s a ſign of great weakneſs, and particularly when the Patient ſlides, or lets himſelf fall down towards the feet, which denotes the heavineſs of his body, and approaching death. When he lies on his belly, unleſs it be cuſtomary to him, 'tis an indication of his being delirious, or that he is grip'd.

When a Patient in a burning Fever is continually 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . feeling about with his hands and fingers, and moves them up before his face or eyes, as if he was going to take away ſomething that paſs'd before them; or on his Bed and Covering, as if he was picking or ſearching for little Straws, or taking away ſome filth, or drawing out little flocks of Wooll, all this is a ſign that he is delirious, and will die. Amongſt the other ſigns of a preſent or approaching delirium, he adds alſo this: When a Patient that naturally ſpeaks little, begins to talk more than he us • d to do; or when one that talks much becomes ſilent, this change is to be reckon'd a ſort of delirium, or is a ſign that the Patient will ſoon fall into one. The frequent trembling or leaping up of the Tendons of the Wriſt, preſage likewiſe a delirium. As to the different ſorts of them, Hippocrates is much more afraid of thoſe that run upon doleful, or diſmal ſubjects, than thoſe that ramble upon matter of diverſion, accompanied with gaity and pleaſant humour.

When the Patient breathes faſt, and is oppreſs'd, it's a ſign that he is in pain, and that the Parts above the Diaphragme are inflam'd. Breathing long, or when the Patient is a great while in taking breath, ſhews him to be delirious; but eaſie and natural reſpiration is always a very good Prognoſtick in acute Diſeaſes. It appear'd that Hippocrates depended much on reſpiration in matter of ſigns, by the care he took in ſeveral places to deſcribe the different manner of a Patient's breathing, reſpiration oppreſs'd, rare, great, little, that which is great or long outward; that is to ſay, in the time of expiration; that which is little or ſhort within, that is, when you draw in your breath; that which is as it were doubled, &c. Continual watchings in the ſame diſeaſes are a ſign either of preſent pain, or a delirium near at hand.

All Excrements, of what nature ſoever, that are ſeparated from the body of Man, furniſh'd alſo Hippocrates with ſigns, from which he drew many conſequences. He made no difficulty at all in examining into the Urine, the Stools, the Wind, the Sweat, the Hawkings and Spittings, the Mucus of the Noſe, the Tears, the filth of the Ears, the purulent Matter of Ulcers, &c. as materials from whence he drew ſigns, that gave him the greateſt certainty in relation to the quality of the humours.

But for all that, we muſt not believe what a ModernCae • ius R •••• , in. in antiq •• ection. Author ſays of Hippocrates, That he was ſo hot in ſeeking all occaſions of improving himſelf in the knowledge of his Profeſſion, that he was not aſham • d to taſte even of the very Excrements. If any one writ this of him before this Author, perhaps 'twas only in raillery, who to put the ridicule on this famous Phyſician, applied to him the Epithet which Ariſtophanes gives to Aeſculapius, which we have mentioned in the firſt Book; it's what the Author we have quoted ſeems to acknowledge himſelf, when he adds further, That others attribute the ſame to Aeſculapius.

It muſt be own'd Hippocrates inquir'd into all theſe things, according to their ſeveral qualities; that is to ſay, to their colour, ſmell and conſiſtence, in relation to the Heterogeneous Matter, or what he found out of the common courſe of nature, according to its heat, coldneſs acrimony, &c as well as in regard to its quantity; to the Parts from whence it iſſued, the time of its continuance, the manner, and other circumſtances of its iſſuing out. No one can deny but that there were ſome of the things they have mentioned, which he judg'd of by the taſte, they had; not that the judgment was made from his own, but the taſte of the Patient. For example, He drew ſome certain ſigns from theLib. de humoribus. Spittle being ſalt or ſweet, and from ſweat, or from tears, or the excrements of the Noſe, which had a ſaltneſs or ſharpneſs. There is only the experiment of the wax of the Ears, which according to him isEpidem. lib. 6. ſect. 5. ſweet in dying Perſons, or thoſe that will die of ſuch a diſtemper, and bitter in thoſe that will live. I ſay there's only this experiment, which ſeems to be out of the power of the Patient to make; but there's no reaſon why the Phyſician ſhou'd not, if he thinks convenient, have it done by thoſe that attend the ſick, or by perſons that are every day employ'd in the moſt vile Offices.

There's another paſſage where Hippocrates, ſpeaking of the Excrements of the Belly, ſays, That in ſome certain caſes they are 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Coac. Praenot. verſ. 641. ſaltiſh. There's alſo another place, where he makes mention of a ſort of a Fever which he calls a ſalt Fever, on which Galen makes this remark: That altho ſaltneſs commonly ſhews it ſelf by the taſte, and not by the touch, yet we ought to explain what Hippocrates ſays here, in relation to touching and feeling; that it is not meant of the Patients, but of the Phyſicians, who in feeling his Pulſe perceives ſomething rough or poignant, as if he touch'd ſalt fleſh, or that had been laid in Brine. I believe that one may, in effect, judge of a certain ſort of ſaltneſs by the touch, and that that of the Excrements, which is mention'd in the firſt paſſage that was quoted, may be known by the manner of their pricking the Anus at their coming out; but in this caſe 'tis the Patient, and not the Phyſician that can judge of it.

Amongſt all the Excrements, the Urine and Stools, were what furniſh'd Hippocrates with moſt of the ſigns, which ſerv'd for almoſt all diſtempers. I give you here the chiefeſt of his Obſervations concerning Urine. The Patient's Urine is, in his opinion, beſt, when the ſediment, that is to ſay, the thick part, or that which falls to the bottom, is white, ſoft to the touch, and of an equal conſiſtence. If it continues ſo during the courſe of the diſtemper, and till the time of theSee the precedent Article. Criſis, the Patient is in no danger, and will ſoon be well. This is what Hippocrates call'd concocted Urine, or what denotes the concoction of the humours. And he obſerv'd, that this concoction of Urine ſeldom appear'd thoroughly ſo but in the days of the Criſis, which happily put an end to the diſtemper.Lib. de Criſibus. We ought, ſaid Hippocrates, to compare the Urine with the purulent Matter that iſſues from Ulcers. As the Pus, which is white, and of the ſame quality with the ſediment of Urine, we are now ſpeaking of, is a ſign that the Ulcer is on the point of cloſing, or being heal'd up; whereas that which is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 See before in the Chapter of the Cauſes of diſtempers. clear, and of another colour beſides white, and of an ill ſmell, is a ſign that the Ulcer is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . virulent, and by conſequence difficult to be cured. So the Urines, which are like this we have deſcrib'd, are only thoſe which may be nam'd good, all the • eſt are ill, and differ from one another only in the degree of more or leſs. The firſt never appear but when Nature has overcome the Diſeaſe, and are a ſign of the concoction of humours, without which you can't hope for a certain cure, as we have obſerv • d in the precedent Article. On the contrary, the laſt are made as long as the crudity remains, and the humours continue unconcocted. Amongſt the Urines of this laſt ſort, the beſt are reddiſh, with a ſediment that is ſoft and of an equal conſiſtence; which denote that the diſeaſe will be ſomewhat tedious, but without danger. The worſt are thoſe which are very red, that are made at the ſame time clear, and without ſediment, or that are muddy and troubled in the making. In Urine there's oftentimes a ſort of a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . cloud that's hanging in the Veſſel where 'tis received, the higher it riſes, or the farther diſtant it is from the bottom, or different from the colour we have deſcrib'd, when we ſpoke of ſediments, the more there is of crudity. That which is white, and clear as water, is alſo a ſign of great crudity, and ſometimes of Bile being carried to the Brain. Th •• which is yellow, or of a ſandy colour, denotes aboundance of Bile. That that's black is the worſt, eſpecially if it has an ill ſmell, and is either altogether muddy, or altogether clear. That whoſe ſediment is like to large ground Wheat, or to little flakes or ſcales ſpread one upon another, or to Bran, preſages but ill, eſpecially the laſt. The Fat or Oil that ſwims ſometimes upon Urine, and appears in a form ſomething like a Spiders web, is a ſign of a conſumption of the fleſh and ſolid parts. The making of a great quantity of Urine is a ſign of a Criſis, and ſometimes the quality of it ſhews particularly how the Bladder ſtands affected.

In fine, we ought to obſerve that Hippocrates compared the diſpoſition of the Tongue with that of Urine: That is to ſay, when the Tongue was yellow, and charg • d with choler, the Urine of courſe muſt be of the ſame colour. And on the contrary, when it was red and moiſt, the Urine was accordingly of its natural colour.

The Excrements by Stool that are ſoft, yellowiſh, of ſome conſiſtence, and not of an extraordinary ill ſmell, that anſwers to the quantity of whats taken inwardly, and that are voided at the uſual hours, are the beſt ſort of all. They ought alſo to be of a thicker conſiſtence, when the diſtemper is near the Criſis, and it ought to be taken for a good prognoſtick, when ſome Worms round and long are evacuated at the ſame time with 'em. But tho' the Matter excreted be thin and liquid, yet notwithſtanding it may give ſome comfortable hopes, provided it makes not too much noiſe in coming out, and the evacuation be not in a ſmall quantity, nor too often, nor in ſo great abundance, nor ſo often, that the Patient is faint with it. All Matter that's watry, white, of a pale green, or red, or frothy and viſcous, is bad. That that's black, like greaſe, and that that's livid like the colour of Verd-de-gris, are the moſt pernicious. That that's pure black, and is nothing elſe but a diſcharge of Choler aduſt, or black Bile, always prognoſticates very ill, this humour, from what part ſoever it comes, never appearing, but it ſhews at the ſame time the ill diſpoſition of the Inteſtines.

The Matter that's of ſeveral different colours, denotes the length of a diſtemper, and at the ſame time that it may be of dangerous conſequence. Hippocrates places in the ſame Claſs the Matter that is bilious, or yellow, and mix'd with blood, or green and black, or like the dregs or ſcrapings of the Guts. The Stools that conſiſted of pure Bile, or of all Phlegm, he alſo look'd upon as bad.

Matter caſt up by Vomiting ought to be mix'd with choler and phlegm; where you ſee but one of theſe humours alone, 'tis worſe. That that's black, livid, green, or of the colour of a Leek, is of diſmal conſequence. That that ſmells very ill is ſo likewiſe; and if at the ſame time it be livid, death is not far off. The vomiting of blood is very often mortal.

The ſpittings that give eaſe in diſeaſes of the Lungs, and in Pleuriſies, are thoſe that come up readily, and without difficulty; and 'tis good, if they are mix'd at the firſt beginning with a great deal of yellow; but if they appear of the ſame colour, or are red, a great while after the beginning of the diſtemper, and are ſalt and acrimonious, and cauſe violent Coughings, they are not good. Spittings purely yellow are bad; and thoſe that are white, viſcous and frothy, give no eaſe. Whiteneſs is a tolerable good ſign of concoction in regard to Spittings, but they ought not at all to be viſcous, nor too thick, nor too clear. One may make the ſame judgment of the Excrements of the Noſe, according to their concoction and crudity: Spittings that are black, green, or red, are of very ſad conſequence. In inflamations of the Lungs, thoſe that are mix'd with choler and blood preſage well, if they appear at the beginning, but are bad if they ariſe not till about the ſeventh day. But the worſt of all the ſigns in theſe diſtempers, is, when there is no expectoration at all, and the too great quantity of Matter that is ready to be diſcharg'd this way, makes a rattling in the throat or breaſt. After ſpitting blood, next follows the diſcharge of purulent Matter, which is the cauſe of a Conſumption, and at the end death.

A kind good ſweat, is that which ariſes in the day of the Criſis, and is diſcharg'd in abundance all over the body, and at the ſame time from all the parts of the body, and carries off the Fever. A cold ſweat is bad, eſpecially in acute Fevers, for in others it • s only a ſign of long continuance. When the Patient ſweats no where but in the head and neck, it's a ſign the diſeaſe will be long and dangerous. A gentle ſweat or moiſtneſs of ſome Part; for example, of the head or breaſt, gives no relief, but denotes the ſeat of the diſtemper, or the weakneſs of the part. Hippocrates call • d this ſort of ſweat Ephidroſis.

As long as there is a collection of purulent Matter in ſome part of the body, the Patient is in pain, and the Fever abates not, but when the Pus is concocted, both Pain and Fever goes off. The qualities of good and bad purulent Matter you have ſeen deſcrib'd before, when we ſpoke of thoſe that related to Urine.

The 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . That is to ſay, the Parts under the ſhort-ribs. Theſe Parts are chiefly the Liver, the Spleen, the Stomach, the Gut call • d Duodenum, and part of the Colon. Hypochondria, or the Abdomen in general, ought always to be ſoft and even, as well on the right ſide as the left. When there is any hardneſs or unevenneſs in thoſe Parts, or heat or ſwelling, or when one cannot endure to have it touch'd, it • s a ſign the Inteſtines are indiſpos'd.

Hippocrates alſo inquir'd into the ſtate of the Pulſe, or the beating of the Arteries. He is, according to Galen's obſervation, the firſt of all Phyſicians we have knowledge of, that made uſe of the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Gal. de differ. & gener. pulſ. Pulſe in the ſenſe it's now commonly taken; that is to ſay, for the natural and ordinary beating of the Arteries. For you muſt know, that the moſt ancient Phyſicians, and Hippocrates himſelf, for a great while, underſtood by this word the extraordinary pulſation, or the violent beating that's felt in a Part inflam'd, without putting your •• ngers there to feel it too.

But the ſame Galen that gives this account of Hippocrates, fails not to obſerve in another place, that the buſineſs of the Pulſe is the only thing in all Phyſick that this Phyſician has ſo ſlightly touch'd upon. Some GreekTheophil. Protoſpathar. lib. de Urin. & Pulſ. Authors more modern than Galen, have alſo made the ſame remark; nevertheleſs, one may collect from the Writings of Hippocrates, ſeveral Inſtructions upon this ſubject. As when he ſays, That inEpidem. lib. 4. Fevers very acute, the pulſe is very faſt and very great; and when he makes mention in the ſame place of trembling pulſes, and thoſe that beat ſlowly; and when he obſerves, in ſpeaking of the white flowings of Women, that the pulſe that ſtrikes the fingers faintly, and in a languiſhing manner, is a ſign of approaching death. He remarks alſo in the Coacae praenotiones, that Lethargick perſons have their Pulſe languid and ſlow. He ſays alſo in another place,Epidem. lib. 6. That he whoſe vein, that is to ſay, Artery of the Elbow beats, is juſt going to run mad; or elſe, that the perſon is in a very great paſſion of anger.

Theſe Quotations make it appear, that Hippocrates was not wholly ignorant of the ſigns taken from pulſes. But it muſt be own • d, if he has given us ſome Inſtructions on this ſubject, that it did not appear that he made any uſe of them himſelf, or reduc'd them to practiſe. We find little or nothing of it in his Books of Epidemical Diſeaſes, except the two paſſages we have quoted, tho' theſe Books are a ſort of a Journal, where he mentions a great number of Hiſtories of Diſeaſes that he has manag • d. It's ſurpriſing, that in other reſpects he ſhou'd be ſo exact in his Obſervations, even to the moſt minute ſigns and circumſtances of a diſeaſe, yet ſay nothing of the pulſe of the Patients. How cou'd one judge that he knew, whether they had a Fever or not? Or that he diſtinguiſh'd the different degrees of it, when he ſpoke nothing of the pulſe? It's probable he did not depend much on this ſign; I'll tell you what I think furniſh'd him with the knowledge of the pulſe. Perhaps the different degrees of heat or cold, which the Patients endured in their Fevers, the greater or leſs want of reſt, and particularly their manner of breathing, which he commonly obſerved with care, was what he thought of greater importance to be taken notice of, or at leaſt what inform'd him whether they had a Fever or not, and whether this Fever requir'd conſideration, or was of little conſequence.

We might add a great many remarks to the precedent ones, if one wou • d exhauſt all the matter relating to ſigns Thoſe we have touch'd upon, have relation chiefly to Prognoſticks. We • ll ſpeak of others, that ſerve to diſtinguiſh and give us knowledge of diſtempers, when we make an enquiry into each particular.

If Hippocrates hit right in his Prognoſticks, 'twas the effect of his judgment, his exactneſs, and the particular attendance he gave in every caſe that preſented it ſelf, which was the occaſion of what • s juſtly ſaid in Galen, ThatDedifficult reſpir. lib. 2. Hippocrates of all Phyſicians was the moſt diligent and induſtrious. Application to obſerve every thing that happen'd to a Patient, ſeem • d to be ſo proper to his Character, that you never ſee, ſo great a Philoſopher as he was, that he was near ſo much taken up with reaſoning on the accidents of Diſeaſes, as in faithfully reporting them. He was content to obſerve well what theſe accidents were, to diſtinguiſh Diſeaſes by them, and to judge of the event of thoſe that he had actually in hand, by comparing them with the like which he had had before in his management; and he did not commonly give himſelf the trouble, to give a reaſon why ſuch a thing happening ſuch other wou'd neceſſarily follow. The Empiricks, which were a Sect of Phyſicians that aroſe after him, and of whom we ſhall ſpeak in the following diſcourſe, for this reaſon diſputed with the Dogmatical or Reaſoning Phyſicians, maintaining they had the advantage to have this Father of Phyſick on their ſide, pretending that his method was not different from that of his Predeceſſors the Aſclepiades, which was alſo the ſame theſe Empiricks followed, and looking upon Hippocrates as one of the Authors of their ſide.

Galen had ſome reaſon to exclaim againſt them in this point, and there is no doubt but that Hippocrates reaſon'd, and alſo ſometimes philoſophis'd in his profeſſion, as you have ſeen before. But the Empiricks had not been altogether in the wrong, if they had plainly ſaid that Hippocrate's Philoſophy was none of the beſt, and that they preferr'd the deſcriptions all naked as they are, which he gives of Diſeaſes and their Accidents, and his Inſtructions or Remarks on the manner of managing them to all the Reaſonings they can find any where in his Works, on the Cauſes of the ſame diſtempers. It's certain at leaſt, that 'tis chiefly on this account, I wou'd ſay, on that which the Empiricks look'd upon as the moſt advantageous, that Hippocrates has recommended Phyſick to poſterity, and gain'd admiration even from thoſe, that otherwiſe did not conſent with him to his principles, as we have already obſerv'd, and as you • ll afterwards ſee. We may alſo add, That the Books of Hippocrates, that conſiſt moſt of Reaſoning, or that contain moſt Philoſophy, are thoſe which are attributed to other Authors; as the Book of the Nature of Man; that of the Nature of an Infant; that of Winds; the firſt of Diet; and ſome others.

As to what remains, we ought to make this Remark, That the Skill of Hippocrates, and of all the Phyſicians that came after him, and that imitated him in relation to Prognoſticks, made the people, that knew not how far their knowledge cou'd extend in this matter, look upon them as Prophets, and require of them things that were above their power. Some of them were glad to amuſe the Vulgar, and keep them in this opinion, for the profit they hop'd to gain from it, ſaying, Since the People are willing to be deceiv'd, ſo let them be.

That that puts ſeveral of our Phyſicians now upon the purſuit of this uncharitable and diſhonorable Maxim, is their obſervation, That in effect the World will be deceiv'd; and that they often ſee Phyſicians, that thinking themſelves other ways qualified enough to ſatisfie reaſonable Patients, will not become Conjurers and Mountebanks, are thoſe that have the leaſt buſineſs, or that quit it: And what do they quit it for? To inſinuate themſelves amongſt a wretched ſort of People, that ſometimes can neither write nor read; and that ſome may come ſeeking for them a great way off, to know of them, upon the ſight of a glaſs of Urine, what diſtemper they diſcover, which if the Patient was preſent they cou'd know nothing at all of. When I talk here of the People, I wou'd not have it meant ſimply what they call the Mob or Dregs of the People; the Vulgar, or People, which I mean; meet equally in all conditions, and always makes the greateſt number in all Societies. It happens alſo, I know not how, that ſome Men, that in other things have good Senſe and Knowledge, and are very skilful in other matters, ſeem to be wholly depriv'd of their Underſtanding and Judgment, when it acts concerning theſe pretended Prophets, from whom they receive as great impreſſions as the meaneſt of the people.

To return to Hippocrates; it's a thing very remarkable, and that which adds very much to his Merit and Reputation, that having liv'd in an Age when Phyſick was, as you have ſeen, altogether Superſtitious, yet ſuffer'd not himſelf to be carried down the Torrent with the reſt; ſo that neither his Reaſonings, or his Obſervations, nor his Remedies, have the leaſt mixture of this weakneſs, ſo common in thoſe Times, and yet common ſtill even amongſt ſome Phyſicians. We don't ſee that his Prognoſticks had any other foundation than from the pure nature of things. It • s true, in his Book of Dreams, he talks of ſome Sacrifices or Ceremonies which ought to be perform'd to ſome certain Deities, according to the nature of the Dreams we dreamt. But theſe were only Duties, which Religion neceſſarily engag'd Men to. His good ſenſe appear'd in another place, particularly when in the ſame Book he ſolves Dreams, by what has been ſaid or done in the day time; from whence he draws conſequences to judge of the condition of the body, according as 'tis charg'd with Choler, Phlegm, Blood, &c. which he brings in as the Cauſes on which depends the difference of Dreams, and the circumſtances that accompany them. We'll ſpeak one word more of the averſion he had to ſuperſtition, in what related to Remedies, and the cure of Diſeaſes, when we come to the Chapter of Purgation.

CHAP. V. Of the ſorts of Diſeaſes that Hippocrates knew, gave names to, or deſcrib'd.

THE particular Diſeaſes, which are mentioned in the Writings of Hippocrates, may be reduc • d to five different Claſſes. The firſt is of diſtempers, whoſe names have been never chang'd, and that have been known ever ſince to the Greek Phyſicians, by the ſame names and ſigns as they were diſtinguiſh'd by this ancient Phyſician. This firſt Claſs is the moſt conſiderable, and contains alone a much greater number of diſtempers, than the four following put all together. The ſecond includes thoſe which have not preſerved their names, altho' they have been known and diſtinguiſh'd by the accidents which Hippocrates attributed to them. I put in the third Claſs ſome diſtempers which he gave no name to, but only a ſimple deſcription of. And in the fourth, thoſe, that tho' they are nam'd and deſcrib'd exactly in the Works that are allow'd to be his, yet notwithſtanding have not been known ſince that time, either by their names, which were grown out of uſe, or by the deſcription the Author gives of them. The fifth and laſt Claſs, is of thoſe that have names which were no longer known, and that at the ſame time there were no deſcriptions of; ſo that we can ſpeak almoſt nothing of them but by conjecture.

CHAP. VI. A Catalogue of the Diſeaſes of the firſt Claſs, or of thoſe whoſe Greek Names are preſerv'd, and have always continued very near the ſame.

WE'll rank every one of theſe Diſeaſes in an Alphabetical order, according to their Engliſh Names, which are partly deriv'd from the Greek, which we'll put at the bottom of the page.

A 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . ABſceſſe or Apoſthume. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Alphus, a cutaneous diſtemper 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Alopecy, a diſeaſe of the head, when the hair falls off, or is thin in ſeveral places. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Theſe are the common names to the part and its diſeaſes. Almonds, diſeaſes of this part, inflamation, ſuppuration, ulceration. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Anus, the falling down, relaxation, or invertion of it. Vid. Hemorrhoids, inflamation of the Anus. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Ancyle or Ancyloſis, a contraction of the Joints. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Aphony, loſs of voice. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Apthae, Ulcers of the mouth. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Thoſe that were taken with this diſeaſe were call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that is to ſay ſtruck, v Thunder ſtruck and Pleuriſie. Hippocrates alſo confounds ſometimes Apoplexy with Palſie, where he gives the firſt of theſe Names to both Diſcaſes. Apoplexy, a ſudden privation of ſenſe and motion. Appetite, loſs of Appetite; v. Loathing. Appetite deprav • d of thoſe that eat earth and ſtones, v Colour, and the diſtemper of Women with Child. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Afterbirth retain'd. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Aſthma, a ſort of difficulty of breathing; v. Diſpnea. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . This laſt word ſignifies the action of miſcarrying. Abortion. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Weaſels Arms. 'Tis the name that Hippocrates gives to thoſe that have ſuch arms. Arms ſhorter, and of a leſs proportion than they ought to be. B 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . This laſt word ſignifies alſo Bunch back'd. BOunch-back'd. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Branchus, a ſort of a defluxion, hoarſeneſs. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; a common name to the Glands of the Groin, and their Diſeaſes. Buboes, ſwellings of the Glands in general, and particularly thoſe of the Groin. Brain inflam'd, v. Inflamation. Brain gangren'd, v. Sphacclus. Brain mov'd, v. commotion. Brain dropſical, v. Dropſie. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Blood-ſhot of the Eyes. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . A dry Blood-ſhot. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Baldneſs. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , corpulent. The body torpid or languid. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Blood, vomiting of blood; great loſs of blood by Stool in a burning Fever. Loſs of blood, v. Haemorrhage. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , barren Women. Barrenneſs, v. Womb. (k) The Bladder clos'd or ſtopp'd, v. Ʋrine. Tubercule of the Bladder, v. Tubercule. Stone of the Bladder, v. Stone. C 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . CAchexy: An ill habit of the fleſhy parts of the body, caus'd by the corruption and aboundance of humours. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Cancer, a ſort of a Tumour. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . An outward Cancer. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . An inward Cancer. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . An hereditary Cancer, or that's born with one. Cancer of the Throat, of the Breaſt, of the Womb, and of other parts; a Cancerous Ulcer. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Cardialgy, pain of the Stomach, Heart burning. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Carie. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Carus, a ſort of a dead ſleep, and out of which there's no raiſing the Patient. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Cataphora, another ſort of extraordinary dead ſleep. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Catarrh, or defluxion upon ſome part, v. Rheum. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . A ſalt Catarrh, nitrous, acrid, and hot. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Catarrhs that kill ſuddenly. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Catochus, A Diſeaſe, in which the Patient continues inflexible, with his eyes open, without knowledge or motion. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Carbuncle, a ſort of Tumour. Cauſus, v. Fever. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Cholera, a ſudden diſcharge of humours upward and downward. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . A wet Cholera; a dry Cholera. Chordapſus, v. Ileus. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Coma, a ſort of a dead deep ſleep. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Coma watching, a ſort of dead ſleep, or ſleeping with one's eyes open. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Contuſion or Bruis. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Convulſions, involuntary contractions of the Muſcles. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Coryza, a ſort of Catarrh, a heavineſs of the head, with a Rheum. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . An ill colour, paleneſs or greenneſs of look, in perſons that have a deprav'd appetite, and eat earth or ſtone. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , v. Rupture. The chapping of the Tongue or Lips. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Commotion or Concuſſion of the Brain. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Cold in the extreme, which is felt in certain Fevers, and can ſcarce be taken off. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Chilblains. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Cough. D. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . DElirium. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Diarrhaea, Looſeneſs. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Dyſentery, violent pains in the Bowels, accompanied often with a flux of blood. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Diſpnaea, difficulty of breathing in general. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Diſury, a difficulty of making Water, with pains. v. Strangury, and Urine ſuppreſs • d. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Diſtortions, v. Luxations. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 de 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . water. Dropſies of many ſorts; general and particular. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; that is to ſay, that comes under or between the fleſhy parts. Dropſie call • d Hypoſarcidios. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Dropſie call • d Leucophlegmatia. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Dropſie caus'd by Wind. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Dropſie dry. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. Dropſie of the Lungs. (mm) Dropſie of the Breaſt, caus'd by the breaking of the Puſtules riſing on the Lungs: Dropſie of the Eeſticules, of the Womb, of the Head. Vid. lib. 2. de morb. & lib. de internis aff • c ••• nib. Diſeaſe, call'd Sacred; the Diſeaſe of Hercules; the great Diſeaſe: Falling-ſickneſs, v. Epilepſie. The dry Diſeaſe, the belching Diſeaſe, the Diſeaſe of the hollow veins, the Diſeaſe of the Hypochondra, the putrifying Diſeaſe, the groſs Diſeaſe, the Diſeaſe of the Scythians, the black and blue Diſeaſe, the black Diſeaſe, the Diſeaſe call'd Cura, the Phaenician Diſeaſe: See the Diſeaſes of the following Claſſes. The Diſeaſe of Virgins, v. Virgins. Diſeaſes of Women with Child, that have their Appetitites deprav'd, v. Appetite. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Deafneſs, v. Ear, hearing. E. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . EMphroſthotonos; a ſort of Convulſion, where the Body is forc'd to bend forward. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . This name is given to all ſorts of Impoſthumes by Hippocrates, who in other places by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , purulent Lungs, means ſometimes this diſtemper, or another that comes very near it, and calls thoſe that are ſubject to it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Empyema; a collection of purulent Matter in the Thorax. Ephelides, v. Spots. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Epilepſie; Falling-ſickneſs, Paſſio Sacra, Morbus Comitialis, the Diſeaſe of Hercules, &c. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Epilepſie of Infants. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Epinyctides, a ſort of Puſtules. Hippocrates means thoſe that have this impotence by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Erection hinder'd, or want of Erection. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Eryſipelas, a ſort of Tumour, St. Anthony's Fire; Eryſip▪ of all the Parts of the Body, of the Face, of the Lungs, of the Womb: Eryſipelas, with Ulcers malignant, with corruption, and falling of the hair. See this underneath, in the Diſeaſes of the third Claſs. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Exanthemata, o • ••• ſings on the skin, the different ſorts are theſe: Exanth. accompanied with an itching and heat, as if • hey were on fire Exanth. or little ſpots round and red. Exanth. like ſpots that remain after the ſtinging of Gnats. Exanth. which reſemble the wheals left after whipping. Exanth. where the skin appears as if it was torn. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Extaſie, a Trance, being raviſh'd, or forgetting ones ſelf. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Extaſie with Melancholy. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Extenſion violent of the Fibres, v. Diſtortion. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Ears, ſwellings behind the ears, v. Parotides. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Ears moiſt in little Children. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Pains in the Ear. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Noiſe and ſinging in the Ears. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Puſh or Pimple on the Eye-lid. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Eye-lids ſore, ſcabby. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Eye-lids beſet inſide and outſide with Excreſcences of fleſh, in the form of Figs or Warts. Tubercle, or a little ſwelling of the Eye-lids, v. Wart. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Inverſion of the Eye-lids. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Eye-lids when the hair is turn • d inward. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Eye-lids joyn'd or clung together. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Eyes a-croſs, as your Squint-ey'd perſons have. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Clouds or Miſts appearing before the eyes. Speck and Scars, ſome white, ſome of other colours, that hinder ſight, v. Pupil. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Cataract in the eye. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Ulcer of the eye. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Eye burſt, v. Pupil. Eyes inflam • d, v. Opthalmy. Eyes clung together, v. Eye-lids. F. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . FLeſh ſuperfluous, or Excreſcence of the fleſh, v. Pudenda: Falling away of the fleſh, v. Eryſi • elas. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Face awry, without any other illneſs. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Fire, v. Fever. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Wildſire, a ſort of Tetter or Ring-worm. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Fever. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . F. Intermittent. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . F. continual. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . F. Quotidian. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . F. Tertian. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Hemitritus, or Tertian and half. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . F. Quartan. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. Fever of five, of ſeven, of nine days each. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . F. of a day. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . F. of a night. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . F. burning, otherwiſe call'd Cauſus. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . F burning, call'd fire. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . F. kind. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . F. malignant. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Fever that has exacerbations. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . F. burning. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . F. cold. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . F. Lipy • y; or the outward Parts cold, while the inwards are burning. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 F. moiſt 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Fever dry. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . F. ſalt. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . F. windy. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . F. red. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . F. livid. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . F. pale. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . F. reſtleſs. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Fever inconſtant. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . F. long and ſlow. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . A little continual Fever. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . F. errant. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . F. acute. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . F. terrible to the ſight. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . F. whoſe heat is ſoft or rough to the hand. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . F. killing. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . F. ſoft or gentle. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . F. accompanied with the Hickup. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . F. where the light is dim. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Fever laborious or tireſome. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . F. moderate in its heat. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Fever irregular. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Fever vertiginous. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Fever that has the appearance of a Tertian. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . F. viſcous. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Fever caus • d by pure Bile. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . F. of the Winter. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Fiſtula a ſort of Ʋlcer. (b) Fiſtula in Ano, v. Tubercule. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The firſt is alſo meant ſometimes in Hippocrates for the Months. Flux or loſs of blood of Women that continues much longer than their Months, and whoſe colour is ſometimes red, now and then white, ſometimes yellowiſh, &c. See a little further in the cure of the Diſeaſes of Women, v. Months. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Fluxion, v. Catarrh, Rheum, Branchus, Coryſa. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . You find alſo the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which anſwers to the Engliſh word ſtupid, and ſignifies fooliſh, ſenſeleſs, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Folly, Thunder-ſtruck, a diſtemper where one is depriv'd of all ſenſe on a ſudden as if ſtruck with Lightning, v. Apoplexy. Another diſeaſe, where they have after death their ſides black and blue, as if they were murder'd, or bruis'd with Lightning, v. Pleuriſie. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Fractures of the bones. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Frica Rigour, ſhaking with the cold. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . A Fellon or Bile: Flowings of Women, v. Flux. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Fear in ſleeping, the diſtemper of little Children. G. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . COntinual Gaping. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Gripes. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; that is to ſay, black and dry corruption; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 corruption; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Gangrene. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Gums; the itching of the Gums of Infants. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Gums full of round Carbuncles, or little black and blue ſwellings. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Black Gums; Impoſtumation of the Gums. Glands, v. Bubo's, ſcrophulous humours. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Glaucoſis or Glaucoma, diſtemper of the eye. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Gongronae ſwellings, a diſeaſe of the Neck. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Gout. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Gout, with hard ſtony Matter in the Joints, v. Tubercules. (l) Gravel, v. Stone, Kidnies. (m) Gut, the great Gut inflamed. The falling down of the great Gut, v. Anus. Gripes, v. Dyſentery. H. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . HOarſneſs, v. Branchus. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Hunger. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Hemorrhage; loſs of blood in general. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Hemorrhoids; ſwellings of the Anus. Hemorrhoids, with the falling down of the Anus, v. Anus. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Herpes, ſwellings ulcerated that run farther and farther. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Hickup. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Hypochondra; ('tis the name which Hippocrates gives to the Parts that are immediately under the ſhort Ribs) ſwoln, tenſe, with rumblings, &c. Theſe are the different diſpoſitions of the Parts, and the Accidents or Signs that precede or follow certain Diſeaſes; the diſeaſe of the Hypochondra, v. in the diſtempers of the ſecond Claſs. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Hypogloſſis; a ſwelling under the Tongue. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Hearing; hardneſs of hearing, v. Deafneſs. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Hair; the diſeaſe when the hair falls off from all Parts of the Body, v. Alopecy, baldneſs. 〈◊〉 'tis the name of thoſe that have their heads of this ſhape. Head ſharp like a Sugar-Loaf. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Pain in the head. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Heavineſs of the head. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. Pain of the head, with purulent Matter running from the Noſe. (p) Pain of the head, caus'd by water inclos'd in the Brain, or within the Skull, v. Dropſie. I. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . ITch. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Jaundice, or Icterus, a Diſeaſe of the skin; the yellow or pale Jaundice ariſing from the Liver; black Jaundice from the Spleen; other ſorts of this diſeaſe, v. Ileus. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , v. further on in the Article of Diocles. Ileus, a diſtemper of the Guts, one within the other, that the Excrements can't paſs. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Ileus accompanied with the Jaundice. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Ileus bloody. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Inflamation; ſuch a diſpoſition of Parts, that you feel an extraordinary heat and burning, whether there be a ſwelling or not. Inflamation of the Lungs, v. Peripneumony. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Epidem lib. 5. ſect. 7. Jaw mortified, fallen after a pain in the Teeth; and after having had Excreſcences of fleſh upon it. K. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . KIngs Evil; diſtemper of the Glands. (b) Kidnies, Reins, v. Nephritis. L. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . HArd Labour, v. Purgations and Afterbirth. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; prorrhetic. lib. 2. Lameneſs, ſettled Lameneſs. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; Thoſe that had this diſtemper were call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , a name common to all thoſe that had their Livers indiſpoſed. Liver, inflamation and pain in the Liver; Liver inflated hard, and Impoſtumated. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Leproſie, a diſtemper of the skin. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Lethargy, a ſort of ſleepineſs, with a Fever, and memory failing: A ſort of Lethargy where the Lungs are affected. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Leuca, a diſtemper of the skin, that becomes white in ſome places. Lips, Ulcers of the Lips, v. Apthae. Lichon. v. Tetter. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Lientery, a diſeaſe when you void by Excrement your Food the ſame you took it in, or but a little chang'd. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Loins, pain in the Back or Loins. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Luxations or diſtortions. Lungs inflam'd, v. Peripneumony. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Lobes of the Lungs convuls'd. Dropſie of the Lungs, v. Dropſie. Little ſwellings or knobs of the Lungs, v. Wart. Swellings of the veins in the Lungs, v. Varix. M. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . MOuth; the ill ſmell of the mouth. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Wry mouths, Ulcers of the mouth, v. Apthae. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Madneſs, v. Folly. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Raving madneſs. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Melancholy, or melancholy diſtempers. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Months in too great a quantity. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Months in too ſmall a quantity. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Months without colour. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Months without mixture 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Months ſtopp'd. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. Months purulent, like pieces of Membrances, or Spiders Web, conſiſting of phlegm, matter, black, grumous, acrid, bilious, ſalt, &c. Months that aſcend towards the breaſts, &c. v Flux and Purgations. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Mola, a lump of fleſh growing in the Womb. N. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; they are ſo nam'd that have their necks awry. NEck awry. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Nauſeating of Victuals common to Women with Child, and accompanied with an inclination to vomit. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Nephritis; a diſeaſe of the Kidnies, accompanied with pains, ſuppreſſion of Urine, and other ſymptoms, v. Stone. Noſe, more than ordinary moiſtneſs of the Noſe; a ſort of defluxion, v. Coryza. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. Navil inflam'd, ulcerated, and open from the birth. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; 'tis ſo they are call'd by Hippocrates, that have this diſtemper, which he gives no name to as ſuch. Nyctalopy, a diſtemper of thoſe that ſee better in the night than in the day. O. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . OIdema; ſwellings and tumors in general, v. Tumor. Omentum, or the Caul; the falling down of it into the Groin, v. Tumor. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Opthalmy, or inflarnation of the eyes, moiſt and dry 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Opiſthotonos, a ſort of Convulſion, where the body bends backward. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Orthopny, a ſort of difficulty of breathing, that the Patient can • t lie down in his Bed, v. Diſpnea, Aſthma. P.We find this caſe at the beginning of the fourth and ſixth Poo • of the • p demie • s. PAlate; Impoſthumations and Ulcers corroding the Palate. The falling or ſeparation of the bone of the Palate and the Teeth, from whence follows the ſinking of the Noſe. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Palpitation of the Heart; Palpitation of the fleſh in all parts of the body; Palpitation between the Navel and the Cartilage, that • s towards the ſtomach. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; this name in common in Hippocrates both to Apoplexy and Palſie; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; ſome part of the body that's become Paralyti • n, or that has loſt its ſenſe and motion You find there alſo the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to relax in ſpeaking of the Parts that are Paralytick. become they are re • ax • d and looſe, without ſ • ren th ••• • up •• rt th •• . Tis from this Verb that the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 •• der • v'd Palſie, but I do not find it in Hippocrates. He means in another place by the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in a ſpecies of this diſtemper. Palſie, a privation of ſenſe and motion, univerſal and particular 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Paronychia or Panaris, a Whitlow, or ſore under the nails that's very painful. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; he ſpeaks alſo of a diſtemper of little Children, that he calls 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which ſeems to be the ſame; and he explains this word in another place by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , ſwellings that riſe behind the Ears as the Satyrs have; or rather, which makes 'em reſemble Satyrs, which are painted with ears ſtanding up, • s thoſe have that are troubled with ſwellings behind 'em. He alſo calls the ſame ſwellings 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , becauſe the Satyrs were call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by the Ionians. You'll ſee in another place another ſignification of the word Satyriaſmus. Parotides, ſwellings of the Glands behind the Ears. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Pudenda, excreſcence of fleſh at the entrance of the ſecret parts of Women, the rotting and falling off of the hairs of thoſe parts, v. Ereſypelas. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Peripneumony, inflamation of the Lungs. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Perirrhaea, a great diſcharge of humours, particularly by Urine. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Plague and Peſtilential diſtempers. Phagedaena, v Ulcer. White phlegm, v. Leucophlegmaty. Phlegmon, v. Inflamation. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Phlyctenae, a ſort of pimples and riſings on the skin, like thoſe that come after a burn. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; This word comes from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which is the name the Ancients gave to the Diaphragm, and ſignifies alſo the Soul or Mind, becauſe they believ'd the Soul had its ſeat in the Diaphragm. Phreneſis, an acute Fever, with a ſtrong delirium. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , de 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to conſume, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to melt. Phthiſis, a diſeaſe when the body conſumes away 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Phthiſis of the back. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Phthiſis nephritick, or that comes from the Reins. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Phthiſis from the Hips. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Phthiſis, from the general habit of body; that is, from the fleſh. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. Prickings all over the body, and in particular at the end of the tongue. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Pityriaſis, a diſeaſe when the hairs fall off, and Scurf or Scales riſe on the skin of the head. Pleuriſie, a pain in the ſide, with a continual Fever. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Pleuriſie moiſt, when the Patient expectorates. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Pleuriſie dry, when he does not ſpit at all.For this reaſon, thoſe that were in this oondition were call • d 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that is to ſay ſtruck, as well as thoſe that fell into an Apoplexy. See before Apoplexy. Pleuriſie, in which after death the ſides are black and blue, like thoſe that have been ſtruck with Thunder. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Pollutions Nocturnal, v. Seed. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Polypus, an excreſcence of the fleſh in the Noſe. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Well deſcribe it more particularly in the diſeaſes of the third Claſs. Putrefaction of the fleſh of the Pudenda. Putrefaction, v. Gangrene. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . The Pupil of the eye ſpoil • d. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , v. Glaucoma. The Pupil of the eye whitiſh, of a ſilver colour, of the colour of Sea-water, of a Sky-colour. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . The Pupil out of its place. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . The Pupil appearing leſs or greater, and angular. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . The ſtanding out of the Pupil, when the eyes burſt. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . A Scar on the Pupil. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Ulcer of the Pupil, v. Sight and Eyes. Pulſation of the Hypochondra, v. Palpitation. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. Purgations, that follow the ſuppreſſion of the Lochia Purgations, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . or the matter of them aſcending even to the Lungs and Head, and iſſuing out of the Noſe and Mouth, &c. Puſtules, pimples or riſings on the skin of ſeveral ſorts, v. Exanthemata, Terminthi, Epinyctides. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Puſtules ariſing from ſweat that's acrimonious, with a corroding ſalt that ulcerates the skin. Q. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , theſe are two different ſorts. QUinſie, a diſtemper of the Throat. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Quinſie, extending it ſelf, or throwing it ſelf on the Lungs. Quinſie, following an inward luxation of the vertebrae of the Neck, and which ends in a Palſie. R. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . RIſings on the skin, or pimples, v. Exanthemata. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Reſtleſneſs of Patients impoſſiblity to continue in one place. v. Diſpnaea. Reſpiration hinder'd, v. Diſpnaea, Orthopnaea; Aſthma, Rheum, v. Defluxion. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . We know not preciſely what Hippocrates meant by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , it ſeems 'tis that part of the back which is juſt againſt the Diaphragm, which we ſaid was what we call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Rupture of the breaſt or back. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : from thence comes the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . 'Tis ſo Hippocrates calls thoſe that have any Veſſel broke in their body, or any Impoſthume that's open, v. Chapping. Rupture, or breaking of ſome Veſſel or Impoſthume within the body. S. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Tuttering, v. Tongue-ty'd. Stone, or the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Stone in the Kid •• ies and Bladder. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Spitting blood; Skull when its bones ſeparate one from another, v. Sphacelus. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Swooning, Swelling, v. Oidema 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Stupefaction. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Spine of the back bent inwardly. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Spine of the back that goes awry, or that bends to right or left. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Sudden ſurprize or ſtupefaction. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Scab, skin 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . riſing up in Scales. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Snoring. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Spleen, inflamation of the Spleen. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Spleen ſwoln. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . A great Spleen, Sporting, v. Snoring. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Frequent Salivation, Sa •• ri • ſmus, v. Parotides. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Sciatick, Scrotum, v. Tumors.To 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Seed, involuntary flux of Seed, v▪ Pollutions. Deep ſleep, v. Carus, Catochus, Coma, Lethargy Sphacelus, a ſort of Gangrene, v▪ Gangrene. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Strangury, Urine coming out drop by drop with pain, v. Dyſury. Suffocation of the Womb, v. Womb. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Superfetation. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Spots on the Legs by being too near the fire. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Spots on the face by being too much in the Sun White ſpecks in the eyes, v. Eyes. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Stones big or ſwoln. Varices, and other ſwellings of the Stones, v. Tumors. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Sight, dimneſs of ſight; the ſight of thoſe that ſee better in the night than in the day, v. Nyc • alopy. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Loſs of ſight, blindneſs, v. Pupil, Eye-lids, Eyes. T. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . TEtters. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Teeth; pains in the Teeth. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Teeth benumm'd. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Grinding of the Teeth. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Teeth gnaſh'd one againſt the other. Rotten Teeth, v. Sphacelus. The falling out of the Teeth, falling down of the Jaw, and of the Palate, v. Jaws, Palate. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Tongue-ty'd, that cauſes an heſitation in ſpeaking.Thoſe that have this imperfection are call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Too great a volubility of the Tongue, that occaſions ſtammering. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Teneſmus, or pain in going to Stool. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Terminthi, a ſort of Puſtules. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Tetanus, a ſort of Convulſion, where all the Muſcles are extended, and the Body ſtraight. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Trembling. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Tubercules, or little ſwellings of divers ſorts. Tubercule behind the Ears, v. Parotides. Tubercule on the Gums, v. Gums. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Tubercule crude in the Lungs. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Tuberc about the Bladder. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Tuberc. in the Ʋrethra. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Tubercules, or little hard ſwellings riſing in the face. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Tuberc. hard and ſtony of the joints of gouty perſons, and that oftentimes come on the Tongue. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Tuberc. hard about the Anus, whence follows an Abſceſſe, and at laſt a Fiſtula, or a fiſtulous Ulcer that perforates the Gut. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Tumors and ſwellings in general, v. Oidema. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Hard Tumors 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Scrophulous Tumors, v. Kings-Evil. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . 'Tis the general name thut Hippocrates gives th • ſ. Tumors, and mentions the ſeveral ſpecies of them, which. we have taken notice of. Tumors of the Groin, of the Scrotum, of the Teſticules caus'd by the falling down of the Omentum, or the Inteſtines; or by the Varices of the Teſticules; or by water collected in the Scrotum. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Typhomany, v. the diſtempers of the fifth Claſs. Typhus, v. thoſe of the fourth. U. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . UVula relax'd. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Uvula contracted. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Uvula as it were diſſolved or corrupted. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Varices; veins ſwoln, or very much dilated: Varix of the Lungs. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Veins obſtructed, that hinder the motion of the blood. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Veins throwing out blood upon the brain, v. in the following Claſſes.This diſeaſe is deſcrib • d by Hippocrates, but he gave it no particular name. Virgins, the Diſeaſes of Virgins. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Ulcers. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Erotian. Ulcers of the head, with a running humour like honey. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; thoſe which he calls 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that is to ſay, that eat and corrode; there are ſeveral ſorts of 'em. Ulcers malignant and corroding. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Fiſtulous Ulcers, v. Fiſtula. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Scrophulous Ulcers, v. Kings Evil and Tumours. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Urine ſtopp'd; difficulty of making water: Urine coming out drop by drop, v. Dyſury, Strangury W. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; it • s a common name to all diſtempers of the Womb, but it ſignifies alſo in particular the ſuffocation of the Womb. WOmb; ſeveral diſtempers of it. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Its being out of its proper place. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . The falling down of the Womb. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Suffocation of the Womb and Mother. The ſwelling of the Womb, caus'd by water or wind, v. Dropſie. Excreſcence of fleſh growing at the entrance of the outward neck of the Womb, v. Pudenda; ſwelling and hardneſs of the orifice of the Womb. The cloſing of it, cauſing barrenneſs or ſuppreſſion of the Months. The folding or twiſting of the orifice. The orifice too much open. Womb putrify'd, inflam • d, full of phlegm, ulcerated, cancerated, &c. v. further on the cure of the Diſeaſes of Women. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . A Wart, Tubercule, or little ſwelling on the Eye-lids. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Wounds. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Warts. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Worms. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Worms round and long. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Large and ſmooth. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Worms call'd Aſcarides, which are about the Anus, and ſometimes in the Pudenda of Women. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Vertigo. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Vertigo, with a miſt over the eyes.

You ſee what are the Diſeaſes of the firſt Claſs, which we leave at the preſent, with a deſign to give the definition, or the more exact deſcription of them, and to obſerve ſome other circumſtances relating to their Nature, Signs and Cauſes, in the Chapter of Galen.

CHAP. VII. The diſtempers of the ſecond Claſs, or that have not preſerv'd the names which Hippocrates gives them, tho' they have been known by the accidents or ſymptoms that he aſcrib • d to them.

THis is the deſcription that Hippocrates gives of a diſeaſe he calls 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the drying or dry diſeaſe: Theſe, ſays he, that are ſeiz'd with it, can neither be without eating, nor can their ſtomachs bear or digeſt what they have eaten. When they don't eat, their Guts rumble and make a noiſe, and they feel a pain in the orifice of their ſtomach; they vomit ſometimes one ſort of humour, ſometimes another. They throw up Bile, Spittle, Phlegm, and acrid Matter; and after they have vomited, they think themſelves a little better. But when they have taken any nouriſhment, they are troubled with belchings, their face looks red, and they burn like fire. They think they have a great occaſion to go to Scool, and when they come there, oftentimes nothing but wind comes from them. They have pains in their head, and feel prickings all over their body, ſometimes in one part, ſometimes in another, as if they were prick • d with Needles. Their L • gs are heavy and feeble, they conſume away, and grow weak by little and little. He adds further, This diſtemper is of long continuance, and does not leave the Patient till hes old, ſuppoſing he does not die before that time.

This deſcription agrees pretty well with a diſeaſe which is call • d in the following diſcourſe the Diſeaſe of the Hypochondra: That which Hippocrates calls the Belching Diſeaſe; that is to ſay, where they belch frequently, is a ſpecies or branch of the ſame, as well as the black diſtemper he ſpeaks of a little after.

As to the diſeaſe which he names 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Care a grievous diſeaſe. Care, that according to his report is very diſmal, you may place it under the melancholy diſtempers, of which Hippocrates himſelf ſpeaks in another place, and which we have put amongſt thoſe of the precedent Claſs. In this diſtemper, ſays he, you feel ſomething like a thorn pricking your entrails. Thoſe that are taken with it are extreamly reſtleſs and unquiet, they avoid the light and company, they are pleas'd with darkneſs, and are afraid of every thing; the Membrane that parts the Abdomen from the Breaſt ſwells out. When you touch them they fell pain, and are very much afraid of being hurt; they dream horrid dreams, and think they ſee of a ſudden frightful Objects, or dead Bodies.

CHAP. VIII. The Diſeaſes of the third Claſs, which are thoſe which Hippocrates gave no name to, but which we mây, or think we may, know by the deſcription he gives of them.

HIppocrates ſpeaking of the accidents that happen to thoſe that have a large Spleen, ſays, That their Prorrhetic. lib. 2. gums are corrupted, and their breath ſmells ill He adds, That if they have not ſome Hemorrhage, and the mouth does not ſmell ill, they are troubled with Ʋlcers and Cicatrice's, or black ſpots on their Legs. Some pretend 'tis the diſtemper which Pliny ſpeaks of, and is at this time very common amongſt the Northern People.

Hippocrates in another place giving an exact relation of ſeveral accidents that accompanied a diſtemper that was become Epidemick, and of which he obſerves more died than lived after it, ſays, That the accidents or ſymptoms were reduc'd to theſe,Epidem. lib. 3. ſect. 3. Eryſipelas's or malignant Tetters, ſore Throat with hoarſneſs, a burning Fever with a delirium, corroding Ʋlcers in the mouth, ſwellings on the Pudenda, inflamations of the Eyes, Carbuncles, diſorders in the Bowels, great loſs of Appetite, troubled Ʋrine, and in large quantities, ſometimes dozineſs, and at another time watchings, no entire or perfect ceaſing of theſe diſorders ſo as for the better, or to be term • d a happy concluſion of them, but a change that produced Dropſies and Conſumptions.

After having begun in this manner, he adds, That in ſeveral of theſe Patients, the very ſmall Ʋlcers degenerated into Tetters, or Eryſipelas's, which ſpread themſelves in all Parts of the body, and came particularly about the head to Men of ſixty years of age, upon the leaſt neglect of their diſtemper. At the ſame time, ſays he, further, That they actually applied remedies, of a ſudden there aroſe Inflamations and Tetters, which ſpread themſelves all about. When theſe Tetters came to ſuppuration, you might ſee fleſh and Tendons fall off from ſeveral, and their bones come away from them; and that which runs from theſe Ʋlcers, was not like to purulent Matter, but was a particular ſort of corruption of ſeveral colours, and in great aboundance. Thoſe alſo that happen • d to have the ſame about the Head, loſt their hair from the Part; as alſo from the Chin, the bones were ſeen altogether waked, and ſome of them dropt off. Theſe ſymptoms were ſometimes with a Fever, ſometimes without, and commonly they were in greater fear than danger, at leaſt thoſe, when in the diſtemper, the Matter came to a good digeſtion and ſuppuration, for they moſt of them, eſcap'd. But thoſe whoſe Eryſipelas, or Inflamation, did not ſuppurate, almoſt all of them died, in whatever Part the Eryſipelas came, the ſame thing happen'd. From one a whole Arm wou • d fall off; that is to ſay, it wou'd iutirely looſe all the fleſh that cover'd it. With another, the ſides, or any part of the body, before or behind, were expos • d to the ſame danger. And it ſometimes happen • d, that the whole Hip, Leg or Foot, were left altogether naked, without any fleſh; but thoſe whoſe Abdomen, or Privy Parts, were touch'd with it, ſuffer • d more than all the reſt.

I have drawn at length the deſcription of this diſtemper, that we may compare it with that of ſome others, which we ſhall ſpeak of in the ſequel of this Hiſtory, and which have been look • d upon by the greateſt part of Phyſicians as new, and not known in the time of Hippocrates, nor a long time after him, altho' they are found accompanied with ſymptoms which have a relation with ſome of thoſe we have touch • d upon. You'll find alſo other examples of diſeaſes, which have been thought new in regard to thoſe that are found deſcrib'd in Hippocrates, or which they pretend had their beginning at a certain time. 'Tis what we • ll inquire into as opportunity ſhall offer it ſelf; and 'twas chiefly in regard to this, that I thought my ſelf oblig'd at leaſt to give an account of the Names of the diſeaſes this ancient Phyſician had knowledge of; that, as we have already ſaid, we might compare his deſcriptions with thoſe that follow.

We may put in this Claſs the diſtemper peculiar to the Scythians, which Herodotus makes mention of, and attributes to the anger of Venus Ʋrania, whoſe Temple was pillaged by them. This is what Hippocrates has writ of it: Many, ſays he, among the Scythians become Eunuchs, do every thing that Women are accuſtom'd to do, and talk or diſcourſe as if they were ſo; from whence they are call'd Effeminate. The Inhabitants of the Country, that impute the Cauſe of this diſtemper to God, or the Deity, have a great veneration for thoſe that are ſeiz • d with it, and in a manner worſhip them, for fear the ſame thing ſhou • d happen to themſelves. For my part, continues Hippocrates, I believe truly, that theſe ſorts of diſtempers are Divine as well as others, and that there's no diſtemper more Divine or Humane one than another, but that they are all Divine; that every one has its particular nature, and that there is never a one where Nature has not its part. I'll tell you then from whence I think this malady comes. The Scythians are ſubject to certain Rheumatiſms on the Joints, which are very ſtubborn, and continue a long time; which happens to them, becauſe they are continually on Horſeback, and their Legs hanging down. When this diſtemper has had its period they become Lame, by reaſon of the contraction of their Thighs, and the manner of their management is this. At the beginning of this diſtemper, they open the veins behind the Ears, and being weaken • d and diſpirited by the loſs of a great quantity of blood they fall aſleep; and ſome of them, when they awake, find themſelves well. In my opinion, they ruine themſelves by this manner of management, for thoſe that have their veins behind their Ears open • d, become uncapable of generation; and that's their misfortune. When they come to their Wives and find they are not fit for enjoyment, they are not immediately much concern • d, but when they find they continue impotent, then they imagine they have offended the God, or the Divinity to whom they aſcribe the cauſe of their diſgrace. After which they take the habit of a Woman, and publickly declare they are no longer Men; they converſe with the Women, and appear in all reſpects as ſuch. We muſt obſerve, that there are none but the richeſt of the Scythians, or thoſe of the greateſt quality, that are ſubject to this diſeaſe, and that the poor are never ſeiz'd with it; without doubt, the reaſon of it is, becauſe the firſt are almoſt always on Horſeback, and the latter but ſeldom. If this diſeaſe was more divine than others, it ought not to attack the wealthieſt, and the greateſt Men only, but be equally common to all. It ſhou'd rather happen, that the poor People ſhou'd be more expos'd than the rich, eſpecially if the Gods take pleaſure that Men ſhou'd admire and adore them, and for that reaſon beſtow their benefits on them. For the rich offer Sacrifices and Oblations to 'em, ſerve 'em, and erect Statues oftner than the poor, becauſe they have wherewithal to do it; whereas the other have not, and inſtead of adoration oftentimes curſe the Gods, that they have not given them Plenty and Riches. So that it wou • d be more agreeable to reaſon, that the poor and needy ſhou • d be puniſh'd with this diſeaſe, for their wickedneſs, rather than the rich. This diſtemper then is truly Divine, as I ſaid at firſt, but all others are ſo too, and come naturally at the ſame time to all People.

The opinion of Hippocrates, concerning the diſtinction that the Gods ought to make between the Rich and the Poor, in relation to Sacrifices, might give an occaſion to ſome to accuſe him of taking too great a liberty in Matters of Religion; but they might as well, and with the ſame reaſon, blame Homer, when in ſeveral places he introduces Jupiter laying aſide all buſineſs, to go and take part of a Collation; that is to ſay, to ſup up the ſmoak of a Sacrifice of the Ethiopians, with all the Train of Gods after him. It appears alſo, by what Hippocrates ſays relating to the cauſe of this diſtemper, that he was not at all ſuperſtitious, as we have obſerv'd before, and his thoughts on this ſubject are very well worthy of the Age in which Socrates liv'd, with whom he was almoſt contemporary. It ſeems probable to others, that this diſtemper of the Scythians fell upon the Rich oftner than the Poor, by the ſame reaſon that we ſee every day, that Perſons of Eſtates are more ſubject to the Hypochondriack Affection, than thoſe of meaner Fortunes, which you • ll eaſily find to be true.

CHAP. IX. Diſeaſes of the fourth Claſs, that have not been known to the Phyſicians that liv'd ſince Hippocrates. neither by the deſcription he has given of them, nor by the names he gives them, which have not been in uſe ſince.

AMongſt the diſtempers of this Claſs, which are not many in number, no more than thoſe of the two precedent ones, the moſt remarkable are theſe two; the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Typhus, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . the thick or groſs diſeaſe: theſe are the names which Hippocrates gives them. Some of his Commentators were of opinion, that the firſt of theſe was a ſort of a burning Fever, which caus'd a delirium with ſtupefaction. You'll ſee by the deſcription whether they have hit right.

According to our Author, there are five ſorts of Typhus's: The firſt is really a continual Fever, that takes away all the ſtrength of the Patient, accompanied with pains in the belly, and a heat or inflamation in the eyes, that he cannot look ſteady upon any thing; beſides, not being able to anſwer to any that's ask'd him, by reaſon of the great pain he lies under, unleſs when he is juſt dying, then he talks, and looks ſtern and bold.

The ſecond ſort begins with a Tertian or Quartan Ague, and after that come pains in the head. The Patient ſpits in abundance, and throws up ſome Worms by the Mouth; his eyes are painful to him, his viſage looks pale, he has a tumour or ſoft ſwelling in his feet, and ſometimes all over the body; ſometime his breaſt and back pain him, his belly rumbles and makes a noiſe, his eyes look fierce, he hauks and ſpits much, and his ſpittle ſticks to his Throat, that makes his voice ſqueak.

The third ſort diſtinguiſhes it ſelf from the reſt, by the mighty quick ſharp pains in the joints, and ſometimes all over the body. The blood corrupted by the Bile ſtops, and is coagulated about the Hips; and the Bile detain • d in the joints growing hard like a gravel ſtone, the Patient becomes lame.

The fourth ſort is known by the great tenſeneſs, riſing up, and heat of the belly; after which follows a Looſeneſs, which ſometimes leads the way to a Dropſie, and is alſo accompanied ſometimes with a Fever.

The fifth and laſt has for its ſigns, a paleneſs and tranſparency of the whole body, like that of a bladder full of water, yet without any ſwelling; on the contrary, the body is extenuated, dry and feeble, eſpecially towards the neck-bones and the face; the eyes are very much ſunk in, and the body alſo is ſometimes black. The Patient ſeldom winks with his eyes, he feels about with his hands upon the Covering of the Bed, as if he wou • d pick Wooll or Straws. He finds himſelf more charg'd and fuller after eating, than when he was well; he loves the ſmell of a Lamp put out; he has oftentimes pullutions when he ſleeps, and the ſame thing happens to him when awake.

So much for the Typhus; the thick or groſs diſeaſe is no leſs particular, and there is more than one ſort of it. The firſt is caus'd by phlegm and choler, which diſcharge themſelves in the Abdomen and inflate it, and are evacuated up and down like a Torrent. The Patient is taken with a ſhivering and fever; the pain paſſes from the Abdomen to the Head, and when it deſcends to the entrails it cauſes a Suffocation. Sometimes the Patient vomits ſowre phlegm, and ſometimes ſalt; after vomiting he has a bitterneſs in his mouth, red heats appear on his ſide, and he ſtoops in the back; he cannot endure to be touch • d in any part; and the pain that he feels is ſo violent, that there's a ſort of palpitation or pulſe in the fleſh; his Teſticules are contracted, the heat and pain is continued at the ſame time, even to the Anus and Bladder. He makes thick water, like that of thoſe that are dropſical; the hair falls off from his head, his feet are always cold. At laſt the pain fixes particularly on the ſides, back, and nape of the Neck; and it ſeems to the Patient, as if ſomething creep'd, or run all about his skin. Sometimes there's a remiſſion of the diſtemper, other times there's nothing at all of it. The skin of the head becomes red and thick. This diſtemper continues ſix years, ſometimes ten. Towards the end the Patient ſweats in abundance, and the ſweat is of a very ill ſmell. He has oftentimes pollutions in his ſleep, and the ſeed he ejects is bloody, and of a livid colour. It ſeems at firſt as if he was deſcribing the Cholera Morbus, or ſome ſort of Cholick, but that which comes after has no great relation to that.

The ſecond ſort of the thick diſtempers, is caus'd by bile alone, that diſcharges it ſelf on the Liver and Head. The Liver ſwells up and preſſes upon the Diaphragm. The Head, and particularly the Temples, are immediately ſeiz'd with pain. The Patient is not right in his underſtanding, and ſometimes he ſees but very little; an Ague and Fever ſucceed after the foregoing ſymptoms. This comes at the beginning of the diſeaſe, and then you have by times great remiſſions, at other times but ſmall ones. The longer the malady continues, the pain grows greater, the Pupils of the eyes are dilated, and the Patient ſees not a jot; that tho' you put your finger before his eyes he perceives nothing, and does not ſo much as wink. But if he has ſome little ſight remaining, he's continually pulling out with his fingers the little flocks of Wooll from the Covering, thinking they are lice or naſtineſs. But when the Liver extends it ſelf further towards the Diaphragm, the Patient raves, and fancies he has before his eyes all ſorts of creeping things, or wild Beaſts, or arm'd Men; he wou'd fight with them all, and talks and acts as if he was in an engagement. If you don't give him liberty he threatens, and if you let him go he falls down. He has always his feet cold; if he ſleeps 'tis with continual toſſing; he's ſcar'd with frightful dreams, and when he awakes relates all he has done or ſeen. At other times, he lies a whole day and night without ſpeaking a word, breathing with a great deal of difficulty. He is delirious by intervals; he comes to himſelf, anſwers to all queſtions that are ask'd him, underſtands every thing that is read to him, but a little while after relapſes to his former condition. This diſeaſe, ſays our Author further, falls chiefly on Travellers, or thoſe that paſſing through uninhabited places, have been frightned with the ſight of ſome Spectre or other.

The third ſort is occaſioned by phlegm, which appears by the circumſtances the Patient is in, who has a taſte as if he had eaten Radiſhes. This diſtemper, or the pain that accompanies it, begins in the Legs, from whence it riſes to the belly, and diffuſing it ſelf in the Inteſtines, makes a great noiſe there; after which the Patient vomits up ſowre putrid phlegm, but this evacuation gives him no eaſe; on the contrary, he falls into a delirium, and feels a pain ſo troubleſome and uneaſie in his bowels, and by times a pain in his head ſo violent and fix • d, that he has neither his Underſtanding nor his Sight, but very confuſedly; he ſweats plentifully, and his ſweat ſmells ill, but it gives him eaſe. The colour of the Patient is the ſame as in a Jaundice; and this diſtemper is not ſo mortal oftentimes as the precedent one.

The fourth ſort takes its riſe fromYou'll ſee in the Catalogue of the common diſt • mpers at the end of this Chapter, what Hippocrates underſtood by white phlegm. white phlegm, and comes after Fevers that have continued a long time. This diſtemper begins with a ſwelling in the face, it tends afterwards to the Abdomen, which ſwells alſo. The Patient has a pain upon him like that after hard Exerciſe, and his belly feels ſore, as if it was preſs'd with a great burthen: The feet ſwell alſo. If Rain falls on the ground, he can't bear the ſmell of it; and if by chance he's expos'd to the Rain, and ſmells this ſmell of the ground, he immediately falls. This diſtemper has ſome intermiſſions, but laſts longer than the precedent one; its continuance is for ſix years.

We don't find that our Modern Practiſers, nor even thoſe amongſt the Ancients, that came after Hippocrates, have deſcrib'd any particular diſtemper attended with ſo many accidents or ſymptoms all at once; and we muſt confeſs, thoſe we are come to ſpecifie are ſo many in number, that one would think it impoſſible for all to happen in one and the ſame diſeaſe. And that that's yet more particular in it is, that Hippocrates, or the Author of the Book we have quoted, makes four or five ſorts of each of theſe diſtempers, which appear ſo different one from the other, that we cannot apprehend why they are rank'd under the ſame general name.

'Tis that is the reaſon that the Phyſicians of After-Ages, that eaſily knew a Dropſie, for example, a Conſumption, a Pleuriſie, by the Characters which Hippocrates gave of each, yet knew nothing of the two diſeaſes in queſtion. We may infer from thence, either that the Typhus, and thick diſeaſe, are no longer in being, and that no body now is affected with them, or that no body at all ever was, and that they are feign'd diſtempers, and only deſcrib'd to pleaſe a humour or fancy. We ought not to reſt ſatisfied with the firſt conjecture, tho' 'tis not impoſſible that ſome diſeaſes may ceaſe to be, as well as they pretend new ones ariſe: This queſtion ſhall be treated of hereafter.

There's rather a probability, that thoſe that deſcrib'd this diſtemper did it to deceive us. You ſhall ſee after what manner one may preſume the thing came to paſ • .

Firſt, We muſt know that the Proſper Ma •• a ••• , a Roman • hyſici •• , that writ a Comm • nta • y on Hipp • crates, about the beginning of this Age, is almoſt the only perſon of another opinion. greateſt part of the Authors, as well Ancient as Modern, do agree, That the Book wherein theſe diſeaſes are deſcrib'd is not of Hippocrates's writing, but belongs to ſome of the Works of the Cnidien Phyſicians, who are mentioned in the foregoing Book. That which confirms this opinion, is what Galen particularly remarks, viz. That theſe Phyſicians reckon'd up four ſorts of Jaundices, three ſorts of Conſumptions, different from thoſe that are ſpecified in the Catalogue of the diſeaſes of the firſt Claſs, and that they multiplied after the ſame manner the ſorts of ſeveral other diſtempers, without reaſon or neceſſity. Tis then in the ſame Book that we find all theſe diſtinctions, which is an argument that it was after their uſual manner of writing. Hippocrates was ſo far from uſing the ſame way, that heDe diaetâ in ac • tis, lib. 4. himſelf has blam'd 'em for making too nice a diſtinction of Diſeaſes, as if a diſtemper ought always to be call'd by a different name, becauſe it differs from another in a little trivial thing, when 'tis the ſame as to the Eſſentials or Charactariſticks, by which the genus and ſpecies of them are really diſtinguiſh'd. 'Tis the ſame miſtake that Galen found fault with the Empiricks for, who for want of method, had a greater regard to the ſymptoms or accidents, of which there might be an infinite variety, than to the diſtemper it ſelf; whence it came that they multiplied diſeaſes ad inſinitum.

The ſame defect in method, which was the cauſe that the Cnidiens made diſtinctions when there was no neceſſity for it, produc'd that diſorder and confuſion you find in the deſcription of the Typhus and thick Diſeaſe.

In one word, the fault of theſe Phyſicians lay in this, That they joyn'd the ſymptoms of many diſeaſes to one alone, not diſtinguiſhing thoſe that were proper to certain particular diſtempers, and inſeparable from them, from thoſe which are common to many.

Laſtly, It may be that the fault was in the Copiers, and that theſe ancient Pieces having paſs'd through an infinite number of hands, have been confuſedly mix'd with obſervations different from them, without the Authors having any ſhare in the diſorder.

We may add to theſe diſtempers, that that's call'd the great diſtemper of the hollow veins, and that that's nam'd the vomiting of the veins on the Brain; theſe names which were ill impoſed, or that did depend on the particular Idea which theſe ancient Phyſicians had of the Body, having been neither better retain'd, nor known, than thoſe mentioned before.

CHAP. X. Diſtempers of the fifth Claſs, or which have names that are no longer known, and at the ſame time have no deſcription given of them, which is the reaſon we can ſpeak nothing of them but by conjecture.

HIppocrates makes mention of a diſtemper, which he calls thePro •••• tic. lib. 2 ſub • ſ • nem. Pthinick Diſcaſe. The likeneſs between the words Pthinick and Pthiſick, has given occaſion to ſome Interpreters to believe that he treated of a Conſumption in this place: But the more Learned agree, that there's a fault in the Greek Text, and that inſtead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , we ought to read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , The Phaenician Diſeaſe. Their opinion is founded upon this, viz. That they find this laſt word in the Commentators of Hippocrates, who add, That he underſtood by it a diſtemper common in Phaenicia, and in other Eaſtern Countries, which ſeems to be nothing elſe but an Elephantiaſis. That which confirms this Explanation is, That Hippocrates treats in the ſame place of diſtempers, that have a near relation to it; ſuch are the Leproſie, Tetters, and the diſtemper call • d Leuce. I'll only make this remark, viz. That Galen, who is the Author of a Commentary, might be deceiv'd in this, only becauſe he thinks that the diſtemper of Phaenicia is preciſely the ſame that's call • d Elephantiaſis, whereas it may be it had only a bare relation to it; and that by this diſtemper of Phaenicia, Hippocrates had underſtood theSee the Commentary 〈◊〉 Mr. Le Clere on Leviticus. Leproſie of the Jews, that was a ſort of a Leuce, that might have ſome ſymptom common with an Elephantiaſis, without being the ſame.

The Commentaries of Hippocrates, which we'll ſpeak of hereafter, furniſh'd us with other examples of diſtempers, which we can have no knowledge of further than by conjecture, becauſe their names are no longer in uſe, and beſides there • s no deſcription given of them. Such is the diſeaſe which Hippocrates calls 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Epidem. lib. 1. Tangae, which is thought to be a ſort of a Tumor. Such is alſo that that's call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Epidem. lib. 7. Hippouris, whereby 'tis gueſs'd that he means a certain defluxion, which throws it ſelf on the genital Parts of thoſe that ride too often, or ſit too long on Horſeback, and is obſtinate, and continues a long time, or a weakneſs, or ſome indiſpoſition of the ſame Parts, ariſing from the ſame Cauſe. And that which he calls 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , ibid. Anemie, that's thought to be a ſwelling of the veins, caus'd by windy blood, which puts them in danger of being broke. You may put in the ſame rank the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Epi • em. lib. 4. Typhomany, which thought to be a ſwelling is taken for a diſeaſe that's part Lethargy and part Phrenſie, and that that's call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Epidem. lib. 6. Sect 3. See above in the diſtempers of the firſt Claſs, at the word Parotides. Pherea.

CHAP. XI. Of the means to preſerve Health.

AFter having ſeen in what Health and Sickneſs conſiſts, what the ſubject of them is, and what are the cauſes and differences; in the next place, we ought to ſpeak a word or two of the Advice that Hippocrates gave to thoſe that were in health; after which, we'll inquire into the means he made uſe of to cure thoſe that were ſick.

One of his principal Maxims was this: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Epidem. lib. 6. ect 4. Aphor. 20. That to preſerve health, we ought not to overcharge our ſelves with too much Eating, nor neglect the uſe of Exerciſe, nor avoid Labour. He ſaid in the ſecond place, That we ought by no means to accuſtom our ſelves to too nice and exact a method of Living, becauſe, ſaid he further, thoſe that have once begun to act by this Rule, if they vary the leaſt from it, find themſelves very ill, which does not happen to thoſe that take a little more liberty, and live ſomewhat more irregularly.

Notwithſtanding this, he does not neglect to make a diligent enquiry into what thoſe that were in health made uſe of for nouriſhment in thoſe times. Upon which, I can't forbear making this obſervation, That in thoſe days they were not ſo delicate by much, as we are now, which appears by the care Hippocrates takes to tell what is the quality of the fleſh of a Dog, of a Fox, of an Horſe, of an Aſs, which he wou'd not have done, if at that time they had not been us • d for Eatables, at leaſt by the common People. We will not relate here what Hippocrates has writ concerning other ſorts of Proviſions, it's ſufficient to know that he examines all thoſe that are now in uſe. For example; Sallads, Milk, Whey, Cheeſe, Fleſh as well of Birds as of four footed Beaſts; freſh and ſalt Fiſh, Eggs, and all manner of Pulſe, and the different ſorts of Grain we feed on, as well as the different ſorts of Bread that are made of it. He alſo ſpeaks very often of a ſort of liquid Food or Broth made of Barley-Meal, or ſome other Grain, which they ſteep'd for ſome time, and boil'd with water; but as this has a regard more particularly to the manner of Dieting the Sick, we'll ſpeak a little more of it in the following Chapter.

Hippocrates is full as nice on the ſubject of Drink; he takes a great deal of pains to diſtinguiſh the good waters from thoſe that are bad. The beſt, in his opinion, ought to be clear, light, without ſmell or taſte, and taken out of Fountains that turn towards the Eaſt. The ſalt waters, and thoſe that he calls hard, that is in my opinion heavy, or that overcharge the ſtomach, and thoſe that riſe out of Fenny ground, are the worſt of all; as alſo thoſe that come from melted Snow. But tho' Hippocrates makes all theſe diſtinctions, yet he adviſes thoſe that are in health to drink of the firſt water that comes in their way, which agrees with the Advice he gave before, not to be too exact in the manner of living. He ſpeaks alſo, but 'tis but two words, of Alom Waters, or that partake of the nature of Alom, and of thoſe that are hot, without enlarging further on their qualities or uſe; we only perceive by it, that he had a knowledge of Mineral Waters.

As to what relates to Wine, he adviſes in ſome places to mix it with an equal quantity of water; and Galen obſerves, that Hippocrates regulates by that the juſt proportion we ought to keep in this mixture: So that, ſays he, the Wine by its power might drive out what's hurtful to the body, and the water ſerve to temper the acrimony of the humours. But my thoughts are, that he does not treat in thoſe places but of particular caſes, that are there ſtated; and perhaps it was from the vaſt quantity of Wine they drank in thoſe times, where they almoſt never drank it pure. You may ſee alſo, that Hippocrates regulating the quantity of the Wine which ought to be drank according to the different Seaſons of the Year, ſays, That in the Summer time you ought to mix a great deal of Water with the Wine, in the Spring and Autumn a little leſs quantity, and in the Winter 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; that is to ſay, Wine more pure, or leſs mix'd, which is oppoſite to 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Wine very much mix'd. leſs than in any other time, which ſuppoſes that in all times you ought to drink a mixture. Beſides, he gives a diſtinct account of ſeveral ſorts of Wines then in uſe, exactly deſcribing their qualities.

Exerciſe, which Hippocrates adviſes to thoſe that are in health, as well as to thoſe that are infirm, ought to be uſed according to the Rules, and with the Precautions he has ſet forth, which are the ſame we touch'd upon en paſſant in the foregoing Book, upon the occaſion concerning Herodicus, who we ſaid was the Author of the Gymnaſtick, or the Art of Exerciſing, for health. On which we muſt obſerve, that Hippocrates himſelf, in the three Books intituled, Of Diet, and in the Book of Dreams, which is the ſequel of the precedent ones, pretends that 'tis to him the obligation's due for the ſame thing; that is, for the invention of the Art of Exerciſe, which compleats Diet; but theſe Books have been look • d upon ever ſince, from the time of Galen, to be of anothers writing, and were then attributed, according to the ſaid Galen's remark, to Eurypheus, Phaon, Philiſtion, Ariſton, or to ſome other Phyſician, that liv • d juſt about the ſame time that Hippocrates did. If I durſt give my opinion with the reſt, I ſhou'd ſay that the Books in queſtion might be of Herodicus's writing, who has paſs'd by the conſent of all the Ancients for the Inventor of the Gymnaſtick. However it is, the Advices of the Author of theſe Books, in relation to the Art we are going to ſpeak of, depend upon the different times one ought to take to walk in, and on the condition the perſon ought to be in before he does it; whether it ought to be faſting, or after eating ſomewhat, in the morning or evening, in the Air, the Sun-ſhine, or Shade; whether he ought to be naked or cloath'd; when he ought to walk ſlowly, and when 'tis neceſſary to run; all this in reſpect to different ages and temperaments, and with the deſign of bringing the body down, of diſſipating humours, or of gaining ſome other advantage from it.

Wreſtling, tho' it be a violent Exerciſe, was numbred with the reſt. There's alſo mention made in the ſame place, of a Play of the hands and fingers, which was thought good for health, and call'd Chironomie; and of an Exerciſe, which was perform'd round a ſort of a Ball hung up, which they call'd Corycus, which they ſtruck forward with all the ſtrength ☞ they had with their hands. You may conſult the above-mentioned Mercurialis, that ſearches to the bottom of theſe things.

And as you have ſeen in the Chapter concerning Herodicus, that Baths were included in the Gymnaſtick, as well as the cuſtom of rubbing and anointing ones ſelf, you • ll find ſeveral directions in this Author upon all this. But Galen obſerves, in relation to Baths. that they were not • et common in the time of Hippocrates himſelf, which he gathers from a paſſage of this ancient Phyſician; where he ſays,De Diaeta in acutis. That there are few Houſes, where you find things neceſſary for a convenient Bath. You'll ſee in the next Chapter, what Hippocrates thought of Baths, and the benefits that might be expected from them.

As to what remains, ſeeing health does not depend ſolely on the good uſe, and regular management of Diet, nor on Exerciſe or Eaſe; and that beſides, 'tis of importance to be regular in other things we have mentioned before, when we treated of the Cauſes of Health, ſuch are ſleep, and watchings, the air, and other bodies which are about us; that which ought to be ſeparated from our Bodies, or retain'd there; and laſtly, the Paſſions. I ſay, the preſervation of our Health depending on all theſe Cauſes, Hippocrates has not fail • d to give us Rules for all.

To begin with thoſe things which ought to be ſeparated from our Bodies, or there retain'd, he wou'd have us take great care not to load our ſelves with Excrements, or keep them in too long; and beſides, the Exerciſe we are ſpeaking of, which carries of one part of em, and which he preſcrib'd chiefly on this account, he wou'd have us excite or rouze up Nature when it flagg'd, and endeavour'd not to expel the reſt, or take off thoſe impediments which reſiſted its efforts. 'Twas for that principally he made uſe of Meats proper to looſen the body; and when thoſe means were not ſufficient, he wou'd have us have recourſe to Clyſters and Suppoſitories.

The compoſition of Clyſters for perſons that were thin and emaciated, conſiſted of Milk, and oily unctuous ſubſtances, which they mix • d with a decoction of Chick Peaſe; but for thoſe that were Plethorick, they only made uſe of Salt or Sea-water. You'll ſee in the Chapter of Purgatives, which you'll come to preſently, other compoſitions of Clyſters, and other particular circumſtances relating to this remedy; we ſhall alſo ſpeak there concerning Suppoſitories, and the manner of preparing them.

Hippocrates alſo advis'd Vomitives as a great preſervative againſt diſtempers, which he caus'd to be taken once or twice a Month, during the Winter and Spring-time. The moſt ſimple of them were made of a decoction of Hyſſop, with an addition of a little Vinegar and Salt. He made thoſe that were of a ſtrong and vigorous Conſtitution, take this Liquor faſting, whereas thoſe that were thin and weakly took it after Supper. But as Vomits are remedies which are uſed alſo in diſtempers, we • ll ſpeak of them likewiſe at the ſame time we do of Purgatives.

Coition is wholeſome in Hippocrates opinion, provided you conſult your ſtrength, and do not purſue it to an exceſs, which he always finds fault with upon all accounts, and wou • d have it alſo avoided in relation to ſleep and watching. You find alſo in his Writings, ſeveral remarks concerning good or bad. Air; and he makes it appear, that the good or bad diſpoſition of it does not depend ſolely on the difference of the Climate, but on the ſituation of every Place in particular, which, in regard to this, he carefully examines into, not to inſinuate, that you ought to be too ſcrupulous on this point, or to oblige any one to quit his Native Country, or the place where one's fix'd, to ſeek a better, which would diſturb Society, but to let the Phyſicians know what ſorts of diſtempers are apt to reign in one place more than another, that they may endeavour to prevent them, or make it their ſtudy to get a proper remedy; and from the effects of the different ſituation of Places, compare things in relation to Health and Sickneſs. Laſtly, Hippocrates knew the good and bad effects of the Paſſions, and wou'd have us, in regard to them, uſe a great deal of moderation.

CHAP. XII. The Practice of Hippocrates, or his manner of managing diſtempers. General Maxims on which this practice is founded.

IF we reflect on what was ſaid before of the power which Hippocrates attributed to Nature, in relation to the Animal OEconomy, and to Diſtempers, in particular, of which Nature, according to him, is the Arbiter and Judge, determining them in a certain limited time, and by regular movements, as we remark'd when we ſpoke of Criſes's, we'll immediately infer, that this opinion muſt carry him ſo far, as to be contented, for the moſt part, in being a Spectator of what the ſtrength of Nature performs, without doing any thing on his ſide on this occaſion.

We ſhall alſo be confirm • d in this opinion, if we conſult the Books, intituled, Of Epidemical Diſtempers, which are, as it were, Journals of the Practice of Hippocrates; for you'll find from thence, that this ancient Phyſician does very often nothing more than deſcribe the ſymptoms of a diſtemper, and what has happen • d to the Patient day after day, even to his death or recovery, without ſpeaking of any remedy. 'Tis not nevertheleſs abſolutely true, that he never did it, as you • ll ſee by the ſequel, but we muſt agree that he did it but very little, in reſpect of what has been practis'd in the ſucceeding Ages. We'll ſee preſently what theſe remedies are, after we have given an abridgment of the principal Maxims on which they are founded.

Hippocrates ſaid in the firſt place, That Contraries or Oppoſites are the Remedies of their Oppoſites. That is, ſuppoſing that ſome certain things were oppos'd one to the other, we ought to uſe them one againſt the other. He explains this Maxim in the Aphoriſm, where he ſays, That evacuation cures thoſe diſtempers which come from repletion, and repletion thoſe that are caus'd by evacuation. So heat deſtroys cold, and cold heat, &c.

Secondly he ſaid, That Phyſick is an addition of what's wanting, and a ſubſtraction or retrenchment of what's ſuperfluous; an Axiom which you alſo find explain • d by this, That there are ſome juices or humours, which in particular caſes ought to be evacuated or drove out of the body, or be dry'd up; and ſome others that you ought to reſtore to the body, or cauſe to be produc • d there again.

As to the method you ſhou'd take in it, for addition or retrenchment, he gives this general caution, That you ought to take care how you evacuate or fill up all at once, or too quick, or too much; and that 'tis equally dangerous to heat or cool again on a ſudden; or rather, you ought not to do it, every thing that runs to an exceſs being an enemy to Nature.

Hippocrates allow'd in the fourth place, That we ought ſometimes to dilate, and ſometimes to lock up; to dilate or open the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . paſſages by which the humours are voided naturally, when they are not ſufficiently open'd, or when they are clos'd; and, on the contrary, to lock up or ſtreighten the paſſages that are relax'd, when the juices that paſs there ought not to do it, or when there paſſes too much of them. He adds, That we ought ſometimes to ſmooth, and ſometimes to make rough to the touch; ſometimes harden, and ſometimes ſoften again; ſometimes to make more fine or ſupple; ſometimes to thicken; ſometimes to excite or rouze up; and at other times, to ſtupify or take away the ſence, all in relation to the ſolid Parts of the Body, or to the Humours.

He gives this fifth Leſſon, That we ought to have regard to the courſe the humours take, from whence they come, and whether they go; and in conſequence of that, when they go where they ought not, that we make them take a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Derivare. turn about, or carry them another way, almoſt like turning the courſe of a River. Or upon other occaſions, that we endeavour, if poſſible, to 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Revellere. recal, or make the ſame humours return back again, drawing upward thoſe which tend downward, and downward thoſe which tend upward.

He remarks alſo, That we ought to carry off, by convenient ways, that that's neceſſary to be carried off, and not let the humours, once evacuated, enter into the Veſſels again.

He gives alſo this following Inſtruction; That when we do any thing according to Reaſon, tho' the ſucceſs be not anſwerable, we ought not eaſily, or too haſtily, alter the manner of acting, as long as the Reaſons we had for't are yet good. But ſeeing this Maxim might ſometimes deceive, here's another of them that ſerves for a corrective or limitation. We ought, ſays our Author, to mind with a great deal of attention, what 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . gives eaſe, and what creates pain; what's eaſily ſupported, and what cannot be indured.

The Leſſon that follows is one of the moſt important;Epidem. lib. 6. We ought not, ſaid he, to do any thing raſhly: We ought to pauſe, or wait, without doing any thing; this way if you do the Patient no good, at leaſt you'll do him no hurt.

In extream illneſs, we ought, in his opinion, to uſe Remedies of the ſame nature; that which Medicines cure not, the Sword does; what the Sword does not, the Fire cures; but what the Fire cannot cure, ought to be look'd upon as incurable. Laſtly, He cautions us not to undertake deſperate Diſeaſes, which are beyond the power of Phyſick.

Theſe are the principal and moſt general Maxims of the Practice of Hippocrates, all which ſuppoſe this Principle which he has laid down at the beginning, That Nature it ſelf cures Diſeaſes. We ſhall ſee more of the particulars in the following Chapters, as we examine the Remedies he made uſe of.

CHAP. XIII. Of the Remedies which Hippocrates made uſe of; and firſt of all of Diet, and of a regular method of Living.

DIET was the firſt, the principal, and oftentimes the only Remedy, that Hippocrates made uſe of, to ſatisfie the greateſt part of the intentions we have touch'd upon: By theſe means he oppos'd moiſt to dry, hot to cold; he added or ſupply'd what was deficient, and took off from what was ſuperfluous, &c. and that that was to him the moſt conſiderable point he ſupported Nature, and aſſiſted it to overcome the cauſe of the Malady; and, in a word, put it in a condition to do of it ſelf what was neceſſary for the cure of Diſtempers.

The Diet of the Sick is a Remedy that is ſo much Hippocrates's own, that he was as deſirous to paſs for the Author of it, as of that of Perſons in health, which we have treated of before. And the better to make it appear that it is a new remedy, he ſays expreſly, That the Ancients, that is to ſay, the Phyſicians that were before him, had writ almoſt nothing concerning the Diet of the Sick, having omitted this point, tho' it was one of the moſt eſſential parts of the Art. The method we have ſeen Aeſculapius and his Sons make uſe of, in their management of the Sick, in relation to that, is a proof that Hippocrates ſpoke truth: To his teſtimony we may join that of Plato's, who endeavours even to juſtifie, in this reſpect, the conduct of theſe firſt Phyſicians, as we remark'd in the ſame place. So that what Pliny has ſaid, that Hippocrates was the Inventor of theSee above in the beginning of the Chapter concerning Hippocrates. Clinick Phyſick, may be made appear, or ſaid with a more juſt Title, of Diaetetick Phyſick, the name which was given to the moſt noble part of all the Art, after the diviſion of it ſome Ages after, as you'll ſee in its place; which ſhews how much they depended, in thoſe ancient Times, on the benefit which Patients receiv'd from a good conduct, in relation to eating and drinking.

In Chronical diſtempers, Hippocrates Dieted his Patients one way, and in Acute another. In theſe laſt, which are thoſe that require more particularly an exactneſs in relation to Diet, he preferr'd liquid food to that that was ſolid, eſpecially in Fevers; for that he made uſe of a ſort of Broths made of Barly that was cleanſed to which he gave the name of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 de 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which ſignifies to bray or take off the busk. Ptiſane, wch was a common name as well to theſe Broths, as to the flower of the Grain, of which they were made. See after what manner the Ancients prepar'd a Ptiſane: They firſt ſteep'd the Barley in Water till it was plump'd up, and afterwards they dry'd it in the Sun, and beat it to take off the husk. After that they ground it, and then having let the flower boil a long time in the Water, they put it out into the Sun, and when it was dry they preſs'd it cloſe. 'Tis properly this flower, ſo prepar'd, that's call'd Ptiſane. They did almoſt the ſame thing with Wheat, Rice, Lentils, and other Grain, but they gave theſe Ptiſanes the ſame name with the Grain, Ptiſane of Lentils, Rice, &c. whereas the Ptiſane of Barley was call'd ſimply Ptiſane for the excellency of it. When they had a mind to uſe it, they boiled one part of it in ten or fifteen parts of Water; and when it began to plump in boiling, they added a drop of Vinegar, and ever ſo ſmall a quantity of Aniſe, or Leek, to keep it from clogging, and filling the ſtomach with wind. Hippocrates preſcribes this Broth for Women that have pains in their Belly, after being brought to Bed. Boil ſome of this Ptiſane, ſays he, with ſome Leek, and the fat of a Goat, and give it to the Woman in Bed. You won't find this Ragou very odd, if you reflect on what he has ſaid before of the manner of Living at that time. He preferr'd the Ptiſane to all other food in Fevers, becauſe it ſoften'd and moiſten'd much, beſides that it was of eaſie digeſtion. If he was concern'd in a continual Fever, he wou'd have the Patient begin with a Ptiſane of an indifferent thick conſiſtence, and go on by little and little, in leſſening the quantity of Barley-flower, according as the days drew nearer, when the diſtemper was to be at its higheſt pitch; ſo that then he did not feed the Patient, but with what he call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . In this time alſo they made uſe of for nouriſhment, Broths made of a ſort of grain, or flower made into little grains, which they call'd in Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that is to ſay Grain, and in Latin Alica. You'll ſee more particularl what it was in the Chapter of Galen, or in that of Dioſcorides. the juice of the Ptiſane; that is, the Ptiſane ſtrain'd, where there was but very little of the flower remaining, to the end that Nature being diſcharg'd in part, from the care of digeſting the Aliments, it might the more eaſily hold out to the end, and overcome the diſtemper, or the cauſe of it.

As to what belongs to the quantity of Aliment, and the time of giving it, he caus'd the Ptiſane to be taken twice a day by Patients that in their health us'd to eat two Meals a day, not thinking it convenient that thoſe that were ſick, ſhould eat oftner than when they were well. He alſo durſt not allow eating twice a day to thoſe that fed but once when in health, but was willing they might come to't by little and little. In the Fit of a Fever he gave nothing at all; and in all diſtempers where there are exacerbations, he forbid nouriſhment whilſt they continued. He let Children eat more; and thoſe that were become Men, or Old, leſs, giving nevertheleſs a great deal of allowance to the Cuſtom of every particular perſon, or to that of the Country.

And tho' he was of the opinion that too much ought not to be allow'd to the ſick, for fear of nouriſhing their diſtemper, yet we muſt obſerve, that he was not of the judgment of ſome of the Phyſicians of his time, who preſcrib'd them long Abſtinence, eſpecially at the beginning of a Fever. The reaſon he produc'd for't was, they weaken'd the Patients extreamly the firſt days of the diſtemper, which oblig'd them afterwards to give them more nouriſhment in the height of their illneſs; which was the time, in his judgment, when they ought to give the leaſt. He blam'd the Phyſicians for uſing them after this manner,He call'd it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . He alſo deſcrib'd too great abſtinence by the terms of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , hunger, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to kill, to ſtrangle. That they dry'd up their Patients like Herrings, before there was any occaſion for't, and deſtroy'd them for want of nouriſhment. Beſides, in acute diſtempers, and particularly Fevers, Hippocrates made choice of nouriſhment that was refreſhing and moiſtening; and he propos'd, amongſt others, Spinach, Gourd, Orage, Melon and Dock. He gave this ſort of nouriſhment to thoſe that were in condition to eat, or cou'd take ſomething more than a Ptiſane.

The ordinary drink that he moſt commonly gave to his Patients, was made ofThey call'd this drink in Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and in Latin Mulſa. eight parts Water and one Honey. In ſome certain diſtempers they added a littleWhen there was ſome Vinegar in it they call'd it Oxymel. Vinegar. They had alſo another ſort of drink, like that we ſpoke of before, which one of the Sons of Aeſculapius drank when he was wounded.They call'd this drink 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , mixture. This drink was more or leſs mix'd, and differently made up, according as the diſtempers were. You find oneHippoc. lib de Intern. affect lonibus. preſcription of it deſign'd for a conſumptive Perſon; the ingredients conſiſt of Rue, Aniſe, Selery, Coriander, juice of Pomegranate, the rougheſt red Wine, Water, flower of Wheat and Barley, with old Cheeſe made of Goats Milk.

Hippocrates did not approve of giving nothing but Water to the Sick; and tho' he preſcrib'd them oftentimes the drinks we are now ſpeaking of, for all that he did not entirely forbidSee further on in the cure of Diſeaſes, upon occaſion of the Pleuriſie. Wine even in acute Diſtempers and Fevers, provided they were not delirious, nor had pains in the head. The quantity of water he wou'd have them put in't in health, made him judge that it wou • d not be hurtful to thoſe that were ſick, if taken after the ſame manner. Beſides, he took care to diſtinguiſh the Wines proper in theſe caſes, preferring to all other ſorts White-Wine, that's clear, that has a great deal of water in it, and has neither ſweetneſs nor flavour.

This is the Diet that was uſed in acute diſtempers. As to that in Chronical Diſeaſes, you'll ſee how it differ'd from the firſt by the examples we ſhall bring of the cures of them. We'll only remark before-hand, that Milk and Whey were very much made uſe of on this account, whether in lieu of nouriſhment, or that Hippocrates look'd upon them as Medicines.

We have ſeen before, that Baths and Exerciſe were part of the Diet of Perſons in health, it was alſo of thoſe that were ſick. There were many Diſeaſes which Hippocrates judged the Bath neceſſary for the cure of; and he ſhews all the conditions requiſite to receive advantage from it, amongſt which theſe are the principal: That the Patient that bathes keep himſelf ſtill and quiet in his place, without ſpeaking, and let thoſe be doing that bath him, either by throwing water over the head, or by wiping him dry; and that they keep for this laſt purpoſe Sponges, inſtead of the Inſtrument which the Ancients called Strigil, which ſerv'd to rub off from the skin the dirt and naſtineſs which the Oils or Unguents they anointed themſelves with left upon it. That they take care before-hand not to catch cold. That they do not bath themſelves immediately after eating or drinking; and that they abſtain alſo from eating and drinking immediately after they come out of the Bath. That regard ought to be had, whether the Patient has accuſtomed himſelf to bath in his health, and whether it did him good or hurt. Laſtly, That they abſtain from bathing, when the body is too open or too coſtive, or if they have not diſcharg'd before, or are too weak; if they have inclinations to Vomit, or a great loſs of Appetite, or that they bleed at Noſe. The advantage you receive from the Bath, and the good it does, according to Hippocrates, conſiſts in moiſtening and refreſhing, in taking away wearineſs, in making the skin ſoft, and the joints pliant; in provoking Urine, and in making the Noſtrils moiſt, and other Pipes open. He goes as far as two Baths a day in his allowance, to thoſe that are accuſtom'd to't in their health. We'll ſpeak afterwards of a ſort of particular Bath, or half Bath, in the Chapter concerning external Remedies.

As to the Exerciſe of the Sick, Hippocrates approv'd of it very much in Chronical diſtempers, as you'll ſee by ſome examples of Cures which we'll ſpeak of hereafter; tho' he thought it not convenient in acute diſtempers, and openly blam'd his Maſter Herodicus, who fatigu'd even thoſe that were in Fevers with violent Exerciſes, as we have obſerv • d in the precedent Book. 'Tis not that he thought a Patient ought always to lie a Bed, he did not at all commend lazineſs or the faint heart of thoſe that could not leave their Bed; or rather wou'd not, tho' they were able.Epidem. lib. 6. We ought, ſays he, ſometimes to puſh the timorous out of Bed, and rouze up the lazy.

CHAP. XIV. Of Purgation; under which are comprehended all the ways of emptying, or diſcharging the Bowels and Stomach.

WHEN Hippocrates ſaw that Diet was not ſufficient to eaſe Nature of the burthen of humours, that were too abundant, or corrupted, he made uſe of other means to evacuate them, and to ſatisfie one of the intentions we have touch'd upon before, which is to diminiſh, or to take away what is ſuperfluous. Theſe ways were firſt of all 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 de 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to purge, to cleanſe; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 de 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; that ſi •• ifies alſo to purge, to eva • uate. He makes uſe of the wo • d 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 de 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , a Medicin • . You'll ſee further in the Chapter of Herophilus, and in that of Aſclepiades, the reaſon wherefore the word Medicine ſignified a purging Medicine, and other ſignifications of the ſame word. Purgation, which comprehends all the contrivances that are us • d to diſcharge the Stomach and Bowels. Tho this word ſignifies alſo in particular, the evacuation of the Excrements of the Belly, and other humours, that come from all parts of the Body, which is made by Stool, after having taken ſome Medicine by the Mouth; on which we muſt not forget to remark, after what manner Hippocrates conceiv'd this Medicine to operate. He imagin'd, that a purgative Medicine, after it was in the body, firſt evacuated the humour that agreed moſt with its nature; after which, it attracted and purg'd the other alſo.De nat. hom. Juſt after the ſame manner, ſaid he, as every Plant attracts from the earth firſt of all the juice that is agreeable to its nature, and afterwards juices that are different, ſo a Medicine that ought to purge the Bile, firſt attracts the Bile; but if it be too ſtrong, or its operation continues too long, when it finds no more Bile, it then purges Phlegm, and after Phlegm the black Bile, and laſt of all the Blood. This opinion agrees with what has been ſaid in the Chapter of the Philoſophy of Hippocrates concerning Attraction; by means of which, this Phyſician wou'd have moſt things perform'd that relate to the Animal OEconomy.

The purgatives which they us • d in his time, had moſt of them their purging and vomiting quality from the ſalts in them; or if they had not always the latter effect, at leaſt they purg • d almoſt every body violently.

Theſe Medicines are white and black Hellebore; the firſt of which, is one of the moſt violent Vomits that can be given. The Cnidien Berries, which are nothing elſe but the Seeds of Thymelaea; Cneorum, which is alſo a Medicine taken from Thymelaea or Chamelaea. Peplium, which is a ſort of a Milk Thiſtle, or Tithymallus, as well as Peplus. Thapſia, the juice of Hippophaes, a ſort of Rhamnus. Elaterium, which is alſo the juice of a wild Cucumber. The Flowers of Braſs. Coloquintida, Scammony; the Magneſian Stone, which is a ſort of Load-ſtone.

Hippocrates ſpeaks alſo of Cnicus, which is taken for Carthamus; and of a ſort of Poppy, which he calls Lib. 3. de morbis. See further in the Chapter of Remedies that cauſe ſleep. white Poppy, and puts it in the rank of Purgatives. But we ought to take care, not to confound it with the white Poppy now daily us • d.

As theſe Purgatives were for the moſt part very brisk, this ancient Phyſician accordingly was mighty cautions when he had a mind to uſe them; he did not preſcribe 'em in the Dog-Days; he never purg • d Women with Child, and ſeldom Children and old People. The principal or moſt frequent uſe he then made of Purgatives was in Chronical Diſtempers; in acute ones he was much more wary in this reſpect. Of all the Patients in Fevers, or others in acute Diſtempers, which he gives the Hiſtory of in his Books, intituled, Of Epidemical Diſtempers, which we ſaid were as it were Journals of his Practice, there are very few of them in which he ſays he has given Purgative Medicines. He alſo takes notice expreſly in the ſame Books,Vide hiſtoriam Scomphi pleuritici, Epidem. lib. 5: in princip. hiſtoriam Scamandri & alias ſequentes. that theſe Medicines having been given in certain caſes in the Diſeaſes which he was treating of, had produc'd very bad effects.

One wou'd think we might conclude from thence, that Hippocrates abſolutely rejected the uſe of Purgatives in theſe diſtempers, but it • s plain from other places that he was not of this opinion. He actually gave Purgatives in Acute Diſeaſes as well as Chronical, but not fo often, as we have already remark'd.

He was of opinion, for example,De ratione victus in acutis. that purging was good in a Pleuriſie, when the pain was below the Diaphragm, giving in this caſe black Hellebore, or ſome Peplium mix'd with the juice of Laſerpitium, which was our Aſſa faetida, as you'll ſee in the Chapter of Dioſcorides. He declares beſides, in ſeveral places, that you may give Purgatives in acute diſtempers, ſetting forth the precautions requiſite for it, as you'll ſee by what follows.

The principal Rule Hippocrates gives relating to Purgation is this: That you ought only to purge off the humours that are concocted, and not thoſe that are yet crude, taking particular care not to do it at the beginning of the diſtemper, leſt the humours ſhould be ſtirr'd up, or very much 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , niſi turgeant. We do not well know what he means by turgere 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which is a term that expreſſes properly the motions of Animals. The greatest part of the Commentators are of opinion, that his meaning was to deſcribe a ſudden motion of the humours, which ſwell up and endeavour to diſcharge themſelves of ſome ſide, or throw themſelves on ſome part. Aphor. 22. Sect. 1. diſturb'd, which happens pretty often. The underſtanding of this Axiom depends on what has been ſaid before of the concoction of humours in the Chapter of Criſis's. By the beginning of a diſtemper, Hippocrates meant all the time that paſs'd from the firſt day to the fourth compleat. He was not the firſt that made remark, that it wou'd be of ill conſequence to ſtir the humours, or purge before that time; we have ſeen, in the firſt Book of this Hiſtory, that the Aegyptian Phyſicians had already made this obſervation, Hippocrates might have learn • d it from Democritus, who had continued a long time in that Country, or he might have travell'd there himſelf, ſuppoſing that the Aſclepiades, his Predeceſſors, had not alſo made this diſcovery themſelves.

There is another Aphoriſm, which appears diametrically oppoſite to the precedent one; 'tis that, where tis ſaid, That in the beginning of diſtempers we ought to ſtir the humours: that is to ſay, to purge what we think we ought to be ſtirr'd. This Aphoriſm has given a great deal of trouble to the Phyſicians of the ſucceeding Ages, who have endeavour'd to reconcile it with the firſt. Galen has got off from the matter on this occaſion, by explaining the word to ſtir up, to ſignifie uſing all the Remedies that are neceſſary for the eaſe of the Patient; amongſt which, he reckons particularly bleeding and purging. So that the ſtirring up, which Hippocrates adviſes in this Aphoriſm, in his opinion is perform'd by the firſt of theſe Remedies, rather than by the laſt; that is to ſay, Purgation might be admitted ſometimes at the beginning of diſtempers, but very rarely. But a third Aphoriſm, which explains that which we are going to quote, appears contrary to the ſenſe of Galen, 'tis the twenty-fourth of the firſt Section, which ſays, That we ought ſeldom to purge in acute diſtempers, and do it in the beginning, after having carefully examin'd if the caſe requires it. Galen ſalves the apparent contradiction between this Aphoriſm and the firſt, by ſaying that it is in diſtempers that continue a long time, that we ought always to wait the concoction before we purge, but that in acute ones we may do it at the beginning when the humours are turgid. And he adds, that the caſe being rare, it's what obliges Hippocrates to caution, that you examine well into all things on this occaſion, before you uſe this Medicine.

It actually appears, that Hippocrates purg'd ſometimes at the beginning of acute diſtempers; and beſides the Aphoriſm we have juſt now read, he ſays in another place in expreſs terms, That we ought to purge at that time in Fevers, when the Ʋrine of the Patient is troubled, but we ought to abſtain from it if it be clear. Nevertheleſs, we muſt agree, that he did it rarely as matters went. That which has been ſaid at the beginning, that amongſt a great number of perſons ſick of theſe diſtempers, which he ſpeaks of in the Books we have quoted, he finds but very few of them to whom he has given Purgatives, is at leaſt a proof of it.

Beſides, he gives this important Advertiſement, which has ſome relation with the firſt Aphoriſm,De ratione victus in acut. That thoſe that endeavour to take off inflamations in a part by purging Remedies, draw nothing from the Part where the inflamation is, by reaſon of the great tenſeneſs of it, and becauſe the diſtemper is yet crude; on the contrary it diſſolves, or corrupts that that remain'd found in the Part, and that held out againſt the diſtemper.

We muſt alſo obſerve, that Hippocrates, Aphor. 9. Sect. 2. before he Purg'd any one, wou'd have them make their body or their humours fluid; that is, that they wou'd dilute them ſufficiently, to the end they might be more eaſily evacuated.

Laſtly, he ſaid, That we ought to give to the Cholerick, or in cholerick diſtempers, Medicines to purge choler; in Phlegmatick, thoſe that purge phlegm; in Melancholick, thoſe that purge melancholy, or black choler; and in the Dropſie in particular, thoſe that purge the Waters.

He added, That we knew if a Purgative had drawn from the body what was fit to be evacuated, according as we found our ſelves well or ill upon it. If we found our ſelves well, 'twas a ſign the Medicine had effectually expell'd the humour that offended. On the contrary, if we were ill, Hippocrates pretended, whatever quantity of humours were come away, that the humour that was the cauſe of the illneſs was not, not judging of the goodneſs or badneſs of a Purge by the quantity of Matters that were voided by it, but by their quality, and the effect that follow • d after it.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 de 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to vomit; from whence comes the word Emetick, which ſignifies vomitive.Vomiting is alſo a manner of Purgation, which operates upwards, and draws up alſo further than from the ſtomach, if it be a little ſtrong. We have ſeen before what were the Vomitives Hippocrates preſcrib • d by way of precaution to perſons in health.

In regard to the ſick, he advis'd them ſometimes the like, when his intention was only to cleanſe the ſtomach. But when he had a mind to recal the humours from the moſt hidden receſſes of the body, he made uſe of brisker Remedies; and white Hellebore, which we plac'd amongſt the Purgatives, was one of thoſe he us'd ofteneſt for this effect. Particularly, he made the Melancholy andDe Diaeta liber primus. Mad folks take it; and it is from the great uſe all the Ancients made of this Remedy in the like caſes, that 'tis become a Proverb, To have need of Hellebore: as much as to ſay, To have loſt ones ſenſes.

He gave it alſo in defluxions, which come according to him from the Brain, and throw themſelves on the Noſtrils or Ears, or that fill the Mouth with Spittle, or that cauſe ſtubborn pains in the Head, or a wearineſs, and an extraordinary heavineſs, or a weakneſs of the knees, or a ſwelling all over the body. He gave it alſo toDe morb: lib. 1. & de intern. affect. conſumptive perſons in Broth made of Lentils, to thoſe that were ill of the Dropſie call'd Leucophlegmatia, and in other chronical diſtempers; but we do not find that he made uſe of it in acute diſtempers, unleſs in theEpidem. lib. 5. Cholera Morbus, where he ſays he has us'd it with benefit, tho' in this diſtemper they had vomited but too much already, but in this caſe vomiting was cur'd by a vomit. Some took this Medicine faſting, but moſt took it after Supper, after the ſame manner we ſaid was practis'd in regard to vomits, that were order'd to be taken by way of precaution. The reaſon why he gave this Medicine moſt commonly after eating, was, That in mixing with the victuals, it might looſe a little of its acrimony, and operate with leſs violence on the Membranes of the ſtomach. He gave alſo ſometimes of a Plant call'd Seſamoides, with the ſame intention to cauſe vomiting; and ſometimes he mix'd it with Hellebore. Laſtly, We ought to obſerve, that he gave in ſome certain caſes Hellebore, which he call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . ſoft or ſweet, which had ſome relation to the quality of this Remedy, or to the quantity that he gave of it, which might be leſs on this laſt occaſion.

When Hippocrates had a mind ſimply to keep the body open, or make an evacuation of the Excrements contain'd in the Inteſtines, without drawing from too far, he made uſe of Simples chiefly to produce this effect; for example, of the Herb Mercury, or of Cabbage, the juice and decoction of which he order'd to be drank. He us'd Whey for the ſame effect, and alſo Cows or Aſſes Milk, adding a little ſalt to it, and letting it boil ſometimes. Or if he gave Aſſes Milk alone, he caus'd ſo great a quantity of it to be taken, that it muſt of neceſſity looſen the body. He preſcribesDe ration. victus in acutis. in one place even ſixteen hemines of it, and every hemine contain'd nine Italian Ounces of liquor. I know not whether there be a fault in this paſſage or not; we find in the ſeventh Book of Epidemical Diſtempers, an example of a young Man, to whom he gave nine hemines in two days, which is much leſs. We might alſo ſay, that the time neceſſary to take this quantity of Milk in, being not ſpecified in the firſt paſſage, nothing hinders but that we underſtand, that it ought to be taken in more than a days time. As to what remains, I know not whether, when Hippocrates makes mention of certain Demi-purgatives, or of a manner of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Subpurgare, lib. de vict. ratione in acutis dum de pleuritide. purging, that's in the middle between Clyſters and Purgatives, properly ſo call'd. I know not, ſay I, whether he means the juice of Mercury, of Cabbage, and other Remedies, we have been ſpeaking of, or whether he had other Medicines. Or laſtly, Whether his ordinary Purgatives, taken in a leſs Doſe, wou'd not produce this effect.

He made uſe alſo of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Suppoſitories and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , de 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to cleanſe. The word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , from whence is deriv'd that of Clyſter, ſignifies in Hippocrates the Inſtrument with which they gave the Clyster. Clyſters, with the ſame intention to looſen the body. Suppoſitories were compounded of Honey, the juice of Herb Mercury, of Salt of Nitre, of Powder of Coloquintida, and other ſharp ingredients, to irritate the Anus, which they put into a round form like a Ball, or round and long, of the ſhape and length of a finger. You have already ſeen before, what were the Clyſters which Hippocrates preſcrib'd to perſons in health; thoſe which he made up for the ſick were ſometimes of the ſame compoſition. At other times he took the decoction of Blits, or other Simples, in which he diſſolv'd ſome Nitre and Honey, and diluted it with Oil, or ſome other ingredients, according as he had a mind to attract, to waſh, irritate or ſoften; or according to the diſtempers he had to engage withal. The quantity of the liquor came to about four hemines, that is thirty ſix Italian Ounces; which ſeems to make it plain, and that he did not order it to be taken all at once, but at ſeveral times.

CHAP. XV. Of the Purgation of the Head, and that of the Lungs in particular.

HIppocrates alſo propos'd to himſelf ſometimes to 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . purge the Head alone. He put in practice this Remedy, after he had purg'd the reſt of the body, in an Apoplexy, in inveterate pains of the Head, in a certain ſort of Jaundice; in a Conſumption, and in the greateſt part of Chronical Diſtempers. For that he made uſe of juices of ſeveral Plants; as for example, the juice of Selery, to which he added ſometimes Aromatick Drugs, making them ſnuff up this mixture into their Noſtrils. He uſed alſo Powders compounded of Myrrh, the flowers of Braſs, and white Hellebore, which he alſo made them put up into the Noſe to make them ſneeze, and to draw the Phlegm from the Brain thro' this part. He alſo made uſe of, for this effect, an Inſtrument or a Drogue, which he calls Tetragonon; that is to ſay, that that has four Angles, but we know not what he underſtood by it. They did not know it even in the time of Galen, who gueſtes it to beSee the Commentaries on Hippocrates in Galen. Antimony, or certain tables or flakes that you find in Antimony.

He undertook alſo to purge or cleanſe the Lungs, or the Breaſt in particular, in the diſtemper call'd Empyema. On this intent, he commanded the Patient to draw in his Tongue as much as he was able, and when that was done, he endeavoured to put into the hollow of the Lungs a Liquor that irritated the part, which raiſing a violent cough, forc • d the Lungs to diſcharge the purulent Matter which was contain'd in them. The materials that he us'd for it were of different ſorts; ſometimes he took the Root of Arum, which he order'd to be boil'd with a grain of Salt, in a ſufficient quantity of Water and Oil, diſſolving a little Honey in it. At other times, when he intended to purge more ſtrongly, he took the flower of Copper and Hellebore: after that he ſhook the Patient violently by the ſhoulders, the better to looſen the Pus. This Remedy, which is found inDe morbis lib. 2 & de internis affectionibus. two places of the Works of Hippocrates, is attributed by Galen to the Cnidien Phyſicians, which we have ſpoke of in the precedent Book. The Phyſicians of the ſucceeding Ages have practis'd it no more, whether they had no Patients that wou'd ſuffer it, or whether they thought it of no benefit, which is moſt probable. Theſe ancient Phyſicians invented this Remedy to raiſe a cough upon what they obſerved, that it was the only means by which the Pus cou'd be naturally evacuated from the Breaſt, and be as it were pump'd out of the Lungs.

CHAP. XVI. Whether Hippocrates made uſe of Purgations or Superſtitious Purifications, which we ſpoke of above.

WE have ſeen in the firſt Book of our Hiſtory, that Melampus and Polyides us'd certain Purgations or Expiations, which had regard to Crimes as well as Diſtempers. It ſeems Hippocrates alſo approv'd of this practice, when he ſays, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Lib. de decenti habitu. That a Phyſician ought to have knowledge of the Purgatives or Purifications beneficial to life. A Modern Tranſlator of Hippocrates. Cornarius has underſtood it this way; and, in effect, we cannot explain this paſſage or word otherwiſe, for he does not treat here of the Purgations that we ſpoke of in the foregoing Chapter: And the other Interpreters or Commentators on Hippocrates, that have taken it in this latter ſenſe, are miſtaken.

But we may ſay, That ſeeing he meets with variations in the OriginalSome Manuſcripts read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the ſingular, which intirely alters the ſence, and that ſignifies nothing if you don't refer it to the follewing word, which is alſo very obſcure. Manuſcripts, in relation to the word in queſtion, and that all this paſſage, there being compris'd in it, that which immediately follows, is but obſcure, perhaps Hippocrates meant to ſpeak quite another thing. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . A freedom from Superſtition, which is one of the qualities he requires in a Phyſician, in the ſame place where he makes a parallel betwixt a Philoſopher and one of this Profeſſion, appears contrary to it. For how indeed does the neceſſity which he wou'd impoſe on a Phyſician to underſtand purifications, which conſiſted of ſome ſuperſtitious ceremonies, agree with the freedom from every thing that is ſuperſtitious. It's true, that another tranſlator of Hippocrates's reads this laſt word otherwiſe, and takes it Calvus tranſlates as if • e had read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the contrary ſenſe. But the inclining to ſuperſtition, or a ſuperſtitious fear of the Gods, is not that which they have accus'd the Philoſophers of no more than the Phyſicians, between whom, they ſay, Hippocrates endeavours to make a compariſon in this paſſage.

We have nothing to do beſides but to read the Book intitled of the Sacred Diſtemper, to ſee how Hippocrates openly laughs at all the ridiculous ceremonies they practis'd in his time to cure this diſtemper, and in particular the expiations and purifications they perform'd on this occaſion. We will not relate any thing he has ſaid above, to avoid being tedious: we'll only remark, that he puts thoſe that meddled with expiations, Magicians, Mountebanks, and impudent Boaſters, that promiſe more than they mean, and have nothing to perform. We • ll remark, I ſay, that he puts all theſe ſorts of fellows in the ſame rank, ending a long diſcourſe, which he makes on this ſubject, with theſe words, more worthy of a Chriſtian, than a Pagan, as he was. It is, ſays he, the Deity that purifies us, and waſhes us from our greateſt ſins, and from our moſt enormous crimes. It is the Divinity which protects us, and it is only in the Temples, which are the habitations of the Gods, that we ought to ſeek to puriſie ourſelves of what • s unclean.

I know this Book to be ſuppos'd to belong to ſome other Author: But however it be, that Hippocrates uſed only remedies purely natural, and never propoſed any ſuperſtitious ones, is an Argument he was never for them. We may ſee further how he elſewhereLib. de his quae ad virginem ſpectaut. rallies the women of his time that were troubled with the Mother, for offering to Diana rich Garments. He does not ſtick to ſay, that the Prieſts who advis'd theſe poor women thus, abuſed them wretchedly.

CHAP. XVII. Of Blood-letting, and of the Application of Cupping-Glaſſes.

BLood-letting was another method of evacuating or taking away the ſuperfluity of what was in the Veſſels and parts, which Hippocrates us'd. Another aim he had in it was to divert or recall the courſe of the Blood, which was going where it ought not to be. A third end of bleeding was to procure a free motion of the Blood and Spirits, as we may gather from the following paſſage.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . He ſays elſewhere in the ſame ſenſe 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; the Bladder ſlopt. When any one becomes ſpeechleſs of a ſudden, Hippocrates ſays it is caus'd by the ſhutting of the Veins, eſpecially when it happens to a perſon otherwiſe in good health, without any outward violence. In this caſe the inward vein of the right Arm muſt be open'd, and more or leſs blood taken away, according to the age and conſtitution of the Patient. Thoſe that loſe their Speech thus, have great fluſhings in the face, their Eyes are ſtiff, their Arms are diſtended, their Teeth gnaſh, they have palpitations of the Arteries, they cannot open their Jaws, the Extremities are cold, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Interceptiones Spirituum in venis. and the Spirits are intercepted in the Veins. If pain enſues, it is by the acceſſion of the black Bile and ſharp humours. For the Internal parts being vellicated or irritated by theſe humours, ſuffer very much, and the Veins being alſo irritated and dried, diſtend themſelves extraordinarily, and are inflam'd, and draw all that can flow to them, ſo that the Blood corrupting, and the Spirits not being able to paſs through the Blood 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . their natural paſſages. by their ordinary paſſages, the parts grow cold, by reaſon of this Stagnation of the Spirits. Hence comes giddineſs, loſs of ſpeech, and convulſions. If this diſorder reaches to the Heart, the Liver, or to 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 It ought to be obſerv'd that he makes no mention here of the brain, nor of the nerves. the great Veins. From hence come alſo Epilepſies, and Palſies, if the defluxions fall upon the parties nam'd, and that they dry up, becauſe the Spirits are deny'd a paſſage thro them. In this caſe, after Fomentation a Vein muſt be open'd, while the Spirits and Humours are yet 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . ſuſpended or unſettled.

Hippocrates had alſo a fourth intention in bleeding, which was for refreſhment. So in the De morb. lib. 3. Th • s is one • f theſe Books that are attributed to Polybius. Iliac paſſion he orders bleeding in the Arm, and in the Head; to the end, ſays he, that the ſuperiour Venter (or the Breaſt) may ceaſe to be over-heated. The particular intentions which Hippocrates might further have in the uſe of this remedy will appear in the examination of the particular caſes wherein he thought it neceſſary. We ſhall ſee at the ſame time the caution he us'd in theſe occaſions, what Veins he open'd, what quantity of Blood he took, and circumſtances relating to bleeding.

We muſt here take notice, that his conduct was much the ſame in Bleeding as Purging, in reſpect of time and perſons. We ought, ſays he, to let blood in acute diſeaſes, when they are violent, and if the party be luſty, and in the flower of his Age. Hence it follows, firſt, that he let blood neither infants nor old perſons; and I was ſurpriz'd at a conſequence which Callimedontis puero propter in • erculum ad collum, ſecta Vena. Epidem. lib. 5. & 7. Nota, ſars Riolanus, puero detractum ſanguinem. Now in the Greek it is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , filio Callimedontis, and not puero, as Cornarius has tranſlated it, which led Riolanus into this miſtake, who did not take the pains to conſult the Greek Text, which he underſtood perfectly well, and which would have ſhown him that this Son of Callimedon might be in the flower of his age, or at leaſt above that of an Infant. De Circul. Sang. cap. 3. Riolanus draws from one paſſage of our Author, or by which he pretends to prove that he ſometimes took blood from Children, becauſe in the paſſage cited, the perſons Age who is ſpoken of is not determined.

Hippocrates elſewhere inſinuates, that we ought to have regard to the time, both in reſpect of the diſeaſe, and of the ſeaſon when we let blood.

He adds in the paſſage firſt cited, by way of explication of what he means by diſtempers both acute and violent De rati • ne victu • • n a ••• .: That blood ought to be let in great pains, and particularly in inflamations. Amongſt which he reckons thoſe which fall upon the principal Viſcera, as the Liver, the Lungs, and the Spleen; as likewiſe the Quinzy and the Pleuriſie, if the pain be above the Diaphragm. In theſe caſes he would have them bleed till they faint, eſpecially if the pain be very acute, rather he adviſes that the Vein ſhould not be cloſed till the colour of the Blood alters, that from livid it turns red, or from red livid. In the Quinzy he blooded in both Arms at a time. Difficulty of breathing is alſo reckon'd among the diſtempers that require bleeding; Hippocrates mentions alſo another ſort of inflamation of the Lungs, which he calls a ſwelling or Tumours of the Lungs ariſing from heat, in which caſe he adviſes to bleed in all parts of the body, and directs particularly to the Arms, the Tongue, and the Noſtrils.

To make bleeding the more uſeful in all pains, he directedEpidemic. lib. 6. ſect. 6. to the Vein neareſt the part afflicted; and he gives particular direction in a Pleuriſie Lib. de ratim. victus in acutis. to open the inward Vein of the Arm on that ſide on which the pain is. For the ſame reaſon, in pains of the Head he open'd the Veins of the Noſe and of the Forehead. Upon the ſame account he blooded an Idumaean Slave in the Foot, for a great pain in the Hips and Leg, which put her into convulſions, contracted after Lying in.

When the plain was not urgent, and bleeding was adviſed for prevention, he directedDe natura hominis. to the parts fartheſt off, with intention inſenſibly to divert the blood from the ſeat of pain.

The higheſt Burning Fevers, which ſhew neither ſigns of inflamation nor pain, are not rank'd by Hippocrates among the acute diſtempers that requir • d bleeding. On the contrary, he maintains, that a Fever it ſelf is in ſome caſes a reaſon againſt bleeding.Epidem. lib 2. ſect 6. If any one, ſays he, has an Ʋlcer in the Head he muſt bleed, unleſs he has a Fever.Ibidem. He ſays farther, Thoſe that loſe their ſpeech of a ſudden muſt be blooded, unleſs they have a Fever.

Perhaps he was afraid of bleeding in Fevers, becauſe he ſuppoſes, as it appears by ſome paſſages, that Fevers were produc'd by the Bile and the Pituita, which grew hot, and afterwards heated the whole body, which is, ſays he, what we call a Fever, and which in his opinion could not be evacuated by bleeding. He looks elſewhere upon the preſence or abundance of Bile as an objection againſt bleeding. And he orders,Epidemic. lib 6. ſect. 3. to forbear bleeding even in ſpitting of blood, tho in a Pleuriſie if there be Bile, that is, I ſuppoſe, in a Bilious Pleuriſie, which is not accompany'd with violent pain.

To this we muſt add, that Hippocrates diſtinguiſht very much between a Fever which followed no other diſtemper, but was itſelf the original Malady, and a Fever which came upon inflamation. In theſe times, as Galen obſerves, the firſt ſort only were properly call'd Fevers, the other took their names from the parts affected, as Pleuriſie, Peripneumonie, Hepatitis, Nephritis, &c. which names ſignifie that the Pleura, the Lungs, the Liver, and the Kidneys are diſeas'd, but do not intimate the Fever which accompanies their diſeaſe. In this later ſort of Fever, Hippocrates conſtantly ordered bleeding, but not in the former.

We are not therefore to be ſurprized, if in all his Book of epidemical diſtempers we find but few directions for bleeding in the acute diſtempers, and particularly in the great number of continual and burning Fevers there treated of.

In the firſt and third Book, which are the moſt finiſhed of all, we find but one ſingle inſtance, and that in a Pleuriſie, in which two he ſtaid till the eigthth day of the diſtemper.

Galen accounts otherwiſe for his Conduct in this caſe,In lib. 2. Epidemic. 3. Comm. 1. Hippocrates having ſaid nothing of bleeding, not only in the caſe of Pythion, but likewiſe of ſeveral other Patients who ſeem'd according to his own principles to want bleeding, as far as we can judge of them by his writings; We muſt neceſſarily conclude, either that he did not bleed them at all, or that he omitted the mention of it in the Hiſtory which he gives of their Caſes. Now it is not likely that he omitted bleeding when the caſe required it, this great man being ſo fond of that Remedy, as appears by thoſe Works of his, which are acknowledged by all the World to be Genuine, ſuch as the Aphoriſms, the method of Diet in acute diſtempers, and that we have now in hand, where he ſays thus; I open'd a Vein in the Arm upon the eighth day, and let out abundance of blood, as was neceſſary: If he blooded upon the eighth day in the caſe here mentioned, we have ſtill more reaſon to believe he did it in the preceeding. On the other ſide, it is not probable that he ſhould forget to mention it, in a caſe wherein it was his ordinary practice, eſpecially when he puts down Remedies of much leſs importance, not omitting ſo much as a Suppoſitor. Since therefore, ſays Galen, there lies ſome difficulty upon either of theſe opinions, we ought to determin for that which has leaſt. This being ſuppoſed, I am of opinion that it was uſed to ſeveral of theſe Patients, but that the mention of it was omitted in the Hiſtory of their caſes, as a thing ſuppos'd of courſe. And I rather ſubſcribe to this Opinion, becauſe Hippocrates himſelf takes expreſs notice of bleeding on the eighth day, which I imagin he peculiarly remark'd, becauſe it was a thing againſt the uſual practice, ſuppoſing the mention of bleeding the preceeding days, as being the common methods.

Moſt of the modern Commentators upon Hippocrates are of Galen's opinion: But to this it may be anſwer'd, that Hippocrates being very exact, as Galen himſelf acknowledges, even in the relation of the moſt Minute Medicines he us'd, ſuch as Suppoſitors; 'tis hard to think in this caſe he would omit the moſt conſiderable. To this we may add, that Galen himſelf maintains elſewhere, that Eraſiſtratus, of whom we ſhall ſpeak hereafter, never blooded any body, only for this reaſon, that in ennumerating the Medicines he made uſe of in ſeveral occaſions, he makes no mention of bleeding. If this Argument will hold againſt Eraſiſtratus, it will againſt Hippocrates. Beſides, it was altogether of as great importance, that we ſhould be inform'd of the Remedies, as of the Proceſs of the diſtempers. The ſymptoms which ariſe, depending as much upon the practice of the Phyſician himſelf, as upon the nature of the diſtemper.

In all probability where Hippocrates omits the mention of bleeding in any caſe, he did not uſe it, nor is this ſo much againſt his principles, as Galen would inſinuate. On the contrary, he follows him therein preciſely, as appears by what has been ſaid already.

If Hippocrates had blooded his Patients plentifully in Fevers in the beginning of their illneſs, as Galen pretends, he would not perhaps have had the opportunity of ſeeing ſo many Fevers terminate by Criſis, that is, by natural Evacuation, which come of themſelves in certain days.

This Ancient Phyſician laid ſo much weight upon the aſſiſtance of Nature and the method of Diet, which was his favourite Medicine, that he thought if they took care to diet the Patients before-mention'd according to rule, they might leave the reſt to nature. Theſe are his true principles, from which he never deviates, ſo that his pieces of e • idemical diſeaſes, ſeem to have been compos'd only with an intention to leave to poſterity, an exact model of management in purſuance of theſe principles.

To return to the Rules that Hippocrates preſcribes for bleeding,Galen Comment • on Aphor. 6. lib 6. 'tis obſervable in all diſeaſes which have their ſeat above the Liver, he bleeds in the Arm, or ſome of the upper parts of the Body, but for thoſe that were below it, he open'd the Veins below, as of the Foot, the Ankle, or the Ham. De ratione victûs in • cu •• s ſub • in • m. If the Belly was too Laxative, and bleeding was thought neceſſary, Hippocrates ordered the Looſeneſs to be ſtopt before bleeding.

Almoſt all theſe inſtances hitherto regard ſcarce any thing but acute diſtempers. We find ſeveral concerning chronical diſeaſes. A young man complaining of a great pain of his Belly, with a great rumbling while he was faſting, which ceaſed after eating: This pain and noiſe continuing his meat did him no good; but on the contrary, he daily waſted, and grew lean. Several Medicines, as well Purgers as Vomiters were in vain given him. At length it was reſolv'd to bleed him by intervals firſt in one Arm and then t'other, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , till he was without blood. Epidemic. lib. 5. ſub Principio. till he had ſcarce any blood left, which perfectly cur'd him.

Hippocrates let blood alſo in the Dropſie, and even in a Tympany; in both theſe caſes he preſcribes bleeding in the Arm De affection •• .. In a diſeaſe ariſing from an over-grown Spleen, which is attended by diverſe other ſymptoms, he propoſes bleeding ſeveral times repeated at a Vein of the Arm which he calls the Splenatick Vein. We ſhall ſpeak more of this Vein hereafter.

He propoſes in another placeDe Morbis lib. 2. bleeding under the Tongue in a ſort of Jaundice. This perhaps was an Empirical Medicine grounded only upon experience, for the uſe of which he could give no good reaſon; and what confirms me in this opinion, is, that the Book wherein this remedy is mentioned is ſuppoſed to have been written by the Cnidian Phyſicians, who, as we have ſaid before, were Empiricks. Or perhaps it might be grounded upon ſome reaſon which is loſt to us, becauſe we have not the ſame Idea of the diſpoſition of the Veins, and their ſympathy with the ſeveral parts of the body, that the Antients had. What Hippocrates advances elſewhere, that if we burn in any one the Veins or Arteries of the Temples, he can never procreate after, ſeems to be founded upon no better reaſon. We have as much reaſon to ask what particular communication there is between the Veins of the Temples, and the Organs of Generation, as between the Liver and the Spleen, which are the parts affected in the Jaundice, and the Veins of the Tongue. This difficulty would lye as heavy upon us as the other, if Hippocrates himſelf his not inform usSee for this the Chapter of the Anatomy of Hippocrates , that the Seed which comes from all parts of the body, and particularly from the Head, paſſes or deſcends by the Veins of the Temples, or behind the Ears; ſo that when one burns thoſe Veins, one intercepts the paſſage of the Seed.

See the liſt of diſeaſes known to Hippocrates. This opening of the Veins behind the Ears was, as we have ſhew'd before, a familiar practice among the Scythians, by which they cur • d themſelves of a certain ſort of a Sciatica. There is no doubt, but that bleeding, as well as purging, which are two Medicines whoſe effects are not eaſily to be accounted for, muſt in many caſes be Empirical remedies. It was ſufficient for Hippocrates and the reſt of the ancient Phyſicians, to know that they were ſerviceable in certain caſes, to induce them to the uſe of them in thoſe caſes, tho ignorant of the reaſons of their operations.

We ſee by what has been ſaid concerning bleeding, that there were ſome occaſions, in which he did not only bleed once in the courſe of a diſtemper, but that he did it very largely, continuing it ſometimes even to ſwooning. Sometimes he blooded in both Arms at a time, in others he did it ſeveral times, and in ſeveral parts of the body, but he does not put down the quantity took at a time. The Veins which he open'd were thoſe of the Arm, By the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , hand, the Greeks often underſtood all the arm; ſo that when they only meant the hand they ſaid 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the extremity of the hand, or of the arm. Hippocrates makes particular mention of two veins of the arm, or of the hand, one of which he calls Hepatitis, and the other Splenitis, ſuppoſing that the firſt came from the Liver, and the other from the Spleen. the Hands, the Ankles on both ſides, the Hams, the Forehead, behind the Head, the Tongue, the Noſe, behind the Ears, under the Breaſts, and thoſe of the Arms; not reckoning thoſe he burnt, and the Arteries he opened, of which we ſhall ſpeak under the head of his Surgery.

Hippocrates likewiſe uſed Cupping-veſſels, with intent to recall and withdraw the humours which fell upon any part. He contented himſelf ſometimes with the bare attraction made by the Cupping-veſſels, ſometimes he ſcarified alſo, that is to ſay, he ſlaſht or prickt diverſe holes on the place where the Cupping-veſſel had been. We ſhall ſee more at large in theSee below in the Chapter of Celſus. ſequel the ſeveral ſorts of Cupping-veſſels in uſe amongſt the Antients, and the manner of applying of them. We ſhall ſpeak likewiſe of their Cauteries, in the Surgery of Hippocrates.

CHAP. XVIII. Of Diuretick and Sudorifick Remedies.

WHen bleeding and purging, which were the principal and moſt general means which Hippocrates us'd to take off a Plethora of the Blood or humours, were inſufficient, he had recourſe to Diureticks and Sudorificks. Which he inſinuates in this paſſage, wherein nevertheleſs he makes mention of bleeding.De ratione victûs in morbis acutis p. m 403. All diſeaſes, ſays he, are determined or cured by evacuations by the mouth, by ſtool, by urine, or ſome other ſuch way, but ſweating is common to all, that is, takes off all alike.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to urine • Diuretick Medicines were of different ſorts, according to the diſpoſition of perſons; ſometimes Baths, and ſometimes Sweet Wine, provoke urine; ſometimes the nouriſhment which we take contributes to it: and amongſt thoſe Herbs which are commonly eaten, Hippocrates recommends Garlick, Leeks, Onions, Cucumbers, Melons, Gourds, Fennel, and all the biting things which have a briskſmell. With theſe he numbers Honey, mixt with Water or Vinegar, and all Salt Meats. But when he would drive it more forcibly, he took four Cantharides, and taking off their Wings and their Feet, gave them in Wine and Honey. He gave theſe ſeveral Medicines in variety of Cronical diſtempers after Purging, when he thought that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . See the Chapter of the Cauſes of D • ſeaſes. the Blood was over-charg'd with a ſort of moiſture, which he calls Ichor, or in ſuppreſſions of urine; and when it was made in leſs quantity than it ought.

Hippocrates uſed alſo ſudorifick or ſweating Medicines. There are alſo ſome caſes wherein he would force ſweat 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Satius urinam & ſudorem provocare. De morb. mulier. 1. as well as urine, but he does not tell what is to be taken for that purpoſe. He ſays in another place,De Morb. Epidemic. lib. 6. ſect. 2. that good care ought to be taken when ſweat is provoked, both how and when, but he tells not the means. There is only a ſingle paſſage that I know of, wherein he mentionsIbid. lib. 2. ſect. 6. Vid. & Aphoriſm. 42. l. 7. ſweating, by powring upon the Head a great quantity of hot Water till the Feet ſweat, that is, till the ſweat diffuſes itſelf over the whole Body, running from the Head to the Foot. After which he would have them eat boyld Meat and drink thereupon pure Wine, and being well covered with cloaths, lay themſelves to reſt. What he adds immediately after, that they ſhould eat two or three heads of Daffodills, does not ſeem to me at all to relate to the provoking of ſweat, Daffodills being reckoned by Dioſcorides among the Vomitories. Hippocrates perhaps puts the Patient to his choice, whether to ſweat or vomit. Perhaps the Narciſſus of Hippocrates was not known afterwards by the ſame name, which has been the fortune of ſeveral other Simples whoſe names have been changed. I do not find any other ſudorifick Medicines taken at the mouth in Hippocrates.

The Diſeaſe for which he propoſes the aforeſaid Remedies is a Fever, which is not, according to him, produced either by the Bile or the Pituita, but from meer Laſſitude, or ſome other like cauſe. By this we ſee that Hippocrates did not approve of Sweating in any other Fever than here pointed at.

CHAP. XIX. Of the Simple Mediicines which change the diſpoſition of the body and humours, as to their ſenſible qualities, without making any ſenſible Evacuation.

De affect. p. m 515, This Book has been attributed to Polybius. Ʋpon this ſee what is remarked of refreſhing remedies, below in the Chapter of acute Diſeaſes. THeſe Medicines, ſays Hippocrates, which Purge neither Bile nor Flegm, that is to ſay, which are not at all purgative, act by cooling, or heating, by drying, or moiſtning, or by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . The firſt ſignifies to cloſe, to thicken; the ſecond to reſolve, to diſſipate. cloſing and thickning, reſolving and diſſipating. To theſe remedies he joins thoſe which procure ſleep; but he does not ſay what are thoſe remedies which cool and moiſten; and 'tis probable, that what he calls Medicine in this place, ſerv'd likewiſe for Food: Which he ſeems to inſinuate a little after, when he ſays, that the Meat and Drink which men uſe in their health, ought to ſerve them when they are ſick, chooſing or preparing them according to the preſent occaſion, of cooling or moiſtning, drying or heating.

As this relates to the Diet of the ſick, we may conſult what has been before ſaid upon that Head. Hippocrates uſed thoſe Medicines which thickned, or reſolved and diſſipated, as well externally as internally, as well to draw the matter of an Abſceſs to the Head, as to reſolve and diſſipate a Tumour, or to thicken a ſharp and thin Humour, or to attenuate or ſubtilize thick viſcid uſes. Of theſe more under the Chapter of his Pharmacy.

CHAP. XX. Of Hipnotic or Sleep-procuring Medicines.

HIppocrates ſpeaking in the aforeſaid paſſage of RemediesWe have obſerved in the preceding Chap. that the Book from whence this paſſage is taken, has been aſcribed to Polybius, who, as we ſhall ſee below, was a greater reaſoner than Hippocrates. which procure ſleep, ſays they produce this effect, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . by calming or giving reſt to the blood, neither does he tell us what theſe Medicines are. He ſpeaks in ſeveral other places of a Plant which he calls 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Mecon, which is the name the Greeks call the Poppy by. But 'tis remarkable that he generally attributes to this Plant a purgative quality; which makes it plain, that he did not mean the Poppy by it.De Simplic. Medicater. facultat. lib. 2. Galen tells us that ſome took the Peplus which we have ranked before amongſt the Purgatives, and Spatling Poppy for the ſame Plant; and in his Gloſſes upon Hippocrates he ſays, that Meconium and Peplus ſignified frequently the ſame thing in him. I ſuppoſe we ought to read Mecon, and not Meconium, Pliny taking notice that the Tithymale which is the ſame with the Peplus, was otherwiſe call'd Mecon, or at leaſt Galen ought to have ſaid that the Meconium was the Juice of the Peplus, and not the Peplus itſelf.

We find notwithſtanding in Hippocrates, ſome paſſages in which theſe two words Mecon and Meconium are taken in the ſame ſenſe, in which the Greeks of the following Ages conſtantly uſed them, that is, the firſt ſignified Poppy, and the latter the Juice of it; which ſhews that in Hippocrates's time, two very different things were called by the ſame name; the Peplus which is a purging Tithymale, and the Poppy which is Aſtringent and Somniferous. He ſpeaks likewiſe of a third ſort of Meconium drawn from the Excrements, which name has been ſince given to the Excrements firſt voided by a Child newly born. In the ſecond Book of Womens diſtempers, he propoſes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , from the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , juice, is formed that of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or Opium in Latin. We may find in Dioſcorides the difference between Opium, and Meconium. the Juice of Poppy for a diſtemper of the Matrix, and as a proof that he meant the Juice of Poppy, which cauſes ſleep, he calls it within a few lines after the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Hipnotic Meconium, to diſtinguiſh it from the other.

From hence it is apparent that he knew the virtue of the Poppy, but it is obſervable that he us'd it very ſeldom; and I do not find that he propoſes this Remedy in the caſes to which it has been ſince apply'd, that is, in wakings, and eſpecially in pains. We ſhall have occaſion to ſay more of this Remedy,See below in the Chapt. of Heraclides Tarentum. in the ſequel, and of the uſe the Ancients made, and the doubts they had of it.

There is another paſſage in Hippocrates, wherein he mentions the white and black PoppyDe vict. rat. lib 2. in theſe words. The Poppy ſays he, is Aſtringent, the black more than the white, yet the white is ſo likewiſe, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . but it nouriſhes and is of great force. Dioſcorides and Galen inform us, that the Ancients put Poppy-ſeeds in their Cakes, which they made of Meal and Honey, and ſometime even into their Bread, as it is not likely they did it for nouriſhment. Perhaps there may be ſome fault in the Text of Hippocrates.

CHAP. XXI. Of the Specifick Remedies of the ſeveral diſtempers, whoſe operations are not accounted for.

THe Medicines hitherto ſpoke of act after a ſenſible manner, and it was by their means that Hippocrates anſwered the general intentions which he propoſed in the cure of diſeaſes. There were other Medicines which he made uſe of for no other reaſon but the known ſucceſs of them in ſeveral particular caſes. His own experience, and that of his predeceſſors, was ſufficient to eſtabliſh the uſe of them, tho he could not rationally account for their effects.

We ſhall give ſome inſtances of theſe remedies in the account of Hippocrates's method of curing ſome particular diſeaſes. But we muſt not forget here that theſe remedies were chiefly ſuch as he inherited from his predeceſſors the Aſclepiades, who being Empiricks, did not much trouble themſelves how their Medicines operated, ſo the Patients were cured. Tho Hippocrates relied very much upon the former ſort of Medicines, yet he did not neglect theſe, for almoſt all the Phyſicians after him continued the uſe of both ſorts in their practice, the one ſupplying the defects of the other.

CHAP. XXII. Of the Remedies apply'd externally to diverſe parts of the Body. Of Compound Medicines in general, and of the Pharmacy of Hippocrates.

AMongſt the Remedies externally apply'd, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which ſignifies Fire; and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to warm; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to heat. This laſt word ſeems common to Fomentations, Cataplaſms, and all exterior applications of Oils, and Unguents, which are uſed as lentfiers. In Latin Fomentum from Fovere. Fomentations were the chief. Theſe were a peculiar ſort of Bath which Hippocrates uſed very often, and which was made ſeveral ways. The firſt was that, wherein the Patient This ſort of Fomentation was called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to ſit within. Lib. de Superfatat. de ratione victùs in acutis, de morb. 3. ſat in a Veſſel, in a decoction of Herbs or Simples, appropriate to his Malady, ſo that the part agrieved was ſoaked in the decoction. This was chiefly us'd in diſtempers of the Womb, of the Arms, the Bladder, the Reins, and generally all the parts below the Diaphragm. This Remedy might be referr'd to the Chapter of Baths, of which it is a kind.

The ſecond way of Fomenting, was to take warm Water, and put it into a Skin or Bladder, or even into a Copper or Earthen Veſſel, and to apply it to the part affected; as for example, upon the ſide in a Pleuriſie. They uſe likewiſe a large Sponge, which they dipt in the water or other hot Liquor, and ſqueezed out part of the water before they apply • d it. The ſame uſe they made of Barley, or Vetches, or Bran; which was boyl'd in ſome proper liquor, and apply • d in a linnen bag. Theſe Fomentations were call'd moiſt Fomentations.

He us'd alſo dry ones made of Salt or Millet, made very hot, and applied in bags upon the part.

The laſt ſort of Fomentations was by way of Vapour, which ſteam'd from ſome hot Liquor. We find an inſtance of this ſort of Fomentations in the firſt Book of Womens diſtempers. He caſt at ſeveral times bits of red hot Iron into urine, and covering the Patient cloſe upwards, cauſed her to receive the ſteam below. His deſign in theſe Fomentations, was to warm the part, to reſolve or diſſipate, and draw out the peccant matter, if any where, to mollifie and aſſwage pain, to open the paſſages or even to ſhut them, according as the Fomentations were Emollient or Aſtringent.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .Fumigations were likewiſe very much uſed by Hippocrates for the following intentions.De Morb. lib. 3. In the Quinzy he burnt Hyſop, with Sulphur and Pitch, and cauſed the Smoke to be drawn into the Throat thro a Tunnel, which brought away abundance of Flegm thro the Mouth, and thro the Noſe, or elſe he took to the ſame purpoſe,De morb. lib. 1. Nitre, Marjerom, and Creſsſeeds, which he boyl'd in Water, Vinegar and Oyl, and while it was on the Fire, caus'd the ſteam to be drawn in by a Pipe. We find, particularly in Hippocrates, a great number of Fumigants for the diſtempers of Women, to provoke their Menſes, and to check them, to help conception, and to eaſe pains in the Matrix, and the ſuffocation of it. He us'd on theſe occaſions, ſuch Aromaticks as were then known, as Cinnamon, Caſſia, Myrrh, and ſeveral Odoriferous Plants, as likewiſe ſome Minerals, ſuch as Niter, Sulphur, and Pitch, and caus • d them to receive the vapours into the Matrix, by means of a Tunnel.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Gargles, which are likewiſe a ſort of Fomentations for the Mouth and Throat, were alſo known to Hippocrates. He uſed in the Quinzy, a Gargle made of Marjerom, Savory, Selery, Mint and Nitre, boyl'd with Water and a little Vinegar. When this was ſtrained, they added Honey to it, and waſh'd their Mouths frequently with it.

They made likewiſe very great uſe of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Theſe three words Hippocrates uſes to ſignify all that is proper to anoint. Oyls and Oyntments, in order to mollifie and to abate pain, to ripen Boils, to reſolve Tumours, to refreſh after wearineſs, to make the body ſupple, and divers others particular intentions. We ſhall 〈◊〉 occaſion to ſpeak further of Oyntments and Liquid Perfumes hereafter, in the Chapter of Prodicus, one of Hippocrates's Scholars. Hippocrates us'd ſometimes Oyl of Olives neat, ſometimes he infuſed ſome Simple into it, as the leaves of Myrtle or Roſes; this latter Oyl was in great requeſt amongſt the Ancients.

There were other ſorts of Oyls more compounded. Hippocrates ſpeaks of an Oyl or Unguent call • d See Dioſcorides. Suſinum, which was made of the Flowers of the Iris, of ſome Aromaticks, of an Ointment of Narciſſus made with the Flowers of Narciſſus, and Aromaticks infuſed in Oyl. But the moſt conſiderable or the moſt compound Oyntment that he mentions, is that which he calls Netopum, which he prepar'd particularly for Women. Heſychius tells us, that it was an Oyntment conſiſting of a great number of Ingredients. Hippocrates ſpeaks likewiſe of an Oyl or Oyntment of Aegypt, which was compounded as it is elſewhere, of abundance of Aromaticks, which ſeems to be the ſame with the Netopum, or as Dioſcorides calls it, Metopium. As for another Oyl, which was called the white Oyl of Aegypt, Galen ſaysDe ſimpl. Medicam. facu ••• b. lib 2. in one place, that it was only very fine Oyl of Olives;In gloſſis Hippocratis. but in another place he tells us, that it was the ſame Oyl or Oyntment that was otherwiſe call'd Mendeſium.

Hippocrates us'd alſo a ſort of Oyntment which he call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Ceratum, which conſiſted chiefly of Oyl and Wax, which gave name to the Medicine. The Compoſition of one Ceratum, which he recommends for the ſoftning of a Tumour, and cleanſing of a Wound, was this. Take the quantity of a Nut of the Marrow or Fat of a Sheep, of Maſtick or Turpentine the quantity of a Bean, and as much Wax, melt theſe over a Fire with Oyl of Roſes, for a Ceratum.

Sometimes he added mixed Pitch and Wax, and putting a quantum ſufficit of Oyl, made a compoſition of greater conſiſtence than the former, which he call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Ceropiſſus.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Cataplaſms were a ſort of Medicament of leſs conſiſtence than the two former. They conſiſted of Powders or Herbs ſteep'd or boyl • d in water, or ſome other liquor, to which they ſometimes put Oyl. In the Quinzy, Hippocrates orders a Cataplaſm made of Barly-meal boil • d in Wine and Oyl. Cataplaſms were uſed with intention of ſoftning, lenifying, or reſolving Tumours, or ripning of the Abſceſſes like the Cerata; they had alſo cooling Cataplaſms made of the Leaves of Beets or Olive, Fig or Oak Leaves boil'd in Water.

Hippocrates us'd alſo a ſort of Medicines called a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . De morb. muli • r. lib. 3. Collyrium. It was compounded of Powders, to which was added a ſmall quantity of ſome Oyntment or Juice of a Plant, to make a ſolid dry Maſs, the form of which was round and long, which was kept for uſe.

Another Compoſition not much different from the other, but in the form, the Ingredients being much of the ſame nature, was a ſort of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , 〈…〉 which 〈…〉 , becau • e 〈…〉 and 〈◊〉 li • e a 〈◊〉 cake. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , 〈…〉 weight of a D • am. D • morb. 〈◊〉 • ib • . Lozange, of the bigneſs of a ſmall piece of Money, which was uſed to be burnt upon Coals for a perfume, and to be powdered for other uſes, as we ſhall ſee more particularly hereafter. We find likewiſe in Hippocrates • s Deſcriptions for Powders, for ſeveral uſes to take off Fungous fleſh, and to blow into the Eyes in Opthalmies, &c.

Theſe are almoſt all the Medicines uſed externally. We ſhall have occaſion to take notice of a certain Compoſition of this nature, in the Chapter of Womens diſtempers. As for the Compound Medicines taken inwardly, they were either Liquid or Solid. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Thoſe which were in a Liquid form, were prepared either by decoction, or infuſion in a proper Liquor, which, when ſtrain'd, was kept for uſe, or by macerating certain Powders in ſuch Liquors, and ſo taking them together, or by mixing divers Liquors together.See the Ch. of • he Diet of the Sick. We have given before the preparation of a Potion, call'd Cyceon, and ſome others. The Medicines in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to ſwallow ſomething that is ſolid. Solid form, conſiſted of Juices, inſpiſſated, of Gums, Roſins or Powder made up with them, or with Honey, or ſomething proper to give the neceſſary conſiſtence to the Medicine. Theſe were made up in a form and quantity fit to be ſwallow'd with eaſe.

Amongſt the ſolid Medicines may be ranked that which is delivered in the firſt Book of Womens diſtempers, under the Title of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . The Vatican Copies read it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of ſeveral ingredients. the Salt Medicine.

There was a third ſort of Medicine, which was betwixt Liquid and Solid, which was a ſort of Lambitive, which they were forced to keep ſome time to diſſolve in the Mouth, that they might ſwallow it leiſurely. This Remedy was uſed to take off the Acrimony of thoſe Humours which falls ſometimes upon this part, which provoke Coughing, and other inconveniencies. Honey was the Baſis of it, as we ſhall ſee in ſome deſcriptions to come, in the relation of ſome inſtances of diſtempers, cur'd by Hippocrates's method.

By all this we may ſee what ſort of Compound Medicines Hippocrates uſed. If the Book De Affectionibus be his, we may infer from thence, that he wrote particularly upon this ſubject. The Author in that Book quoting others which treat of Medicaments only. Theſe Books bore the title of Pharmaca; and Pharmacitis, ſays our Author, ut Scriptum eſt in Pharmacis, that is, in Libris De Pharmacis Agentibus. The word Pharmacitis is an Adjective, to which the Subſtantive Liber, which is underſtood, muſt be joyned. Pharmacitis Liber, the Book of Medicines. But this Book has been aſcrib'd to Polybius, Son-in-law to Hippocrates; and it is remarkable that theſe Books, or this Book of Medicaments, is cited no where elſe by Hippocrates. Galen obſerves, that thoſe ſort of Books were very rare in thoſe days, becauſe the Ancient Phyſicians uſed to give a Receipt of the Medicines they uſed, with the Hiſtory of the diſtemper they uſed them for.

Another thing which is worth our Obſervation is, that the compound Medicines of Hippocrates were but very few, and conſiſted of very few Simples, four or five at moſt. We find indeed in Actuarius the deſcription of a very compounded Antidote, which he calls Hippocrates's Antidote, for which he ſays, the Athenians preſented him with a Crown. But this is plainly a fiction, and one of the ſpecious Titles the Greeks uſed to give to their Medicines, to promote the ſale, of which we ſhall ſee more examples hereafter.

Here we muſt take notice, that Hippocrates underſtood Pharmacy, or the Art of Compounding or Preparing Medicines. Lib. de Theriaca ad Piſon. This Galen endeavours to prove from a paſſage of the ſecond Book of the Epidemicks, where he introduces Hippocrates ſpeaking after this manner.This paſſage is very obſcure, as we find it in Hippocrates; and Galen, or the Author of the Book cited by us, give • it us very different from what it is in our Originaly. We know the nature of Medicines, whereof ſo many different things are compounded, for all are not compounded alike, but ſome after one manner, and others after another. Some ſimples ought to be boyl • d quick, others ſlowly▪ They are likewiſe differently prepared. Some are dry'd, ſome are ſtampt, ſome are boiled, &c.

The laſt obſervation we ſhall make upon the Pharmacy of Hippocrates is, that he not only underſtood the preparation of Medicines, but that he prepar'd them himſelf, or in his own Houſe by his Servants, after his own directions This was the practice of the Phyſicians of thoſe times, when neither Pharmacy nor Surgery were become particular profeſſions.

CHAP. XXIII. A Liſt of the Simples us'd by Hippocrates, A AGnus Caſtus. Alica. Alom, Alom of Egypt, Sciſſil Al • m. Burnt Alom. Almonds. Amomum. * Anagallis. Anagyris. Alkanet. * Ammoniac. Gum. Aneth. Aniſe. Anthemus, or Anthemis. Aſparagus. After-birth humane. Aſphodil. Atriplex. * Amber Aſs its D • ng. Aſh-tree, Apples. B Braſs, and its Ruſt, Filings, Scales, and Calx. Birthwort. Baccharis. * Butter. Blites. Bulbus albus. Bulbus parvus growing among the Corn. Bembylium, a ſort of Meliſſa. Erot. Bryony. Bupreſtis, the name both of a Plant, and an Animal. Beetles. Beans. Baſil. Barley. Achilles's Barley. Bramble. Bulls Gall, Liver, and Ʋrine. C CLivers, Gooſegraſs. Cachrys. Calamint. Calamus aromaticus. Cantharides. * Capers. Cardamomes. Caſia. Caſtor. Cedar, and its Roſin. Centaury. Chalcitis Chamaeleon. Chondrus. Coleworts. Chrethmus. Chryſocolla. Chryſitis. Cinnamon. Cneorum. Cnidia Grana. Cnicus. Colocynthis. Cucumbers Garden and wild. Conyza. Coriander. Crateogonon. Creſſes. Cumine, vulgar, and Ethiopian. Cyclamen. Cyperus. Cypreſs. Cytiſus. Cravfiſh. Cheeſe. Clary. Carrots Cinquefoil. Cuttle-fiſh, its Bones, and Eggs. Chalk D DOg. Daphnoides. Daucus. Dittany. Dittany of Crete. Dracontium Dracuncunculus. Docks. E EBony. Elaterium. Epipetrum. Erviolum. Ervum. Eryſinum. Evanthemum Eggs. Elder. F FRankincenſe. Frankincenſe granulated. Flower, or Meal of ſeveral ſorts of Grain, fine and courſe. Fenugreek. Fennel. Ferula. Fig-tree, Garden and wild, its Leaves, Wood and Fruit, &c. Frogs. Feverfew. Fox Dung. G GArlick. Gooſe Graſs. Clivers. Goat, the Milk, Dung, Excrements of the Skin, Fat, and Horns. Gourds. Gall of Oxen, Swine, Sea Scorpion, &c. Galba num. Galls Nuts Glans Egyptia. Grapes, and the maſs of 'em after preſſing. H HEmlock. Horns of Oxen, Goats, and Deer, raſp'd, and burnt. Hellebore, white and black. Heath. Herb Charien. Hedgehog. Sea Hedgehog. Hippomarathrum. Hippophae. Holoconitis. Hyſſop vulgar, and Cilician. Hare's Wool. Hemp. Honey. Honey of Cedar. I JUncus odoratus Iris. Iſatis or Wood. Ivie. L LOadſtone. Lettice. Lagopyrus. Laſerpitium. Laurel. Lentills. Lentiſcus. Lees of Wine Lees of Wine burnt Lotus. Lupines. Lapis Cyanaeus Magneſius. Leeks. M MArſh Mallow Mugwort. Muſhromes. Milk, Aſſes, Cows, Mares, Bitches. Maſtick Tree. Maſtick Malicorium. Mandrake. Mallow. Meconitis. (a) Meconium purgans. Meconium ſomniferum. Meconium, an excrement. Melanthium. Melilot. Mint. Mercury the Herb. Mulberries. Millet. Minium. Miſy. Modus, a root. Molybdaena. Moſs. Muſtard. Mules Dung. Myrica. Myrrh. Myrrha Stacte. Myrtle. Myrtidanum. N NArciſſus. Nardus. Nitre. Nitre red. Nuts Thaſian. Nettle. Navelwort. O ONions. Orache. Oats. Oak. Oyl. Oenanthe. Oeſype. Olive, Wood, Leaves, Gall, Fruit, Stones, and Oyl. Origanum. Orobus. Orpiment. Orpine. P PImpernel Parſley Baſtard. Pomegranate. Pepper. Panax. (b) Poppy. Peplium. Peplus. Pompions. Parſley. Parſley curled. Pencedanum. Poplar. Phaſeolus. Philiſtium. Pine, and its Kernel. Peony. Pears. Peaſe, and dry. Purſlan. Pitch. Praſſium. Pſeudodictamnus. Pennyroyal. Q QUick Lime. R RAiſins Rhadiſh. Ranunculus. Root white. Reſine. Rhamus. Rhus. Ricinus. Rocket. Roſe. Roſemary. Rubia. Rue. S SOthernwood. Silver, and its Flower. Spices of all ſorts. Stag its horns, &c. Services, or Sorb Apples. Sea water. Succory yellow Sheeps Fat, Marrow, and Dung Saffron. Sagapenum. Sandarach, Gum. Savoury. Savin. Sage. S •• mmony. Squills. Scolopendrium Salt. Sa •• • f Thebes. Seſeri Seſamum. Seſamoides. Spodium. Sulphur. Staveſacre. Staebe. Struthium. Stybis. Styrax. Soot. Sea Calfs Lungs. Spelt. T THorn white. Thorn Egyptian. Turnep. Turpentine. Teda Terra Aegyptiaca. Terra nigra Samia. Thapſia. Thlapſi. Time. Thymbra. Tithymalus. Tithymalis. Torpedo. Tortoiſe. Tragus. Tribulus. Trefoil. Trigonum. V VIper. Verbaſcum. Verdegriſe. Verjus. Vine, it's Wood, Leaves, and Tendrels. Vinegar. Violets white. blue. Urine. W WOrmwood Wax, white Wax Wheat. Whey. Worms. Wine, of ſeveral ſorts. X XAnthium. Z ZEa.

Theſe are the names that occur in Hippocrates, except perhaps a very few, which may have eſcap'd our notice. The Greek, like moſt other Languages, having ſuffered great alteration, and the names of diverſe Plants being chang'd, it became within 2 or 3 Ages different to determin what Plants Hippocrates deſign'd by ſome of 'em; but the number of 'em is ſo ſmall that the loſs is not very conſiderable.

CHAP. XXIV. Some inſtances of particular Cures of ſome Diſeaſes, both Acute and Chronical.

WE ſhall find here, beſides the practice of the general rules before laid down, ſeveral particular Medicines of which no mention has been made. We have already ſeen Hippocrates's diſtinction between Fevers that were not ſymptomatical, but were of themſelves the original diſtemper, and thoſe which attended inflamations. We have obſerv'd, that in the firſt ſort of Fevers Diet was the only Medicine, he not thinking it neceſſary neither to bleed or purge, or do any thing more than nurſe them after the manner below laid down.

We have ſeen likewiſe the uſe he made of bleeding and purging in inflamations, ſuch as the Pleuriſie and Peripneumonie, and his cautions in the uſe of them.

In the firſt of theſe diſtempers he attempted to abate the pain of the ſide, or to diſſipate the peccant matter, by applying Fomentations upon the part. In the caſe of the man that was not blooded till the eighth day of his Pleuriſie, he takes expreſs notice that the Fomentations had not at all abated the pain, which ſuppoſes him to have begun with them. Fomentations were, and have been a long time, almoſt an univerſal Remedy, and the uſe of Oyls, Oyntments, Cataplaſms, and other external Medicines was near as common, as the ſequel will ſhew. Hippocrates did not only apply theſe Medicines to the part affected in the Pleuriſie, whoſe ſeat is in the ſide:De dlaeta in acutis. He cauſed almoſt all the body, and particularly the Loins and Thighs to be anointed. Of thoſe remedies which he gave inwardly in this diſtemper, he appears to have relied moſt upon thoſe which promotedDe locis in hom ſpitting. He propoſes alſo the following remedy.Diaeta acutis. Take, ſays he, Sothernwood, Pepper, and black Hellebore, boyl them in Vinegar and Honey, and give it in the beginning of the diſtemper, if the pain be urgent. He preſcribes in the ſame caſe, as alſo in inflamations of the Liver, and pains about the Diaphragm, Panax boyl'd in the ſame Liquor; and intimates that theſe Medicines ſerve to looſen the Belly, and ſo provoke urine; ſo that black Hellebore ordered in the firſt preſcription, muſt not be taken for a true purgative, becauſe it would have been againſt his principles, but for a Medicine that only looſens the Belly gently, and was about the ſtrength of a Clyſter. In another place he allows urineSee the Chapter of Diet. to his Pleuriticks, ſo it be not a ſtrong Wine, and it be well diluted. He allows it likewiſe in a ſort of inflamation of the Lungs and in a Lethargy, which makes me the leſs ſurprized at his ordering Pepper in a Pleuriſy; and which is an argument that the intention of cooling, or the fear of heating, were not the ſtrongeſt conſiderations upon which Hippocrates acted in the cure of acute diſtempers; although he recommends elſewhere to Pleuriticks, a drink made of Water and Vinegar, into which he ſometimes put a little Honey, with an intention to moiſten and expectorate. Perhaps this Pepper Medicine was one of the empirical Remedies before ſpoken of, the experience whereof he had without the reaſon.

In a Peripneumonie, or inflamation of the Lungs, his practice was much the ſame, as in a Pleuriſie. We have ſeen before that he let blood frequently. We ſhall only take notice here, that he endeavoured to clear the Lungs by Medicines, that attenuated or incided viſcid matter, and help'd expectoration. He particularly for this purpoſe, directs anSee the preceeding Chapter. Electuary compoſed of Pine-apples, Galbanum, and Attick Honey.

We have ſeen that he ordered bleeding for thoſe that ſuddenly loſt their Speech, or who had any ſumptoms of an Apoplexy, Palſy, or Convulſions, and other diſtempers of the like nature. After this he orders vomiting, and a purge of a great quantityTo the quantity of a dozen, and ſometimes of ſixteen heminae. See the Chapter of Purgers. of Aſſes Milk. But this latter Remedy ſeems rather deſign'd for thoſe that were recovered of theſe diſtempers, or had overcome the firſt fit. The Fomentations likewiſe muſt have been uſed in the beginning.

For Convulſions in particular he gave Pepper, and black Hellebore in Chicken Broth. He made them ſneeze, bath, foment and anoint continually.De locis in homine. In another place he orders a fire to be made on both ſides the patients bed, and gave him Mandiake Root in a ſmall quantity, and applied Bags very hot to the Tendons behind, without ſpecifying what Tendons he means.

In a Quinzy he opened the Veins of the Arm, and under the Tongue and Breaſts. He gave Lambitives and Gargles, which they were to uſe hot, and uſed Fumigations as we have taken notice already. He adviſes ſhaving the Head, and to lay a Plaiſter to it, as likewiſe the Neck, which was alſo to be fomented and covered with Wool.lib. 3. (h) In great peril of ſuffocation he pierced the Wind-pipe, and put a Reed or Pipe into it. When the diſeaſe began to abate, he purged with Elaterium, to prevent a relapſe. He began the cure of an Ileos by Vomiting alſo; tho in this diſtemper they vomit of themſelves too much, as we have obſerved that he did in a Cholera, See the Chap. of Vomitives. which is likewiſe a diſeaſe whoſe chief ſymptom is vomiting. Afterwards he let blood from the Veins of the Arm and of the Head, and cool'd all the Diaphragm, not the Heart excepted; and warm'd all thoſe belowSee the Chapter of outward Remedies., by placing the patient in a veſſel of warm water, and afterward anointing him continually with Oyls, or applying Cataplaſms as hot as might be endured. He uſed alſo upon theſe occaſions Suppoſitors eight inches long, made with Honey only, and rubb'd at the end with Bulls Gall. This Suppoſitor having drawn away the neareſt excrements, he gave a Clyſter. But if the Suppoſitory had no effect, he thruſt up the Anus the ſnowt of a pair of Bellows, and having blown up the Belly and Inteſtines, he drew the Bellows and gave the Clyſter. He gives a caution that this Clyſter be made of things which do not heat very much, but ſuch as diſſolve the excrements: and after it is taken, he orders the Anus to be ſtopt with a Sponge, and the Patient be put into warm water, and keep the Clyſter as long as poſſible.

He begins his Cronical diſtempers with the Exſiccating diſeaſe deſcrib'd before, and taken notice of as a kind of a Hypochondriacal affection. For the cure of this evil, Hippocrates propoſed firſt walking and exerciſe; and in caſe of weakneſs, to make uſe of ſome carriage, and to make ſhort Journeys. He adds, that they ought to take vomits and purges frequently, to uſe cold Bathing in Summer and to anoint in Autumn and Winter, with Oyls; to drink Aſſes Milk or Whey, to abſtain from meats, either ſweet or oyly, and to uſe cooling things, and ſuch as keep the Belly looſe, and to take Clyſters. He mentions Epidem l. 5. ſub p • in • . See the Chapter of ble • ding. the caſe of a young man, ſomething like the diſtemper we are ſpeaking of, thas was cured by repeated Bleeding.

His Pthyſical patients he firſt purg'd with pretty violent purges, ſuch as the Berries of Thymelaea or Spurge. After which he gave them Aſſes Milk or Cows Milk, mixt with a third part of Water and Honey, and afterwards all ſorts of Milk, whether Cows, Aſſes, Goats, or Mares, either pure, or mingled as before, to which he added a little Salt, when he had a mind to make it purgative.See the Chapter of the Chirurgery of Hippocrates. He burnt them likewiſe in the Back, and the Breaſt in ſeveral places, and kept the Ulcers open for ſome time. At laſt he had recourſe to purging the head, See the Chapter of Purgatives. the manner of which has been given before. He dieted them in this diſtemper ſometimes with Goats fleſh, and ſometimes with Swines, which was the advice of Eſculapius, in the ſame caſe as we have ſeen before. He ordered likewiſe to thoſe that could not eaſily expectorate the matter with which their Lungs were ſtuft, to eat very fat ſalt Meats, in order to diſcharge the purulent matter, and cleanſe the Lungs. He allow • d them the uſe of Wine in ſmall quantities, ſo it were not black and rough, but ſuch as that which was an ingredient of theSee the Chapter of Diet. Cyceon before mentioned, which was a potion he ordered in this caſe. He adviſed, in ſhort, moderate exerciſing, and particularly walking.

In an Empyema, which is a Diſeaſe akin to the Pthyſis, cauſed by a Collection of purulent matter between the Lungs and the Pleura, which often comes upon Pleuriſies, He propoſesSee the Chapter of Cnidian Phyſicians, lib. 2. and in the ſame Book the Chapter of Purging. purging of the Breaſt, of which before. He has yet another cure by means of Surgery, of which hereafter. He cured pains in the Head by firſt waſhing or fomenting it a long time with warm water, and afterwards cauſing ſneezing, by that means drawing away the Pituita, which he called purging the Head. He forbad Wine, and recommended moiſtning. If theſe were inſufficient, he open'd the veins of the Noſe and of the Fore-head, and if ſtill the diſtemper continued obſtinate, he madeSee the Chapter of Chirurgery below. inciſions upon the head, orDe locis in homine. cauterized the veins in ſeveral parts of it, as we ſhall ſee hereafter. He cured the Intumeſcence, or the over-growth of the Spleen, which comes upon Fevers, by giving Hydragogues, and a Diet proper to diminiſh or purge flegm. If this were not ſufficient, he order'd burning in ſeveral places about the Navel, to draw out the water that way. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . See the Oonomy of Foeſius upon the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 What that Author ſays there is better than his tranſlation of this paſſage. In another diſtemper of the Spleen he adviſes to cleave Wood, and to uſe abundance of Exerciſe. Amongſt the diet he orders in this caſe Dogs fleſh.

For the Dropſie he preſcrib'd firſt a dyet which tended wholly to dry the body, and to diſcharge the ſuperfluous humours. (s) To this end, he orders them to walk, and uſe as much exerciſe as poſſible, to do laborious work, ſweat much, and ſleep upon it. As for their dyet, he adviſed them to eat things dry and ſharp,De ratione victus in acutis, & Epidem. lib. 5. v. 69. which is the way to make much water; and to be ſtrong, that they ſhould eat Toſte ſteept in Black Wine, and Oyl and Swines fleſh boyl'd in Vinegar, drinking otherwiſe but very little, and then of thin ſmall White wine at firſt; but when the diſtemper grew upon them, ſtrong black Wine. If it happens, ſays he, that the Patient has a difficulty of breathing, in caſe it be Summer time, or he in the flower of his Age and luſty, he ought to be blooded in the Arm. In the place where Hippocrates gives theſe directions, he ſeems to confound the cure of the Dropſie call'd Hypoſarcidios, with that ſpecies that is occaſion'd by, or accompany'd with Wind, which are the two kinds of this diſtemper mention'd in this place.

There are, ſays he, two ſorts of Dropſies, one call'd Hypoſarcidios, which is not to be avoided when it is coming, the other which is with wind, which is not to be cured but by great luck, See the liſt of Diſeaſes known. to Hippocrates above. which requires abundance of exerciſe, hard labour, and fomentations, and that they live very temperately and ſparingly, that they eat things dry and ſharp, &c. as before. I ſuppoſe the cure of the firſt ſort of the Dropſie to commence at theſe laſt words, that what he ſaid before in ſhort of exerciſe, fomentations and temperance, reſpects the latter, at leaſt, if the ſame method is deſigned for both.

Beſides theſe Remedies, Hippocrates propoſes in other places Purgers that carry off Water and Flegm, and not Bile. And again, De intern. affect. This Book is aſcribed to Cnidian Phyſicians. he elſewhere diſtinguiſhes a Dropſie proceeding from the Liver, from that which ariſes from the Spleen. He orders in the former of theſe diſtempers, a Medicine compoſed with Marjerom boiled in Wine, and Laſerpitium to the quantity of a Tare. This potion was ſucceeded by Goats Milk, of which four Heminae were to be taken with a third of Water and Honey. He ordered abſtinence from ſolid nouriſhment for the firſt ten days, in which time he diſcovered whether the Diſeaſes were mortal or not, and during that time a Ptiſan boil'd with Honey, and ſtrained, and to drink a ſort of White Wine which he ſpecifies, and was not very ſtrong. The ten days over, he allowed them to eat a Cock roaſted, which they were to eat hot, andSee thereupon the Chapter of Diet. Puppies, and a certain ſort of Fiſh which he named, with the aforeſaid Wine, but when the Water began to come to the Belly, he came to the Remedies before-mentioned, to the black rough Wine, to exerciſe, &c. For the Dropſie which came from the Spleen, he gave at firſt Hellebore in order to vomit, and afterwards he purged with (x) Cneorum, Juice of Hippophae, or Cnidian Grains, after which came Aſſes Milk to the quantity of eight Heminae, ſweetned with a little Honey. If theſe Remedies failed, he had recourſe to Surgery, as we ſhall ſee anon.

De morb. lib. 2.For the Cure of a Quartan Ague, Hippocrates began with purging downward, which was ſucceeded with purging the head, after which he purged once again as before. And if the Ague continued, he let ſlip the time of two Fits, and then bathed them in warm water, and at coming out of the Bath gave him of the ſeeds ofI ſuppoſe there may be ſome miſtake in the D • ſe of theſe Medicaments. Henbane and Mandrake, the quantity of a grain of Millet each, Laſſerpitium and Trefoil, each the quantity of three Beans, all infus'd in pure Wine. If the parts were otherwiſe luſty and healthful, and if a Fever came upon being over tired with a Journey, and afterwards turned to a Quartan Ague, he began with Fomentations, and afterwards gave a mixture of Garlick and Honey and Lentile Broth, in which was Honey and Vinegar. When the ſick man had taken this Meſs, he made him vomit; and after having bathed in a hot Bath, as ſoon as he was cool, he drank Ciceon with water, and in the evening was permitted to eat light victuals as much as he could. In the following Fit he bathed hot; and after being cover'd with abundance of Cloaths forc'd ſweat, and drank a potion made with the Roots of white Hellebore of the length of three fingers, a Dragm of Trefoil, Juice of Laſerpitium the weight of two Beans, with pure Wine; and if he had an inclination to vomit he vomited, if not, a vomit was given after purging the Head. At other times he ſhould uſe a light ſharp Diet, and if the Fit took him faſting, the vomiting Medicine was omitted.

In a Diarrhaea and Dyſentery, with gripes and ſwelling of the Feet, Hippocrates obſerves, that Meal boil'd in Milk, that is, Milk-Porridge, was more ſerviceable than Goats Whey, which he made uſe of before. He adds, that another perſon ſick of the ſame diſtemper, did well upon eating boiled Aſſes Milk. He had before obſerv'd, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . We may ſee in this inſtance, which is in the beginning of the above mentioned Book, ſeveral other ways of uſing milk. that Whey and Milk, in which red hot Flints had been quenched, had relieved a perſon in the ſame caſe, by which we may ſee that Hippocrates made uſe of any thing but Milk to theſe diſtempers. In another place he propoſes for the ſame diſtemper Beans boil'd with Rubia Tinctorum, in fat Broth. There is yet another very peculiar Remedy for a Dyſentery, in the Chapter of the Writings of Hippocrates.

CHAP XXIV. Of Womens Diſtempers.

THe body of Women being made otherwiſe than that of Men, as likewiſe its peculiar diſtempers; theſe depend chiefly upon the Matrix, and are very numerous, as we may ſee by the liſt before given. Hippocrates has attributed a great number of theſe to the diſplacing of the part aforeſaid, which he ſuppoſes might not only be relax'd, and hang out, but that it might likewiſe be retracted as far as the Liver or Heart, and even to the Head, or turn Its Orifice to the right or left, or backwards or forwards. Of all theſe motions, that according to Hippocrates, which was accompanied with the moſt diſmal ſymptoms, was the retraction of it, whereby it aſcended and preſs'd the Liver, the Head, and the upper parts; this producing in Women a ſudden change of Colour, grating of the Teeth, and other ſymptoms like Epileptick, a difficulty of breathing even to abſolute ſuffocation, a privation of ſenſe, and an univerſal cold, like death.

To remedy this, Hippocrates order'd the upper part of Belly to be ſwathed, preſſing the Matrix gently downwards, and forcing open their Mouths, poured down the richeſt Wine, and after they were come to themſelves, gave them a purge, and after that Aſſes Milk. If the diſeaſe was obſtinate, after having reduced the Matrix to its place, he gave them a decoction, in which was Caſtor, Conyza, Rue, Cummin of Ethiopia, Rhadiſh-Seeds, Sulphur and Myrrh. He burnt under their Noſes likewiſe ſtinking things, ſuch as Wooll, Pitch, Caſtor, Brimſtone, Leather, Horns, and Feathers, and the ſnuff of a Lamp juſt extinguiſh'd, with intention to fetch them to themſelves, to make them ſweat, and to reſtore the Matrix. In the mean time he anointed below with ſweet Oyls, and Liquid Perfumes, ſuch as that which he call'dSee the Chapter of exterior Reme. dies. Netopum. He likewiſe uſed divers other Remedies both internal and external, amongſt which we muſt not forget the Peſſaries. Theſe were a ſort of Suppoſitors to thruſt up the Neck of the Matrix; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . they were made of Wool or Lint, mixt with divers other things, Oyl, Wax, Powder, &c. it was made round and like a finger. In the diſeaſe before mentioned, Hippocrates made Peſſaries made with Caſtor, Myrrh, Peucedànum, Pitch, Melanthium, and ſometimes evenA ſort of a Fly reſembling Cantharides. There was likewiſe an Herb of this name. the Brupreſtis, and Cantharides, mixing all theſe with Oyntments and Wool.

It is obſervable, that the uſe of Peſſaries was very common among the Ancients, and that it was almoſt the univerſal Medicine in Womens caſes. They us'd it almoſt for all intentions, to relax, to lenifie, to draw, to irritate, to cleanſe, and dry the Matrix, &c. uſing ſometimes Oyls and Fat, ſometimes the juice of Herbs, ſometimes things very irritative, as Nitre, Scammony, Tithimale, Garlick, Cummin, Cantharides, and the like, and ſometimes reſtringents, as the Rind and Flower of Pomgranates, Sumach, and ſometime Aromaticks, and Plants of ſweet Smell.

Nor was it in the ſuffocation of the Matrix only that theſe Peſſaries were in uſe, but in all other diſtempers of that part. They were imploy'd to provoke or check the Menſes, againſt Relaxations, ſuperfluity of Humours, Ulcerations, and Inflamations, the Dropſie, Fluor Albus and Sterility; they procur'd Abortions and brought away dead Children, and the Secundines, and promoted the purgations of Women after Labour, &c.

Hippocrates uſed yet other Medicines in the cure of the aforeſaid diſtempers. We ſhall examine his method of treating two oppoſite diſtempers, the ſuppreſſion of the Menſes, and the too great quantity or too frequent returns of them. The firſt of theſe he cur'dDe mo • b. mul • er lib. 1. & de natura mulieb • i. by purgers and vomits. And after the uſe of ſharp Peſſaries, Perfumes, Fomentations, and hot Baths twice a day, he gave inwardly ſeveral Medicines which experience had taught him to be very powerfully moving that way. He us'd ſometimes upon this occaſion Cr • thmus or Sampier boil'd in Wine, made of the Tree call'd Taeda, the Herb Mercury and Chiches. But if theſe Remedies were too weak, he prepar'd a drink, in which were five Cantharides without heads, wings, or feet; Water-caltrops, Anthemus, Smallage-ſeeds, and fifteen dry'd eggs infus'd in ſweet Wine. To the ſame intention he gave likewiſe the leaves and flowers of Ranunculus, infus'd in the ſame Wine, Dittany of Crete, Hogs Fenel, Panax, Peonis Roots, Seeds of white Violets, the Juice of Colworts of Laſerpitium to the quantity of a Verch, and Creſs-ſeeds, theſe two latter infus'd in Wine or Bitch's Milk. Hippocrates uſed likewiſe divers other Simples not mention'd here.

In an immoderate Flux, he charges to abſtain fromLib. de lo •• 〈◊〉 h • min • . Bathing, and any thing that may heat, from all Diuretick Medicines or Laxative, and to make the Bed higheſt at the feet, and to uſe reſtringent Peſſaries.De morb. mul. lib. 2. He order'd the Belly and lower parts to be fomented with a Sponge, or Cloths dipt in cold Water, or to drink a compoſition of Parſly-ſeeds dried at the fire, and ſifted, and the ſeed of Hedge Muſtard prepar'd the ſame way; Peplium or Poppy-ſeeds, ſifted with courſe Flower; Nettle-ſeeds, Moſs of the Wild, Olive, Gauls, Rue, Marjorum, Pennyroyal, Barly-meal, Wheat-flower, Goats Milk, Cheeſe, all made into a kind ofSee the Chap. of Diet Ciceon. Beſides theſe Remedies which Hippocrates uſed in the beginning of the diſtemper, he apply'd likewiſe under the Breaſts a large Aphoriſm. 50. Sect. 5. Cupping Veſſel; but when the Flux of blood began to diminiſh and ſtop intirely, he us'd the following Remedies. He gave purges and vomits, and us'd lenifying and reſtringent Fomentations below, which was ſucceeded by a Cataplaſm made of the Meal of Spelt, with the Bran of Wild Figs and Olive Leaves. After this he came to Cows Milk, either raw or boiled, according to the condition of the Patient. Further he recommends the ſeeds of Eriſimum, parch'd and drank with Wine, Perfume conſiſting of Vinegar, Sulphur, Spelt, Myrrh, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . This laſt in my opinion was the name of ſome Plant. and the fruit of the Serpent. Theſe latter Remedies relate to a particular ſort of bleeding, which he ſays come from the places below the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . This word ſignifies ſeveral things in Hippocrates, and tis not always caſ • e to gueſs what he means by it. See the word • ungs in the Liſt of Diſeaſes. Articulations. In another place he reckons hemlock among thoſe inward Medicines: Take ſays he, as much hemlock as you can with three fingers, and drink it with water. We ſhall make ſome reflections upon theſe Medicines, in the Chapter of Heraclides of Tarentum.

Thoſe fluxes of blood, which were accompanied with an ill ſmell, ſharpneſs, pain, and other ſymptoms, were cured much after the ſame manner. He gave white Hellebore, and afterwards ſome other purge, and then uſed the ſame aſtringents and lenifiers as before. We muſt not here forget, beſides the Fomentations, he recommends the uſe of Clyſters or Injections for the Matrix, in caſe of Ulcers and ſome other diſorders of that part; theſe conſiſting of the ſame ingredients with the Cataplaſms, Fomentations, and Peſſaries. He uſed alſo in this cure Aſſes Milk, adviſing alſo by way of Diet, Herbs that were not biting, clammy Fiſh boyl'd with Onions and Corriander-ſeeds, in ſweet oyly pickle, Swines Fleſh, Lamb or Mutton, rather boyl'd than roaſted, to drink ſmall White Wine with a little Honey, not to uſe too much nor too hot bathing. The Matrix at length being ſufficiently moiſtned, and the Acrimony of the humours taken off, he forbad bleeding abſolutely, and clos'd all with a courſe of reſtringent Medicines, ſuch as before-mentioned.

CHAP. XXV. Of the Chyrurgery of Hippocrates.

See m • re of this in the general M • xims of the practice of Hippocrates. WHere Medicines failed, he had recourſe to the Knife, and where the Knife was unſerviceable, he ſought Remedies from Fire. Hippocrates had from Chyrurgery theſe two laſt Remedies, or the manner of uſing them, and ſeveral other ways of relieving men againſt their diſtempers. He practiſed Pharmacy by Chyrurgery. The ſame perſon in thoſe days exerciſed all parts of Phyſick in general; and he that adviſed a Medicine, or an Operation, prepar'd and perform'd them himſelf, or at leaſt caus'd them to be prepar'd or perform'd by his Servants, that work'd immediately under his eye and direction. This Galen takes notice of, and it is apparent from the bare reading the works of Hippocrates. In the Oath which he exacts of his Scholars, he obliges them not to Cut for the Stone, but to leave that operation to thoſe who made a particular profeſſion of it; which ſuppoſes that the exerciſe of all other branches of Surgery was allow'd of. One of his Books likewiſe treating only of things relating to Surgery, is call'd the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , See below, towards the end of the first Book of the ſecond part. Phyſicians repoſitory, and not the Surgeons, which ought to have been the Title, if Surgery in thoſe days had been a diſtinct Art from that of Phyſick. But inſtead of that,We often find in Hippocrates the following words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which ſomewhat reſemble that of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , but don't exactly ſignify the ſame thing; the firſt of which words are uſed by our Author to ſignify the action or manner of operating, whereas the latter▪ altho as we have obſerv'd before in the Chapter of Chiron, it ſignifies in ſtrictneſs operation of the hand, yet has been given to the art itſelf, which teaches the manner of operating, and not to the action or operation itſelf. Surgery had not ſo much as a particular name, or at leaſt was not known by that name, nor is it to be found any where in the Works of Hippocrates, nor did begin to be in uſe, till the time of the diviſion of Phyſick, of which we ſhall ſpeak hereafter.

But names altering not the nature of things, however the Art which teaches to cure diſtempers by Manual Operations, was call'd, Hippocrates unqueſtionably was Maſter of it, and it made up a great part of his practice in general.

We have ſeen before that he burnt or cauterized the Breaſt and Back of Pthiſical men, and thoſe whoſe Spleen was over-grown. The Inſtruments he made uſe of for this end, were ſometimes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 i. e. an Inſtrument proper to burn. red hot Irons, ſometimes Spindles of Box, ſteept in boyl'd Oyl, ſometimes a ſort of Muſhrooms, which be burnt upon the part, and ſometimes what he call'd Linum Crudum. He made great uſe of all thoſe ways of burning in all fixed pains ſettled in a particular part. As for inſtance, in the Gout or Sciatica he burnt the Toes, Fingers, and Hips, with Linum Crudum. A famousDoctor Sydenham. Engliſh Phyſician not long ſince dead, compar'd this way of cauterizing to that of the Indians, with a ſort of Moſs call'd Moxa, but he was miſtaken in it. He was led into this errour by the ordinary interpreters of Hippocrates, who by the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Linum Crudum underſtand Flax, whereas the Greek word ſignifies, Cloth made of Flax, which has never been whitened. The learned See the ſixth Book of the Varia Lectiones of Mercurialis, Ch. 2 Athenaeus lib. 9. Euſtathius in Odyſs. lib. 5. Heſychius, Phavorinus, and other Lexicographers. Mercurialis, who was was no ſtranger to this latter ſignification, did nevertheleſs believe that in this place by burning with Linum Crudum, Hippocrates meant with Stupes or ſine Flax; but 'tis more probable that the Ancient way of cauterizing with Linum Crudum, or rather with new flaxen Cloth was the ſame with that in practice at preſent in Aegypt. De Medicin. Aegypt. lib. 3. cap. 12. The Egyptians, ſays Proſper Alpinus, Rolled a little Cotton in a piece of Linnen in the form of a Pyramid, and ſetting fire to the Cone of the Pyramid, apply'd the baſes upon the place to be cauterized. In this operation it is not the fire only which burns the Cauſtic Oyl, which diſtils along the Linnen, contributes very much to it.

Cauterizing was ſo familiar an operation to Hippocrates, that there is ſcarce any Chronical diſtemper wherein he does not propoſe it. In the approach of a Dropſie he cauterized the Belly in eight places about the Liver. In pains alſo of the Head he apply'd eight Cauteries upon that, two about the Ears, two behind the Head, two in the Neck, and two near the corners of the Eyes. When Cauteries were ineffectual, he made an inciſion all round the Forehead in form of a Crown, keeping the Lips of the wound open and ſupported by putting Lint between them, to give a vent to the blood and humours.

The ſame inciſions he practiſed in Rheums which fall upon the Eyes, and uſed them as well in the back as the head.

Thoſe that conſider the violence and obſtinacy of theſe ſorts of diſtempers, eſpecially they that are ſubject to them ought not to wonder if he has gone about to cure them by means as rigorous and ſevere; nor is it to be wondered at, that abundance of theſe diſtempers are reckoned now almoſt incurable, the averſion or horror for Remedies of that nature, being ſo much greater than it formerly was, when they were not acquainted with theſe gentle methods of Phyſicks in uſe now adays.

They made ſo little ſcruple of cauterizing or burning any part, that it was done even where there was no diſtemper. The Scythian Nomades cauſed themſelves to be burnt in the Shoulders, the Arms, the Breaſt, the Thighs, and the Loins, to render their Bodies and Joints more luſty and ſtrong, and to conſume the ſuperfluous moiſture of the Fleſh, which made them leſs able, as they ſuppoſed, to draw their Bows, and to dart their Javelins. They burnt alſo the Arteries of the Temples, and behind the Ears, to prevent aSee above in the Diſeaſe • of the third Claſs. defluxion upon their Hips, uſual amongſt them from too much Riding. To theſe Scythians we may add the Sarmatians, whoſe Women, according toLib. de Acre aquis, & locis. Hippocrates, ride on Horſeback, uſe the Bow and Javeling, while they are Maids go to War, and are not permitted to marry, till they have ſlain three Enemies, and ſacrificed to their Divinity, according to the cuſtom of their Country; after they are marry'd, they are exempted from War, except upon urgent occaſions. Their right Breaſt is burnt in their infancy, with a red hot Iron, to hinder it from growing, and to transfer the ſtrength entire to the Shoulder and Arm of the ſame ſide. For this reaſon they were call'd Amazons, that is to ſay, without Breaſts. Their Hiſtory, whether true or falſe, is to be found more at large in Juſtin, Strabo, and others.

Hippocrates uſed alſo in a pain of the head, ariſing according to him from a Water in the Brain, or between the Skull and the Brain, a Remedy yet more formidable than the former. He open'd the Skull ſometimes with an inſtrument that carried away a piece of the Bone, which was call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , An inſtrument for boring. Trepanning, from the Greek name of the Inſtrument. This operation was chiefly invented for fractures of the Skull, to draw out by the hole ſmall pointed ragged pieces of Bones, which in theſe caſes pricked the membranes of the Brain, or to evacuate extravaſated blood, or purulent matter, which cauſed ſeveral little ſymptoms, or to raiſe the Skull when it was depreſſed.

If Hippocrates uſed theſe ſort of Remedies for pains of the Head, or defluxions upon the Eyes, 'tis no wonder that he made uſe of Surgery in Diſeaſes of more danger. He boldly open'd the Breaſts of thoſe that were troubled with anSee above in the Cure of Chronical Diſeaſes. Empyema, when the gentleſt Remedies proved inſufficient. Fifteen days after he ſuppos'd the Pus to be form'd or extravaſated in the Breaſt of thoſe that had a Pleuriſie or Peripneumony, he put them into a warm Bath, and ſetting them upon a Stool, ſhook their Shoulders, and laying his Ear to their Breaſt, liſtned if he heard any noiſe, and on each ſide. This noiſe according to him was of leaſt danger when on the Left ſide, and the inciſion made there with more ſafety. if the thickneſs of the Fleſh, and the quantity of the Pus, hinderd him from hearing the noiſe, he choſe that ſide on which the inflamation and pain had been greateſt: he made his inciſion rather behind than before, and as low as he could: and having firſt open'd the skin between two Ribs with a large Razor, and afterwards taking one more narrow and pointed, he wrapt a Rag or ſomething about it, ſo that nothing appear'd but the point, ſo that it appear'd only about the length of the Thumb-nail, and thruſt it into that depth. The Pus being by this means drawn away in ſufficient quantity, he ſtopt the Wound with a Tent of Linnen faſtned to a ſtring, and for ten days together drew every day ſome Pus. The Pus being almoſt all drawn out, he ſyringed the Wound with Wine and Oyl, and let it out about a dozen hours after. When the Pus began to be clear like Water, and a little thick, he put into the VVound a Tin Pipe, and as the humour ſpent itſelf, he leſſen'd the Pipe, and ſuffer'd the Wound by degrees to heal up.

The ſame operation he us • dLib. d • affectionibus in a Dropſie in the Belly, making the inciſion near the Navel or behind near the Hips, and drawing off the Water contain'd; but he takes expreſs notice that but very few are cured this way. In another place he gives this caution, that this operation ought to be us'd betimes, before the diſtemper got too much ground, and that care ought to be taken not to draw away all the Water at once, becauſe thoſe that loſe all the Pus or Water at a time, infallibly dye.

Lib. de 〈◊〉 affec • In a Dropſie of the Breaſt, after having prepar'd the Patient as in an Empyema, he lay • d bare the third Rib, counting from the laſt; and having bor'd it with a ſort of Tropanum, he drew off a ſmall quantity of VVater, and ſtopt the Wound with a Tent of Linum Crudum, and having laid a ſoft Sponge upon it, he ſwathed the part, for fear the Tent ſhould tumble out. For twelve days together he continu'd to draw, after that he drew as long as it would run, endeavouring likewiſe to dry the Breaſts by Medicines, and a particular method of Diet.

In inflamations of the Thighs, Legs, and Scrotum, he orders boldly to 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ſcarriſie the parts, or to prick them in ſeveral places 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 with a ſharp Lancet. Hippocrates upon ſeveral occaſions uſed the boldeſt and moſt difficult operations of Surgery. He open'd the Back to diſcharge an abſceſs of the Kidneys; he drew dead Children out of the Womb, with hooks, or a hook to which he gave the name of a Claw, beeauſe it was like the Pounce of a Bird of Prey. He drew 'em out piecemeals when he could do no otherwiſe. But he gave particular proof of his addreſs, in the cure of a diſtemper which he call'd Trichoſis, which is, when the hair of the De victratione in acutis. This place ſeems to me ſomewhat hard to be underſtood. I have endeavoured to tranſlate it word for word. We ſhall ſee below the different ways of performing this operation. Eye-lids turn inwards, which cauſe prickings, with intollerable pain. He took a Needle and Thread which he paſt through the upper and moſt diſtended part of the Eye-lids downwards; he paſt another below the place where the firſt was, afterwards ſowing and tying theſe two Threads together till the Hairs fell out. They cut for the Stone likewiſe in this time, but Hippocrates ſeems not to meddle with it himſelf, that practice being already become a ſeparate buſineſs, as it appears by the Oath he gives his Diſciples, that they ſhould not cut for the Stone, but leave it to thoſe whoſe particular profeſſion it was.

Hippocrates practiſed all other parts of Surgery. He reduc'd broken or diſlocated Bones very well; The Book intituled, The Phyſicians Shop, that of Articulartions, and that of Fractures. and the inſtruction contain'd in his Books upon that ſubject, are followed to this day, as well as what regards the knowledge and diſtinctions of the different ſorts of fractures and diſlocations, as in what relates to the proper Remedies for them. We ſhall not here particularize his rules upon this ſubject, whether concerning the extenſion which ought to be made before the reduction of the Bone to its place, or concerning the Inſtruments neceſſary to that purpoſe, or concerning the manner of bandage and ſcituation of the parts after Reduction.

Nor ſhall we lay down all that he relates concerning the cure of Wounds and Ʋlcers, how to ſtop the blood by Aſtringents, Ligature, or Cauterizing of the largeſt Veſſels, to unite the Lips of a Wound by Sature, or otherwiſe, and to conſolidate it; how to deterge or cleanſe an Ʋlcer, to dry it, or to cauſe the Fleſh to grow, and at laſt to Cicatrize it.

We ſhall refer this to the Chapter of Celſus, who has given us a compleat ſyſtem of Surgery, taken in great meaſure out of Hippocrates, of which we ſhall give an extract. We ſhall only take notice, that the Powders, Olys, and Oyntments which Hippocrates uſed in Surgery, were not drawn from Herbs only, as we ſuppos'd them to have been in the time of Chiron, Eſculapius or his Sons. We find already in the time of Hippocrates, ſeveral ſorts of Minerals in uſe, as Nitre, Ailom, Verdigrieſe, Flower of Braſs, burnt Copper, Lead, Spodium, Chalcitis, and others of the like nature.

Beſides the great variety of uſeful Maxims which Hippocrates delivers in Surgery, we find in his works ſome particular caſes very inſtructive to a Surgeon, to caution him not to ſlight the minuteſt Wounds. To this end he relatesEpidem. lib. 7. ſeveral inſtances of perſons that died of very ſlight Wounds in the Forehead, the Bone of which was a little laid bare; in ſome others a ſimple Wound of the Finger or Foot has cauſed Convulſions, and been mortal to ſome; a bruiſe of the Finger, and to others a blow of the Hand upon the fore part of the Head given in play, has proved fatal.

Ibid lib 1.Others after violent pain in the great Toe, and a few black ſpots coming ſuddenly upon a Tumour of the Heel, have died in two days.

CHAP. XXVI. Opinions and Maxims of Hippocrates, concerning Phyſick, and Phyſicians in general.

De priſca medicina.ALL Phyſick has been long ſince eſtabliſh'd, and the method and way of diſcovering, as they have already done, ſeveral excellent things which aſſiſt to diſcover ſeveral others, if the Inquirer be fitted for it; and being acquainted with the former diſcoveries, follows the old tract: he that rejects all that has been done before, and takes another road in his Enquiries, boaſts of finding out of new things, but deceives himſelf and others with him.

Lex.Phyſick is the nobleſt of all Arts, but the ignorance of thoſe that practice it, and thoſe that judge raſhly of it, make it the leaſt reſpected. What is further miſchievous to Phyſicians, is, that 'tis the only Art, that there is no other puniſhment allotted for thoſe that abuſe it by evil practice, than ſhame or diſhonor, of which ſuch ſort of men are inſenſible. They are a ſort of Players that repreſent the perſons that they are not; for there are abundance of Phyſicians by profeſſion, but few in reality, whoſe works juſtify their pretences.

De priſca Medicina.Phyſick, like other Arts, has its good and bad Workmen.Aphoriſm. 1. lib. 1. The Art is of great extent, life ſhort, opportunity • lippery, experience falacious, and judgment difficult. It is not enough that the Phyſician does his duty, the Patient and thoſe about him muſt do theirs, and things about him muſt be in convenient order.

Lex.To arrive at any conſiderable degree of knowledge in Phyſick, the following conditions are nec • ſſarily requir'd. Firſt a natural aptneſs. means of inſtruction, ſtudy and application from the Youth, a docil and ſagacious wit, diligence, and long obſervation.

Praeceptiones.A Phyſician ought not to be aſhamed to inform himſelf, tho by the meaneſt people, of Remedies confirm'd by experience. By this means, in my opinion, the Art of Phyſick grew up by degrees, that is by amaſſing and collecting obſervations of the ſeveral particular caſes one by one, which being all put together, make one entire body.

De arte.Some make it their buſineſs to decry others, without gaining any other advantages themſelves, and ſhewing a vain Oſtentation of their Learning. In my opinion there is more wit in inventing and finding out things uſeful, which is Phyſick, and in perfecting what is not yet ſo, than to lay our ſelves out in diſingenous diſcourſes, to deſtroy amongſt the ignorant and unexperienced, thoſe things that have been deliver'd by men of ability, and eſtabliſhed by experience.

Ibidem.Thoſe that attack Phyſick upon pretence, that many dye under the hands of the Phyſicians, have generally as much reaſon to blame the Conduct of the Patient as of the Phyſician. As if the latter could not but order amiſs, and the former could never be irregular, which is but too frequent. But why ſhould not they rather impute the death of the Patient to the incurableneſs of his diſtemper, than the unskilfulneſs of the Phyſician that had the care of him.

De •• iſe • medi • ina.Not that Phyſicians never are in fault; thoſe that are leaſt ſo, ought to be leaſt eſteemed ſo, but it is hard to find one ſo judicious as is requiſit.

Epidem. lib. 6.The ableſt Phyſicians ſometimes are deceived by caſes like one another.

Lib de flatibus.Obſcure and doubtful diſtempers are judg • d more by conjecture than Art, tho in this caſe thoſe that have experience are preferrable to thoſe that have not.

De victus ratione in acutis.One Phyſician often approves what another does not. This expoſes their Art to the calumny of the people, who therefore imagining it to be altogether vain, compare it to that of the Augurs, of whom one ſays of the ſame Bird, that if it appears on the Left ſide it is a good omen, if on the Right a bad one, and others the quite contrary.

Praeceptiones.We ought never to warrant the ſucceſs of a Medicine, for the minuteſt circumſtances cauſe the diſtemper to vary, and make 'em ſometimes more tedious and dangerous than we expected.

Lib de arteThe end of Phyſick is abſolutely to cure Diſeaſes, or at leaſt to abate their violence; but thoſe that are deſperate, ought never to be undertaken, that is, where the diſtemper is of it ſelf incurable, or become ſo by the total deſtruction of the Organs; for Phyſick reaches not ſo far.

Lib. de decenti habitu.A Phyſician ought to viſit his Patients frequently, and to be very attentive to every thing.

Lib de medico.'Tis requiſit for the credit of a Phyſician, that he ſhould have a healthy look, and a good complexion; for men are apt to ſuſpect, that he that has not his own health, can ſcarce be inſtrumental to procure it to another in the ſame caſe.

Ibid & de decent habitu.A Phyſician ought to be decent in his habit, grave in his manners, moderate in all his actions, chaſt and modeſt in the converſation he is oblig • d to have with Women; no loiterer, ready to anſwer every body with candour; ſober, patient, ready to do his duty without diſturbing himſelf.

•••• ceptiones.'Tis no diſhonour to a Phyſician, when he is in doubt about the method of treating his Patient in any caſe, to call in other Phyſicians, and to conſult with them, what is to be done to the benefit of the Patient.

Ibidem.In point of Fees, a Phyſician ought to be honeſt, and good natur'd, and to have a regard to the ability of the Patient. On ſome occaſions he ought neither to ask nor expect a Fee, eſpecially if the Patient be a poor man, or a ſtranger, whom he is obliged to relieve.

There are other occaſions wherein the Phyſician may agree with his Patient before hand for his reward, that the Patient may with more confidence commit himſelf to his care, and be aſſur • d that he will not deſert him.

D • priſca medicina.Thoſe that thought Phyſick an invention, that deſerv'd to be attributed to the Gods, have not only followed the common opinion, but in my mind right reaſon alſo.

This is what Hippocrates ſays of Phyſick in general. From whence we may draw two inferences of importance to our Hiſtory. Firſt, That there were a great number of Phyſicians in his time, although but few good ones. Secondly, That the uſe of Conſultations was alſo then eſtabliſh'd. And laſtly, That Phyſick was even then expos • d to detraction and calumny, as well as ſince.

CHAP. XXVII. Of the Writings of Hippocrates.

COncerning the Writings of this Ancient Phyſician, there are three things chiefly to be obſerv'd. Firſt, The eſteem they have always met with. Secondly, The diſtinction between thoſe Writings which are legitimate, and thoſe that are ſuppoſititious. Thirdly, His Language and Stile. In the firſt place the Writings of Hippocrates have been always had in particular veneration. Galen ſays, that what Hippocrates has deliver'd has always been eſteemed as the word of a God, and aſſures us, that if what he writ be a little obſcure thro his brevity, or if he ſeems in certain places to have omitted ſome little things, he has nevertheleſs written nothing which was not very much to the purpoſe. The Works of Hippocrates, ſays Suidas, are very well known to all that ſtudy Phyſick; we have ſuch a reſpect for them, that they think what he has ſaid, to come out of a Divine Mouth, and not a Human.

A plain mark of the eſteem that all Ages have had for the Writings of Hippocrates is, that there is ſcarce any Author who has had ſo many Commentators. Amongſt the moſt Ancient of them, Galen ſpeaks of one Aſclepiades, Rufus Epheſius, Sabinus, Metrodorus, Satyrus, Heraclides, Tarentinus, Heraclides Erythraeus, and one Zeuxis, to whom we may add Galen himſelf, and Celſus, who have often tranſlated him word for word.

We ſhall mention another party of theſe Authors in the ſequel. He has had undoubtedly ſeveral others among the Ancients, without reckoning thoſe that explain'd his obſcure words, as we ſhall ſee by and by And the number of the Moderns is greater, as we ſhall ſhew in its proper place.

To come to the diſtinction of the true Writings of Hippocrates from the ſpurious, we ſhall begin with a Liſt given by Erotian.

This Author, who liv'd under Nero, diſtinguiſhing the Books of Hippocrates, or thoſe which paſt for ſuch in his time, according to the ſubject of which they treated, ennumerates the following. The Books, ſays he, which relates to the Doctrine of ſigns, are the Book called the Prognoſtick, two Books of Predictions, (which two latter are not Hippocrates's, as we ſhall ſhew hereafter,) and the Book of the Humours. The Books which relate to Phyſick, and which are the moſt rational, are the Book of the winds, of the Nature of Man, of the Epilepſie, of the Nature of Children, of times and ſeaſons. The Books concerning the manner of treating diſtempers, are the Book of fractures, of the articulations, of ulcers, of wounds, and darts of wounds, of the head, of the Phyſicians repoſitory, that called Mochlicus of the Emeroides and Fiſtula's, of diet, two of diſeaſes, of Ptiſan, of the laces or parts in man, two Books of Womens diſtempers, one of barren Women, one of Nouriſhment, and one of Waters. The Aphoriſms and ſix Books of Epidemick diſeaſes, treat of mixt matters. Thoſe which follow concern the Art in general; the Book entituled the Oath, that called the Law, and that of the Ancient Phyſick. As for his Ambaſſadors Speech and the Speech at the Altar, they ſerve only to prove the kindneſs of Hippocrates to his Country, but concern not Phyſick at all. Galen ſpeaks of one Artemidorus Capito, and one Dioſcorides, both of Alexandria, who collected and publiſhed the works of Hippocrates together.

He adds, that this Edition had the approbation of the Emperor Adrian, under whom they liv • d, and who had a great affection for Phyſick. However, Gal • z taxes them with taking too much liberty, and changing ſeveral words of the Text, which they did not underſtand. VVe don't certainly know whether the Catalogue of the Books of Hippocrates, publiſh'd by theſe Authors, were greater than that which Erotian gives us, but tis probable it was, ſince Galen, who follow'd them very near, mentions ſeveral Books of Hippocrates's, or that paſt for his, whoſe names are not met with in Erotian • s Catalogue.

T • eſe Books are, that of Affections and other of internal Affections, and two others of Diſeaſes Beſides thoſe mentioned by Erotian. Galen ſpeaks alſo of an Addition to the Book call'd Mochlicus, which is the Book we now have of the nature of the Bones. He ſaw likewiſe the Title of the Book of the Glands, which paſt for Hippocrates's, though Galen thought it ſpurious. He acknowledg'd likewiſe the Book, entituled, Tht Seven Months Birth, the following, which is, of the Eighth Months Birth, being but a part of the former. Galen ſeems alſo to ſpeak of ſeveral Books of Diet, whereas Erotian quotes but one. And although that he believed not that the prenotions of Cos were Hippocrates's, 'tis apparent that they paſs'd commonly for ſuch in his time, and that the ſeventh Book of Epidemick diſeaſes, was likewiſe generally received, tho Galen lookt upon't as manifeſtly ſpurious.

Suidas, the lateſt Greek Author, ſpeaks this of the books of Hippocrates, at the end of the paſſage before cited. The firſt, ſays he, of the books of Hippocrates contains the Oath, the ſecond his Predictions, the third the Aphoriſms, a work above human capacity. The fourth contains that admirable collection which goes by the name of Hexecontabiblos, that is to ſay, conſiſting of ſixty Books, which contain all the reſt that relates to Phyſick and Philoſophy.

We have yet remaining as many as Suidas reckons, thoſe whoſe Titles are found neither in Erotian, nor that I know of in Galen, are the following. The Book of the Nature of a Woman, of what relates to Virgins, of the Seed, of the fleſh, of Superfaetation, of the time of Childrens breeding of teeth, of the Heart, of the Sight, of the Eye, of Anatomy, of the manner of drawing dead Children out of the womb, of the Phyſician, of decent habit, and of Precepts.

We find at the end of the Collection of Hippocrates's works certain pieces under the name of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . ſtrange pieces. Theſe conſiſt of Letters, ſuppoſed to have been ſent or received by Hippocrates, or written upon his account, of an Act of the Senate of the Athenians in his favour; two diſcourſes mentioned by Erotian by the name of the Speech of the Embaſſy, or Deputation, and of the Speech before the Altar, of which the firſt is attributed to Theſſalus, the Son of Hippocrates, the ſccond to Hippocrates himſelf; of his Life and Genealogy written by Soranus, of a little book of Purgers, and another of the manner of giving Hellebore.

We ſhall not trouble the Reader with all the Criticks have ſaid concerning the diſtinction of the true Writings of Hippocrates from the counterfeit, or ſuppoſititious. We ſhall only take notice that ſeveral were already ſuſpected in the time of Galen, and Erotian himſelf, amongſt thoſe which they give us the liſt of. Some of theſe Books have been aſcribed to the Sons of Hippocrates; others to his Son-in-Law, or to his Grandſons, or to his Diſciples, or to his Predeceſſors, as the book of Articulations, and of Fractures, which ſome have thought to have been writ by his Grandfather, who was of the ſame name, tho others have maintained that this firſt Hippocrates wrote nothing. They have likewiſe aſcrib'd them to other Phyſicians, who lived either before, or at the ſame time with him, and to the Philoſophers, as Democritus, who is ſuppos'd to be Author of the book of the nature of man. Galen, with abundance of reaſon, imputes this fathering of Books and Titles, ſo frequent among the Antients, to the Covetouſneſs of the firſt Copyers, and he tells us that the conſiderable ſumms, which the Kings Attalus and Ptolomy, who vied who ſhould have the fineſt Library, gave to thoſe that brought them the writings of great men, gave occaſion to this falſifying of Names and Authors, and to the confuſion we find in the diſpoſition of antient works.

As we have ſaid we ſhall not amuſe ourſelves with the judgment of the Criticks. Thoſe that have a mind may conſult Mercurialis, who has written particularly upon that ſubject.

It will be of uſe however to take notice that to thoſe ſuppoſitions which we have ſpoken of muſt be attributed the contradictions found in ſome of the opinions of Hippocrates, ſome being directly oppoſite to others.

In the ſecond place we obſerve thatSee the Chapter of the ſigns of Diſeaſes. theſe books of Hippocrates which are of the beſt reaſoning are the moſt ſuſpected.

We muſt further take notice, that thoſe pieces before call'd Strange, which are annexed to the works of Hippocrates, are moſt part of them, and perhaps all of them ſpurious, as we ſhall ſhew more particularly in the following Chapter.

As for the Style and Language of Hippocrates, which is the third thing to be examin'd, we muſt not wonder that Capito and Dioſcorides did not always underſtand Hippocrates, tho they were native Greeks. Erotian, who liv'd under Nero, had compoſed a Gloſſary, that is, a Dictionary of the Obſcure and Obſolete words us'd by him, or • at leaſt of thoſe which had not been of a long time in uſe in the Greek tongue.

By this Gloſſary, which is yet extant, we are informed that ſeveral Authors had employ'd themſelves upon the ſame ſubject before him, amongſt which he names the following Xenocritus, a Grammarian, who he ſays was the firſt that wrote upon that ſubject: Callimachus, diſciple of Herophilus; Bacchius; Philinus an Empirick; Apollonius Cittiaeus; Apollonius Ophis; Dioſcorides Phocas, or rather Phacas; Glaucius another Empirick; Lyſimachus of Cos; Euphorion; Ariſtarchus (this was in all probability the famous Grammarian) Ariſtocles; Ariſtopeas; Antigonus and Dydymus; both of Alexandria, the later alſo a Grammarian; Epicles▪ Lycus Neapolitanus; Strato; and Mneſtheus. To theſe we ought alſo to add Galen, whoſe Gloſſary is yet remaining.

We haveSee the Chapter of the Anatomy of Hippocrates at the beginning. already obſerved that the Style of Hippocrates is very conciſe, which makes it frequently difficult to underſtand him. To this may be added, that 'tis otherwiſe very grave, and Erotian obſerves 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ., that the Phraſe of Hippocrates is the ſame with Homer • s.

His language ſeems to be properly Ionique; and Aelian pretends, as we have ſeenSee Book the Chapter of Democritus. before, that Hippocrates us'd this Dialect, in Favour of Democritus; whereas being himſelf of Cos, his Dialect ſhould have been the Dorick. But Galen obſervesIn lib. Hippocrat. de fractur. Comment. 1., that the language of Hippocrates inclines ſomewhat towards the Attick; and he adds that ſome have ſaid that he writ in old Attick.

Be it how it will, it appears that there was a conſiderable change in the Greek Tongue, during the ſpace of four hundred years, which might have elapſed between Hippocrates and the firſt that wrote a Gloſs upon him, by the difficulty theſe Authors met with, altho they were Greeks as well as himſelf, to underſtand what he meant by ſuch and ſuch a word. We have already ſeen an example of this kind in the wordSee the Chapter of the purging of the Brain. Tetragonon, which ſome took for a drug, others for an inſtrument, proper to purge the Head. For other words of this nature, Erotian and Galen may be conſulted

But it is further remarkable, that beſides the obſcurity which comes from the difficulty of the words in Hippocrates, there is another which comes from the faults crept into, and the different reading found in the Original Manuſcripts of this Author, in which the works of Hippocrates ſhared the common fate of all the antient pieces that paſt through abundance of hands.

We ſhall bring only one inſtance of the Variation before ſpoken of, and we ſhall find one word which is not explain'd in any of the Gloſſaries, nor by any of the Lexicographers, or Dictionary writers. We read in the ſecond book of his Epidemick Diſeaſes, towards the end, the following words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Fabius Calvus, a Phyſician of Ravenna, who firſt tranſlated Hippocrates into Latin, from a Greek Manuſcript of the Vatican, by the order of Clement the ſeventh, tranſlates this paſſage as if he had read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , meretrix, a Whore, inſtead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , ſcortatio, fornication; and taking the following word for the name of a woman, he tranſlates the whole paſſage thus, Meretrix Achromos Dyſenteriae Medela, as if there had been in Hippocrates's time a Courtezan named Achromos, that cured the Dyſentery.

Cornarius and Foeſius, more Modern interpreters of Hippocrates, Tranſlate the ſame paſſage thus, Scortatio impudens vel turpis Dyſenteriae Medela. Tetrabibl. Serm. 3. Cap. 8. Aetius andLib. 1. c. 35. Paulus Aegineta affirm, that Coition ſometimes cures old Diarrhaea's, and perhaps they allude to this paſſage. Suppoſing then we ought to read with Cornarius and Foeſius, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as perhaps we ought, the difficulty will reſt only upon the word We might, if it were wor •• the while, derive it from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 uſ que and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 humerus, or if we write it with a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , not with a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , ſummus elatus, ſublimis; as if Hippocrates meant Scortationem, quâ & ipſi humeri ſublimes fiunt, id eſt, quae ad ex-, tremum uſque ut cu • n Satyrico loquamur, anhelatur; & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 proprium ſit verburn 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , vei ſine aſpiratione 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , ſummis humeris luctet, ait idem Hipprocrates, de aliâ luctâ loquens. Lib. de intern. affect. Edit. Foeſ p. 549. dum de lienis morbo. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which, as we ſaid before, is not be found in the Dictionaries.

Thoſe that take what Hippocrates here ſays for his advice, do him wrong, 'tis a ſimple note of fact which happen'd to ſome perſon in that caſe.

CHAP. XXVIII. Of the Letters of Hippocrates, and other pieces annext to his works, wherein are divers circumſtances touching his Life and death, and the chief occaſions he had to ſhew himſelf in the exerciſe of his profeſſion.

AFter having ſpoken of the Writings of Hippocrates in general, we ought to examin thoſe pieces which are tackt to them, and which, as we have ſaid, appear under the title of Aliens. We have already ſeen wherein they have conſiſted, and ſhall begin with the two diſcourſes mention'd by Erotian, as being the moſt Ancient. That which Hippocrates ſpoke at the Altar of Minerva, is addreſs'd to the Communities and Cities of Theſſaly, to whom he complains, that the Athenians had a deſign to reduce the Iſle of Cos to their ſubjection, and prays their ſuccour in that preſſing danger. His diſcourſe is very ſhort. That of Theſſalus on the other ſide is very long. It is addreſs'd to the Athenians, and puts them in mind of the ſervices they had receiv'd from the Predeceſſors of Hippocrates for a long time, and likewiſe from Hippocrates himſelf, and from his Family. The obligation which the Athenians are ſuppos • d to have had to theſe later, were firſt, that the Father refus'd to go to the Illyrians and Paeons, who had deſired him and offer'd him great ſumms to come and free them from the Plague, which Ravaged their Countries; and having foreſeen by the Courſe of Winds, that this diſeaſe would reach Greece, he ſent his Sons, his Son-in-law, and his Scholars thro all the Provinces, to give them neceſſary inſtructions to prevent taking the infection and went himſelf into Theſſaly, and a little time after to Athens, where he did them great ſervice, which the Athenians ſo far acknowledged, that they preſented Hippocrates with a Crown of Gold, and initiated him and his Son, who ſpeaks in the Myſteries of Ceres and Proſerpine.

He remonſtrates to the Athenians, that they were further obliged to Hippocrates, and to Theſſalus himſelf, in that this latter by the command of his Father, followed the Fleet of Alcibiades into Sicily, in quality of Phyſician, making all neceſſary preparations for the Voyage at his own charges, and refuſing the Salary that was offered him.

Theſe are the Principal Articles by which Theſſalus endeavours to make the Athenians ſenſible how much they were oblig'd to his Family. We ſhall examin only that of the Plague, which Hippocrates foreſaw coming upon Greece, in which there is this difficulty. Firſt, the time is not fix'd, and we find nothing in other Authors concerning any Plague coming from the ſide of Illyria.

Aetius indeed takes notice that Hippocrates being at Athens at the time of a Plague, adviſed them to light great Fires in the Streets to purifie the Air, and make it more dry. Galen alſo reports the ſame of Hippocrates upon the like occaſions, ſaying, that he ordered great Fires to be made in divers parts of every City in Greece, in which they were to caſt Flowers, Herbs and Drugs of ſweet ſcent. But herein there is this Eſſential difference, that he brings the Plague which he ſpeaks of from Ethiopia, indicating thereby the great Plague ſo well deſcribed by Thucidides, which he ſays preciſely came from the ſame part. But Ethiopia is directly oppoſite to Illyria, one being on the South of Greece, and the other on the North.

It may perhaps be alledged, that there might be a miſtake in the place from whence the Plague came, the thing yet being the ſame in fact. But if we will have this Harangue of Theſſalus to ſpeak of the great Plague of Athens, two great difficulties will ariſe upon it. The firſt is, that the Author laſt cited, who deſerves to be credited, takes notice that the Plague was ſo furious, eſpecially at Athens, that there was no great reaſon to brag of the Aſſiſtance of Phyſick. On the contrary, he aſſures us, that the Phyſicians themſelves were puzzled, and they died indifferently with a Phyſician or without, that the Phyſicians themſelves died faſter than others, as converſing more with the Sick In this caſe I do not ſee what honour Hippocrates ſhould gain.

The ſecond difficulty is that, if Hippocrates were at Athens at that time he muſt be born long before the Eightieth Olympiad, which is the time of his Birth according to Soranus, by which account he muſt be but thirty year old, in the ſecond year of the Peloponeſſian War, and of the Eighty ſeventh Olympiad the time of that Plague, and conſequently he could not have Sons old enough to practice Phyſicks, and a Daughter married to a Phyſician his Scholar.

To come nearer to the matter, we muſt follow the account of Euſebius, who ſays that Hippocrates flouriſhed in the eighty ſixth Olympiad; or of Aulus Gellius, who ranks him with Sophocles, Euripides, and Democritus; who, according to him, were a little older than Socrates. All Authors agree, that Socrates was born about the end of the ſeventy ſeventh Olympiad. Democritus was but a year older, but Euripides was born the ſeventy fifth Olympiad, and Sophocles the ſeventy third Olympiad. We ought therefore to make Hippocrates at leaſt as old as the Tragick Poet, that what is ſaid of him concerning the Plague of Athens may be true; for by this account he would be fifty years old, and conſequently it was not impoſſible for him to have Sons that practiſed Phyſick. But it is more likely, that what Aetius and Galen, or the Author of the book concerning the Theriaca, which is amongſt his Works, deliver, is falſe; and that they impute to Hippocrates, whatSee above Book. 2. p. 225. Plutarch, with more appearance of truth, aſcribes to Acron, who lived long before Hippocrates If there were any other Plague which came from the ſide of Illyria, we know nothing of it.

However it were, the Decree of the Senate of Athens, another piece of the ſame nature of the former, but more recent, ſpeaks of a Plague which came into Greece, out of the Barbarous Countries, wherein Hippocrates and his Scholars did very great ſervice; and it is added therein, that the King of Perſia ſending for him into his Dominions, which were infected with the ſame diſeaſe, and promiſing to load him with Honours and Riches; he deſpiſed his offers, and refuſed to go, looking upon him as Barbarian and an enemy to Greece, whereupon the Athenians in recompence of the uſeful advice he had given them, and of his Affection for Greece in general, honoured him with an initiation in the grand Myſteries as they had done Hercules before, gave him a Crown weighing a thouſand peices of gold, the freedome of Athens, and the right of being maintained all his life at the publick expence in the Prytaneum, granting further to all the youth of the Iſle of Cos the liberty of coming to Athens, and being brought up and inſtructed with the youth of that City.

This was the purport of the decree of the Senate of Athens. What relates to the meaſures taken to invite Hippocrates into Perſia, is ſuppoſed by the teſtimony of divers letters, which are pretended to be written upon that ſubject by the Miniſters of Artaxerxes King of Perſia, to inform him of the great reputation of Hippocrates, and to adviſe him to ſend for him, and by Artaxerxes himſelf, in purſuance of this counſel, or by Hippocrates, who anſwers haughtily to all the promiſes that are made him, that he has in his own Countrey whereupon to live, that he was not allowed to poſſeſs the riches and grandeur of the Perſians, nor to cure Barbarians that were enemies to Greece. There are alſo other letters expreſſing Artaxerxes his reſentments of Hippocrates's conduct, and terrible menaces to the Inhabitants of the Iſle of Cos, in caſe they refuſed to ſend Hippocrates to him to be chaſtized; and the anſwer of thoſe generous Iſlanders, who were not at all frighted at them, proteſted they would not deliver up their Citizen whatever might happen.

What makes the credit of theſe letters ſtill more to be ſuſpected is, that Theſſalus when in his ſpeech he upbraids the Athenians with the obligations the Greeks had to his father, would undoubtedly not have failed to have turn'd theſe letters to his honour, if there had been any truth in them. But allowing ſome ſhew of truth to thoſe pieces which we have here examin'd, we muſt not paſs the ſame judgment upon the other letters, ſuppoſed to be written or received by Hippocrates or others upon his account. They are certainly the work of ſome half-learned Greek, compoſed out of wantonneſs, or out of deſign to get money. Some of theſe, to whom Hippocrates writ were Philopaemen, Dionyſius of Halicarnaſſus, Cratevas, Damagetas, King Demetrius, and King Perdiccas, without reckoning Democritus and Pheſſalus the ſon of Hippocrates. As for Philopaemen, 'twould be hard to think that he meant the famous General of Achaia, becauſe he was not born till about a hundred years after the death of Hippocrates. Much leſs can we think that the Dionyſius he has ſpoken of, was the famous Hiſtorian of Halicarnaſſus, who liv'd under Auguſtus. But to what King Demetrius could Hippocrates write, ſince in his time there was none ſuch in the world. The firſt of the name being Demetrius Poliorcetes the ſon of Antigonus, one of the ſucceſſors of Alexander, whom Hippocrates could no more have ſeen, than the former. The ſame may be ſaid of Cratevas, who liv'd at the ſooneſt but in the age of Mithridates, and Pompey, as we ſhall ſee hereafter. The Author of theſe letters having heard of a famous Botaniſt of that name, or having ſeen his works, thought he might very well make Hippocrates write to him without informing himſelf whether he or Demetrius, or the reſt aforegoing, lived in his time or no. We find another ridiculous Anachroniſm at the head of Marcellus Empiricus his book, ſuppoſed to be directed to Maecaenas by the ſame Hippocrates. But though we had not theſe convincing proofs of the ſpuriouſneſs of theſe letters, we need only read them to be ſatisfied they were not Hippocrates's. And I think a learned modern Phyſician too modeſt when he ſays, Vix divino ſine dignas Epiſtolas. Rhodius in Scribon. larg. that they ſcarce deſerve to paſs for the productions of the (e) divine old man. We may very boldly pronounce them ſcandalouſly unworthy. For example, what could be more impertinent than the order that Hippocrates gives to Cratevas, to gather him all the herbs he could find, without ſpecifying any one, (c) This Title was commonly given to Hippocrates, as we ſhall ſee below. to ſend them to him, becauſe he is ſent for to take care of Democritus. Add to this the Sentence which he ſubjoyns, that it were to be wiſhed that Cratevas could as eaſily pluck up the bitter roots of covetonſneſs of money or avarice, ſo that they ſhould never ſhoot up again, as he could pluck up the roots of the herbs he deſired of him. Had Hippocrates been as great a babbler in his medical writings as he is in theſe letters, we ſhould have had no occaſion to complain of his brevity. The letter directed to Dionyſius is yet more merry than t'other. He deſires him to come to his houſe while he ſhould be with Democritus. (For all the letters run upon this voyage, of which it ſeems he was to inform the whole world before hand) and to have an eye over the conduct of his wife, That ſh • play no pranks in his abſence. ſhe has been very well brought up, by her father, ſays he, but the Sex is frail, and had need be kept within their duties, in which a friend may ſucceed better than relations, &c. We'll content our ſelves with theſe two ſamples, by which the reader may judg, how they agree with the gravity of Hippocrates.

As to the letters which Democritus and Hippocrates wrote one to another, there are two of the former; in one he ſpeaks of the voyage that Hippocrates made to ſee him, and to give him Hellebore, having been call'd to that purpoſe by Democritus his fellow Citizens, who took him for a mad man, becauſe he liv'd in a ſolitary place and laughed, and did not mind thoſe that came to ſee him. You found me, ſays Democritus, writing of the order of the World, of the diſpoſition of the Poles, and the courſe of the ſtars, and you judg'd thereby, that thoſe that ſent for you were fools, and not I. Thereupon Democritus delivers in two words his opinion in Philoſophy, concerning the Images or Species diffuſed thro' the air, of which his books as he ſays makes mention. He tells Hippocrates afterwards, that a Phyſician ought not to judg of his Patient by the aſpect only, for in that caſe he (Democritus) ſhould have run the riſque of paſſing for a mad man in his judgment. He concludes with telling Hippocrates that he had ſent him back the book which this Phyſician had written concerning madneſs, which book is immediately annexed after this letter. It conſiſts but of one page, which is nothing but a repetition of ſome lines of Hippocrates's book of the falling ſickneſs, which is likewiſe cited in this.

The ſecond letter, or the ſecond book of Democritus addreſs'd to Hippocrates, is intituled of the nature of man, which is the title of a book written by Hippocrates, which has been aſcrib'd to Democritus, as we have already obſerved. This book or letter is very near twice as long as the former. It contains an enumeration of the principal parts of the body, and the offices they perform. There is nothing in it that deſerves our obſervation, except what he ſays of the Spleen, that it ſleeps, and is good for nothing, which opinion we ſhall ſee confirm • dSee the Chapter of Ariſtotle and that of Eratiſtratus. hereafter.

There is but one letter of Hippocrates to Democritus now extant, which is much ſhorter than the two abovementioned. In the beginning of it he tells him, that if the Phyſicians at any time ſucceeded in this art, the people aſcribed it to the Gods, but if they miſcarried, they uſed to lay the blame upon them. I have, ſays Hippocrates, got more ſcandal than honour by my practice, and tho' I am advanced in years, yet I have not attained to perfection in this art, and even Aeſculapius himſelf, the inventer of it, never carried it ſo far. After this he takes occaſion briefly to mention his journey to Democritus, teſtifies for him that he is far from being mad, and deſires him to write to him often, and to ſend him the books he had compoſed.

The letters of Hippocrates to Damagetus give a more particular account of his converſation with Democritus, when he went to cure him, one of them is very long, in it he gives Damagetus an account of his voyage, and all that happen'd to him till his return. We have already ſeen in the preceeding book the occaſion of this journey, and the ſucceſs of it. I ſhall ſay no more of it for fear of being thought too prolix; only give me leave to remark that theſe letters have nothing of the ſtile of Hippocrates. It may be eaſily imagined that the pretended madneſs of Democritus, and the journey with Hippocrates undertook with a deſign to cure him, afforded matter enough to make a ſort of a Romance. To conclude, I don't know who this Damagetus was.

The letter to King Perdiccas is of the ſame ſtamp with the reſt, that is to ſay, equally ſpurious. We there find, as well as in that which is addreſs'd to King Demetrius, ſome Anatomical obſervations, and ſome maxims relating to Phyſick, which however don't deſerve to be taken notice of, except a few that are drawn out of the writings of Hippocrates.

The ſmall book of Purgatives contains ſome neceſſary precautions to be obſerved in the taking of them. It ſeems more probable that it is a collection of precepts given by Hippocrates upon this ſubject, than a genuine work of that ancient Phyſician.

The life of Hippocrates written by Soranus, contains beſides what has been ſaid in the beginning of this book, an account of his countrey, his extraction, the time of his birth, his ſtudies, and his maſters: in ſhort, an abridgment of the moſt remarkable things that happen'd to him in the courſe of his profeſſion, till his death. Hippocrates, ſays Soranus, having loſt his father and mother, quitted his own countrey, and fixed in Theſſaly.

We ſhall hereafter ſpeak of this Phyſician. Andreas in his book of the Original of Phyſick, maliciouſly reports, that the reaſon of it was, becauſe he had ſet the Library at Cnidus on fire. Others write, that the occaſion of this journey was to learn the practice of other places, and to furniſh himſelf with an opportunity of underſtanding his profeſſion better, by the different caſes that daily came before him. But Soranus of Cos pretends that Hippocrates was influenc'd by a dream to make his abode in Theſſaly.

He made himſelf, continu'd this Author, to be admir'd by all Greece through which he travell'd and practis'd Phyſick. One day amongſt the reſt being call'd, conjointly with Euriphon another Phyſician, but older than himſelf, to a conſultation about Perdiccas ſon to Alexander King of Macedonia, whom they gave out to be ſick of a hectick feaver, he ſoon found out that this Prince's mind was more indiſpoſed than his body, and as he carefully watched all his actions, obſerving that he chang'd colour at the ſight of Phila, Miſtreſs to the King his father, he judged that he was in love with her, and found the means to cure him, by letting this fair one know the dangerous effects of her beauty. He was alſo deſired by the people of Abdera to come and cure Democritus of his madneſs, and to free their City from the plague. After this Soranus informs us, how he refuſed to come to the Illyrians, and even to the Court of Artaxerxes, where this latter ſickneſs raged; how he hindred the war which the Athenians were going to make upon the Inhabitants of Cos, by calling the Theſſalians to their relief, and what honours he received from the Athenians themſelves, the Theſſalians, and all the Country of Greece. He likewiſe teſtifies that Hippocrates inſtructed his diſciples in his art, without concealing any thing from them, and that he obliged them to take a certainWe ſhall ſpeak of this Oath in the following Chapter. Oath.

Hippocrates, as we ſaid in Soranus, died at Lariſſa, a City of Theſſaly, at the ſame time with Democritus, being fourſcore and ten years old, or fourſcore and five, or a hundred and four, or according to others, a hundred and nine. He was buried between Gyrton and Lariſſa, and his ſepulchre is ſhown to this very day, where a ſwarm of bees has fixed for a long time, the honey whereof Nurſes come to fetch to cure their children of the Thruſh. He is drawn in ſeveral pictures, having his head covered with a bonnet, like that of Ʋlyſſes, which is a mark of nobility, or elſe with his cloak, for which ſome aſſign this reaſon, that it was to hide his bald head, others that his head was tender, or elſe to ſhow that this part, which is the ſeat of the ſoul, ought to be well guarded, or to ſhow that Hippocrates loved travelling (for it was only upon this occaſion and in that of war, or in caſe of ſickneſs, that the ancients had their heads covered) or to ſignifie the obſcurity of his writing, or to inſtruct us that even in time of health, we ought to avoid whatever may hurt us. In ſhort, others believe that the reaſon why he threw his cloak about his head, was that it might not hinder him in his buſineſs. There are great diſputes about his genuine works, for Authors differ about them, and indeed it is a hard matter to ſay any thing certain of them upon ſeveral accounts. Firſt there is a great deal of difficulty in the words he uſes. Secondly in his Phraſe or ſenſe, for that is a thing that changes, and we write after another manner when we are young, from what we do in our old age. Soranus concludes with ſaying that Hippocrates did not love money, that his behaviour was grave and courteous, that he had a particular affection for the Greeks, of which he gave evident proofs in freeing whole Cities from the plague, for which ſervices he had all the reſpect imaginable ſhown him. He adds, that Hippocrates left two Sons, Theſſalus and Draco, who were likewiſe very famous in the ſame profeſſion, and a great number of diſciples.

CHAP XXIX. Some other particulars about the travels of Hippocrates, his perſonal qualities, the commendations beſtow'd upon him, and what has been ſaid againſt him.

WE have already ſeen that Hippocrates quitted the place of his nativity, to reſide in Theſſaly. The Author of his life affirms, that he viſited moſt parts of Greece, and followed his profeſſion where e • re he came. It appears by his writings that his chief abode was in Theſſaly and in Thrace, and we find that almoſt all the obſervations he has left us in his Books of Epidemical diſtempers, were made in theſe two Provinces, the principal Cities whereof he names, as Lariſſa, Cranon, Aenus, Oeniades Pherae, Elis, Perinthus, Thaſus, Abdera, Olynthus. In Libr. Hippocr. de articul. Comment. Galen remarks likewiſe that he had been often at Smyrna, but tells us it was a different City from that in Aſia minor, that carries the ſame name,Variae Lectiones Lib. 2. Cap. 18. Mercurialis was of the opinion that he travelled into Scythia, Lybia, and Delos, (by which Hippocrates means, according to Erotian, the three parts of the world known in his time, the firſt being taken for Europe, the ſecond for Afric, and the third for Aſia) becauſe he ſpeaks of theſe Countries in two places of his works; but this concluſion is not juſtly drawn.

Hippocrates had occaſion without doubt to ſee ſeveral Cities whereof he makes mention, being ſent for thither to viſit the ſick, as we have obſerved already of the people of Abdera, who deſired him to come and cure Democritus their Citizen.

Theſe Cities for the moſt part were but very ſmall, properly ſpeaking they were but ſo many Towns, ſo that one of them was not ſufficient to maintain a Phyſician.In libr. de articul. C • mment. Galen ſeems to inſinuate this when ſpeaking of a certain caſe in Chirurgery which Hippocrates had not deſcribed or never ſeen, but which he tells us himſelf had ſeen five times, once in Aſia, and four times in Rome, he acknowledgeth that perhaps he might never have met with ſuch opportunities if he had not lived in great Cities, ſuch as Rome, one quarter of which alone contains more inhabitants than the greateſt of thoſe cities, which Hippocrates had ever ſeen.

In all probability Hippocrates alludes to this neceſſity that the Phyſicians of his time lay under to travel up and down, either for maintainance, or to find occaſions to exerciſe their art, when he tells us in the little Book, intituled Law, of which we have already made mention, that a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Phyſitian who will acquire all the qualities that he reckons, or be in ſuch a condition as he deſcribes, muſt go from City to City and ſupport the reputation of his profeſſion by his works as well as his words.

To come now to the Elogiums which antiquity beſtow'd upon him in a ſuperlative manner, he has not only paſſed by almoſt univerſal conſent for the Prince of Phyſicians, but his opinions were reſpected as Oracles, and we have already obſerved what a particular eſteem they paid to his writings. He has ſhared with Plato the title of Divine, nay, he has this advantage over that Philoſopher that he was call'd the divine old man, by way of excellence, and without naming his name, whereas they uſed to ſay the Divine Plato.

But leſt it ſhould be thought that Phyſicians were the only perſons that had him in ſuch veneration, Seneca calls him the greateſt of Phyſicians, and the Author of Phyſick. Pliny likewiſe terms him the Father of all phyſick, and what makes more for the honour of Hippocrates, his authority alone ſuffices, in theAs we have already ſhown. Law, to decide ſeveral difficult, and important queſtions. Macrobius goes farther than the reſt, where he ſays that Hippocrates could neither deceive another, nor be deceived himſelf. But we muſt here remark, that this celebrated Phyſitian was far from having any ſuch good opinion of himſelf; he makes no ſcruple to own his faults. He openly ſaid thatSee the general Maxims of Hippocrates. a man ought to underſtand Phyſick ſo well, as to make as few miſtakes as poſſible; concluding, that in this profeſſion he is moſt to be be commended, who commits the feweſt errours; which ſuppoſes that no man is exempt from them. Celſus and Plutarch obſerve that Hippocrates has ſomewhere own'd, that he was once miſtaken in probing a wound in the head thro' the ſutures of the ſcull, which had made him believe that the bone was broke. AndNam & Hippocrates clarus arte medicinae videtur honeſtiſſime feciſſe, qui quoſdam errores ſuos, ne poſteri errarent, confeſſus eſt. Quintilian commends him upon the ſcore of this very ſame ingenuity. Neither do we find that he was afraid to cite examples of ſuch patients as dyed under his hand: Of two and forty ſick men, whoſe diſtempers he deſcribes in the firſt and third Book of Epidem. Diſeaſes, only ſeventeen eſcaped, all the reſt dyed. For this reaſon we may believe him when he tells us (in the ſecond book of the abovemention'd Treatiſe) as he takes occaſion to ſpeak of a certain ſort of Quinſie that was accompany'd with ill ſymptoms, that all the perſons he ever ſaw ſick of it, recovered again. If they had dyed, continues he, I ſhould have certainly told it.

We may diſcover by this the character of an honeſt man, and indeed it is viſible in all the maxims which we have already cited, as likewiſe in thoſe comprehended in the Oath,See in the following Book the Chapter of the Diſciples of Hippocrates. which he demanded of Diſciples, the ſubſtance whereof is as follows, that a Phyſician is obliged to honour the perſon who teaches him this art as his own natural father, to let him participate of all that lyes in his power in relation to the neceſſaries of life, to reſpect his children, or his poſterity like his own brothers, and to teach them Phyſick in his turn if they have a deſign that way, without asking any gratuity, to communicate to them all that he knows in the ſame faculty, as well as to his own children, and to all ſuch as will bind themſelves by this Oath, but not to others; to order his patients ſuch a This comprehends all that a Phyſician is to do for his patient. See the Chapter of Diet. regimen as he ſhall judg moſt convenient for them, and to the utmoſt of his power hinder them from any thing that may hurt them, never to give poyſon to any one, or adviſe others to do it; not to give women remedies to procure abortions, but to follow his profeſſion like an honeſt man; not to cut any one for the Stone in the bladder, but leave the operation to thoſe that make it their profeſſion; that whatever houſe he comes into, he ſhall only do it with a deſign to cure the ſick, and behave himſelf ſo that they ſhall not have any matter of ſuſpicion againſt him, or be able to accuſe him of doing the leaſt injury to any one whatever, particularly of having abuſed any wife or woman, or young man, whether free or ſlave: in ſhort, that he will take care to keep ſecret, and to conceal whatever he ſees or hears while he is concern'd, or otherwiſe when he ſhall judg that it is a thing which ought to be publiſhed. The concluſion is, that he wiſhes all manner of proſperity to him in this practice, if he kee • s his Oath religiouſly, and quite the contrary if he is perjur'd. The perſon that takes this Oath ſwears bySee for this Lib. 1. Apollo the Phyſician by Aeſculapius, by Hygia, by Panacaea, and by all the other Gods and Goddeſſes.

Hippocrates has been reproached with violating this oath himſelf, as to that which relates to the procuring of abortions. We have ſpoken of this caſe already, but the book from whence this ſtory is borrowed is ſaid to have been written by Polybus. I don't know how to excuſe this fact any other way.

This is not the only accuſation that has been urg'd againſt Hippocrates. Some have charged him, with ſetting the Library at Cnidus on fire. It has been likewiſe pretended, to decry his reputation, that he Plin. Lib. 29. Cap. 1. See Book 1. above. preſcribed no remedies but ſuch as he copied out of Eſculapius's Temple in the Iſle of Cos, making them paſs for his own; which he was the eaſier able to do, ſince the Temple was burnt down ſoon after he had committed this piece of Plagiariſm.

'Tis true indeed that Hippocrates orders thoſe that are troubled with a Peripneumony, to takeSee the Chapter of the Cure of Diſeaſes in the third Book. Pine Apples and Honey, which is the very ſame remedy that Eſculapius preſcribes in this caſe, as we have ſeen already. 'Tis likewiſe certain that Hippocrates adviſed ptyſical people to eat fat and ſalted meats, as Eſculapius counſels them to eat Bacon. But after all, if Hippocrates was lineally deſcended from this God, he might eaſily enough come to the knowledg of theſe remedies, either by tradition from his Anceſtors the Aſclepiadae, who were all Phyſicians, without being obliged to copy them in the Temples of Aeſculapius.

Among the things that have been ſaid againſt Hippocrates, we don't comprehend what the Phyſicians of following ages have urged to confute his opinions, or to deſtroy the credit of his method. All which we ſhall examine, as occaſion preſents it ſelf.

CHAP. XXX. Of Phaeon, Euryphon, Philiſtion, Ariſton, Pythocles, Philetas, Acumenus, Aegimius, Phyſicians contemporary with Hippocrates.

'Tis not to be queſtion'd but that there were ſeveral Phyſicians in the time of Hippocrates. The number of Phyſicians, or at leaſt of thoſe that bore that name, was always great. Hippocrates has obſerv'd it himſelf, where he ſays that there were ſeveral Phyſicians by name, but few that were ſo in reality, But we ſcarce know any of either ſort that lived at the ſame time with Hippocrates, his reputation having wholly effaced theirs.

Galen mentions four Phyſicians, who he ſays lived partly before Hippocrates, and partly at the ſame time. Their names are Phaon or Phaeon, Euryphon, Philiſtion, and Ariſton. I don't know who the firſt was. As for Euriphon of Cnidus, he muſt needs be older than Hippocrates, ſince he paſſes for the Author of the Cnidian Sentences, that are cited by Hipocrates. However Soranus makes both of them meet at a conſultation in Perdiccas's Pallace, as we have already ſhown.

As for Philistion he might very well paſs for the contemporary of Hippocrates, ſince he was the maſter of Eudoxus, the Cnidian, who flouriſhed in the CIII. Olympiad, of whom we ſhall ſpeak hereafter. This Phyſician, I mean Philiſtion. was of Locri, or as ſome ſay, born in Sicily. I know nothing of his opinions, but that he believed with Hippocrates, Aut Gellius lib. 17. Cap. 11. that there was a paſſage for part of what we drink thro' the lungs. Neither do I know who was the brother of Philiſtion, whom,Tardar. paſſ. lib. 2. Cap. 1. Caelius Aurelianus cites, without naming him otherwiſe. Philiſtion has likewiſe written a treatiſe of Cookery, as Athenaeus has obſerved, and as we ſhall have occaſion to ſhow in the Chapter of Diocles in the following Book. Ariſton has paſſed for the Author of Hippocrates's Book of Diet. Diogenes Laertius ſpeaks of ſix men that have bore this name, without reckoning the father of Plato, but ſays nothing that one of them was a Phyſician.

In the ſeventh Book of Epidemical Diſeaſes there is mention juſt made of one Pythocles, of whom it is reported that he gave his Patients water, or milk mingled with a great deal of water.

To theſe we may joyn theSee the Phaedrus of Plato and Xenophon of the ſayings and deeds of Socrates. Phyſician Acumenus, a friend of Socrates, of whom Plato and Xenophon talk very advantageouſly. All that theſe Authors report of his opinions, is that he looked upon a walk in the open air to be much better 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , We have tranſlated theſe words after the ſenſe of Mercurialis, which ſeems to be juſt. than in Portico's and other covered places.

There remains an ancient Phyſician named Aegimius of Velia, or Elis; who according to Galen, was the firſt that writ about the Pulſe, altho' the title of his Book was about 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 inſtead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Cal. de differ. Pulſ. lib. 4. Palpitation, becauſe at that time Pulſe and Palpitation ſignified the ſame thing, as we may gather from ſome paſſages in Hippocrates, where the latter of theſe words ſignifies exactly the ſame with the former. If this Aegimius was not cotemporary with the abovementioned, he lived at fartheſt in the time of Diocles or Praxagoras, of whom we ſhall ſpeak in the following Book.

THE HISTORY OF Phyſick. PART I. BOOK IV. Of what happen'd relating to this Art from the death of Hippocrates to Chryſippus excluſively.

CHAP. I. Theſſalus and Draco, the Sons of Hippocrates, Polybus his Son in law; ſome others of his deſcendants, and ſome perſons of the ſame name with Hippocrates.

HIppocrates left two ſons, Theſſalus and Draco, who followed the profeſſion of their Father, and a daughter that was married to one Polybus, who was likewiſe a Phyſician. His two ſons had each of them one, to whom they gave the name of their father, and this name was in ſuch eſteem in the family, that there were no leſs then Suidas. See the Chapter of Praxagoras below. ſeven one after another who bore it, who were all Phyſicians.

Hippocrates's eldeſt ſon was of greateſt reputation. He ſpent the greateſt part of his lifeGalen in lib. Hippocr. de nat. hum. Comm. 1. in the Court of Archelaus, King of Macedonia. To him, as likewiſe to his brother and even to their children were attributed ſome of the Books found in the Collection of Hippocrates', even before the time of Galen who calls Theſſalus an Admirable man.

Galen ibid Polybus alſo roſe to great reputation, and continued to teach the ſcholars of his father-in-law. There are yet ſome books remaining under his name, one of which treats of the means of preſerving health, others of diſeaſes, and one of the nature of the ſeed, which agrees almoſt in every thing with Hippocrates. 'Tis very probable that theſe books likewiſe are ſuppoſitious. Thoſe which were found amongſt the works of Hippocrates, and which were anciently aſcribed to Polybus, do him more honour, being, as we have obſerved before, of all the books father'd upon Hippocrates, thoſe wherein the reaſoning is moſt exact and moſt coherent. From one of theſe books, entituled of the nature of the Foetus, is drawn the greateſt part of what we have before laid down concerning the manner of conception, or of the formation of the Foetus in the Womb. We find likewiſe in the fourth book of Diſeaſes, which has been laid with almoſt univerſal conſent to the ſame Polybus, a very Ingenious Syſtem of the cauſes of Diſeaſes, drawn from the four humours, eſtabliſhed by the Author, which areSee upon this Book 3. the Pituita, the Blood, the Bile, and the Water.

Galen teſtifies for Polybus, that he never deſerted the opinions of Hippocrates, nor made any alteration of him any more than Theſſalus; but this ſeems not probable eſpecially of the former if the book we have cited be truly Polybus's, we ſee already in it ſome difference in the Syſtem, and we find further that the opinion concerning the paſſage of part of the drink into the Trachaea Arteria, which is, as we have obſerved, maintained in more than one place of Hippocrates's works, is vigorouſly oppoſed.

We muſt not confound the ſons of our Hippocrates with thoſe of whomAriſtoph. in Nubibus 〈◊〉 Galen quod • nimi mores ſequantur temper. cor p. Cap. 4. Ath • naeu • l. 3. Ariſtophanes, Galen and Athenaeus ſpeak ſo brutiſh and lewd, that they gave occaſion to the people of Athens to call all perſons of that infamous Character the ſons of Hippocrates. Theſe were the ſons of one Hippocrates an Athenian, who was himſelf eſteemed a man of no worth.

There is yet another Hippocrates among the Greek Authors who wrote of Veterinary, or the Phyſick of Beaſts, which are collected into one Volume, or rather the Collectors have made bold with the name of the great Hippocrates, and have father'd works upon him in which he had no concern.

CHAP. II. Prodicus Dexippus and Appollonius diſciples of Hippocrates. Cteſias his Kinſman.

HIppocrates was not contented to teach Phyſick only to thoſe of his own family. As he practiſed PhyſickGalen affirms this, and it may be gathered out of the Maxims of Hippocrates that have bee • cited. out of a principle of humanity, and not purely for profit or glory, he imparted his knowledg to ſtrangers, being the firſt of the Aſclepiades that did it, ſo that Phyſick, which was before confin'd within the limits of one Family, was afterwards communicated to all the world, and might be learn'd by any that would apply themſelves to it. We have ſeen already the Oath he exacted of his Scholars.

One of the moſt conſiderable of theſe was one Prodicus of Selymbra, Plin. l. 29 C. 1. who is ſaid to have invented the uſe of unguents in Phyſick, to have firſt anointed the body with thoſe compoſitions, for preſervation of health and for the cure of diſtempers.

This Medicine became ſo common among the Antients that they proceeded even to the abuſe of it, eſpecially after they had introduc'd Liquid perfumes or ſweet-ſcented Oyls, of which Virgil makes this complaint.

Caſia was a ſort of Sp • e infuſed in Oyl of Olives to perſume it. Et Caſia liquidi corrumpiturnſus Olivi.

Theſe being uſed as well for pleaſure as neceſſity, and lewd women and effeminate men making the greateſt conſumption of them, this abuſe grew ſo ſcandalous that ſober perſons were afraid to uſe them, leſt they ſhould be taken to uſe them to the ſame purpoſe that they did.

For this reaſon 'twas that the Philoſopher Ariſtippus who found theſe ſweet Oyls ſerviceable to him, made ſuch imprecations againſt thoſe Debauchees that brought a ſcandal upon the uſe of perfumes.

But Pliny ſeems to confound this diſciple of Hippocrates with his maſter. The Unguentarie medicine being a branch of the Gymnaſtick it is without doubt the invention ofSee Book the 2 Herodicus, and not of Prodicus. The little difference there is between theſe two names, and eſpecially between the H and the 〈◊〉 which are the two firſt letters occaſion'd of being put often one for the other, and in the Manuſcript copies of Hippocrates the former is ſometime called Prodicus ſometimes Herodicus Comment. lib. 6. Ep dem Galen following the firſt reading, mentions two Phyſicians named Prodicus, of which one was of Lentini, the other of Selymbra, but he does not determine, of which he ſpeaks in the place he comments upon, referring the reader to another place, where he ſays he has explain • d himſelf. The firſt ſeems very probable to have been Hippocrates's maſter, the other his ſcholar. As for their names, Plato and Plutarch always call'd the firſt Herodicus; for the better diſtinction, we may continue that name to him, and call the latter Prodicus.

We have ſeen what Herodicus could do, Prodicus compoſed ſeveral works which are cited by Galen, but he ſeems to ſet no great value upon them. He accuſes him for not following the method of his maſter, nor of the reſt of the ancient Phyſicians; but of amuſing himſelf to quibble upon words or names, which is never the ſign of a man of ability in any profeſſion whatſoever. Galen gives an inſtance of this falſe niceneſs of Prodicus upon the word Phlegm, which is a Greek word, and which the Latins have render'd by that of Pituita. All the ancient Phyſicians underſtood by it a cold thick humour, but Prodicus only would have the Phlegm to be hot; grounding upon the Etymologie of the word Phlegm, which is derived from another Greek word which ſignifies 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Gal. de Hippoc. & Platen. decret. lib. 8. cap. 6, & de natural. facul. lib. 2. cap. 9. to burn, giving the name of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ſnot to the firſt ſorts of humour, which as we have ſaid before, was otherwiſe call'd Pituita.

Dexippus or Dixippus, another diſciple of Hippocrates was a Coan as well as himſelf. Suidas tells us that he wrote a book of Phyſick in general, and two other of Prognoſticks. The ſame Author adds that Dexippus being ſent for to Heccatomnus King of Caria, to cure his ſons Mauſolus and Pixodarus, who had each of them a deſperate diſeaſe, which he refus • d, but upon condition that Heccatomnus ſhould ceaſe to make war upon the Carians; whereupon Voſſius obſerves 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 inſtead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Voſſ. de Philoſoph. that we ought to read the Coans inſtead of the Carians, it being more likely that Dexippus ſhould endeavour to eaſe his own Countrey from a War; to which we may add, that it is not likely that the King made war upon his own ſubjects.

Aulus Gellius tells us, that Dexippus or Dioxippus, as he calls him, was alſo for theSee the Anatomy of Hippocrates, and the Paragraph of Philiſtion in the Chapter foregoing. immediate paſſage of the drink into the lungs. We know nothing of his method of practice, except that both he and Appollonius, who is the third of Hippocrates's ſcholars within our knowledge have both been cenſur'd for giving their Patients too much to eat, and letting them periſh with thirſt. Eraſiſtratus ſaid banteringly of them, that they made twelve doſes of the ſixth part of a Cotyla of water, which they put into ſo many little waxen cups, and gave their Patients one or two at moſt in the heighth of a burning feaver. The Cotyla was a meaſure that held about nine ounces. Galen ſays, that this was a piece of malice in Eraſiſtratus, who did it with a deſign thro' the ſcholars to ſcandalize the maſter.

We have nothing further concerning Appollonius.

Cteſias a Cnidian Phyſician came immediately after the former, being cotemporary to Xenophon. We are inform'd byLib. de Artic. comment. 3. Galen that he was of the family of the Aſclepiades, and Kinſman to Hippocrates. The ſame Galen takes notice that Cteſias corrected Hippocrates for teaching the way of reducing a diſlocated Thighbone, pretending that this reduction was to no purpoſe, for the head of the bone being once out of its cavity, it could never be kept in after, what care ſoever were taken; but that it would ſlip out again. We know nothing more concerning Cteſias his Phyſick, except that being taken priſoner in the battle, wherein in Cyrus the younger was beaten by his brother Artaxerxes Mnemon, he cured a wound which the latter had received in the fight. After which he practis'd Phyſick ſeventeen years in Perſia, and became as famous a Hiſtorian as Phyſician, by writing the Hiſtory of Aſſyria and Perſia, taken from the Archives of thoſe Countries.

CHAP. III. Opinions of Plato concerning Phyſick.

AT this time alſo Plato liv'd, being born in the eighty eighth Olympiad. This Philoſopher following the ſteps of Pythagoras and Democritus, and the other Philoſopher Phyſicians, of whom we have ſpoken, wrote as they did, of ſeveral things relating to the Theory of Medicine, particularly of the Oeconomy of a humane body, and the principles whereof it conſiſts. The Pythagoreans, ſaysVar. Hiſt. lib. 9. cap. 22 Elian, applyed themſelves very much to Phyſick, Plato alſo was very much addicted to it, as well as Ariſtotle and ſeveral other Philoſophers. We ſhall take notice here, of what is moſt conſiderable upon that ſubject in the writings of Plato, as far as we underſtand him, which is not always very eaſie to do. We ſhall be a little the more large herein, becauſe we meet with divers things which relate to ſeveral modern opinions, and others which ſerve to iliuſtrate thoſe of Hippocrates.

Plato having ſuppoſed two univerſal principles of all things, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 God and Matter, the firſt form which he ſuppoſed Matter to take, was Triangular, and that from theſe Triangles the four ſenſible Elements were afterwards produced, the Fire, Air, Water, and Earth; of which all bodies ſeem'd to him to be compounded.

As for the humane body, he thought that its firſt formation commenc'd from the ſpinal marrow, which marrow was afterward covered with a bone, and theſe bones with fleſh. In conſequence of this, he held that the links which joyned or faſtened the ſoul to the body were in that marrow, which he call'd the ſeat of the mortal ſoul. The reaſonable ſoul he lodged in the brain, which he ſaid was a continuation of that marrow, and look'd upon it as a ſoil purpoſely prepar'd to receive the divine ſeed. As for that part of the ſoul upon which depend Generoſity, Valour and Anger, he plac'd it near the head, between the diaphragme and the neck, that is to ſay, in the breaſt; or in the heart, in which he followed Pythagoras. He held that the lungs encompaſſed the heart to refreſh it, and to calm the violent motions of the ſoul which was lodged there, as well by the refreſhment which it received from the Air in reſpiration, as from the liquor which we drink, which he ſuppoſed to fall in part into the lungs;Gell. llb. 17. cap. 11. Macrob. lib. 17, cap. 15. which made one of the Ancients ſay, that Plato gave poſterity occaſion to laugh, by meddling with that which was not his buſineſs. But he that ſaid this did not conſider that Hippocrates and other Phyſicians before ſpoken of, were themſelves of this opinion, and that Plato apparently ſpoke only after them.

This Philoſopher imagined alſo another part or ſort of ſoul, which deſired not only meat and drink, and all that was neceſſary for the body, but which was the Principle of all appetites or deſire in general. This ſoul was poſted between the Diaphragm and the Navel, it was quartered in the loweſt part, and fartheſt from the head, that it might not by its agitations and commotions, diſturb the reaſonable ſoul, which is the beſt part of us, in its meditations and thoughts for the common good. Theſe troubles or diſturbances of the inferiour ſoul, were excited by Phantaſms or Images preſented to it by the liver, the liver having been poliſh • d and made ſhining, that it might reflect the Images which were communicated to it, to produce trouble, tranquility or pleaſure in the inferiour ſoul, according as the liver is it ſelf troubled by the bitterneſs of the Bile, or ſedate and calm thro' the predomination of ſweet Juices oppoſed to the Bile.

Beſides what we have already ſaid of the heart and of the ſoul lodged there, Plato held this further concerning it. The heart, ſays he, which is at the ſame timeVi •• Pag. the ſource of the veins and of the bloud, which 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 See pag. whirls rapidly in all parts of the body, is ſetSee pag, as a Centinel or Serjeant, that when the Choler is inflamed at the command of the Reaſon, upon the account of ſome injuſtice committed either without or within, by the deſire or paſſions, preſently all that is ſenſibly in the body, diſpoſes it ſelf by opening all its pores to hear its menaces, and obey its commands.

The opinion of this Philoſopher concerning the manner of reſpiration is no leſs peculiar. He believed that there was no vacuum in the world, but that the Air which eſcaped out of the Lungs and Mouth, in reſpiration meeting that which ſurrounds the body without, puſhes it ſo, that it forces it to enter thro' the pores of the skin and fleſh, and to inſinuate it ſelf into the moſt remote parts of the body, till it fills the place which the other left, after which making the ſame way out again by the Pores, it forces that without to enter by the mouth into the lungs in inſpiration. We ſee by this that Plato confounded tranſpiration with reſpiration, pretending that both one and t'other were performed together, as it were by two ſemicircles.

As for the fleſh, he thought it compounded of water, fire and earth, and a certain ſort of ſharp leaven, biting and ſalt.

Theſe are ſome of Plato's thoughts of a humane body in its natural ſtate. As for the cauſes of its deſtruction, which are diſeaſes, old age and death, he ſuppoſed in the firſt place that the bodies which are about ours, diſolv'd and melt it continually, after which every ſubſtance which gets looſe or exhales, returns to the principle from whence it was drawn; he ſuppoſes in the ſecond place that the blood which is, according to him, a fluid matter form'd of the Aliments by a peculiar artifice of nature, which cuts and reduces them into ſmall pieces, by means of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . fire, which riſes in our ſtomach after the air or breath. He ſuppoſed that this blood, whoſe redneſs was an evident token of the impreſſion of this fire, ſerved to nouriſh the fleſh and generally the whole body, and to fill up the vacant ſpaces of it, as it were by a ſort of watering, or general inundation.

This being ſuppoſed, he maintained that while we were young, this bloud abounding in all parts, not only ſupply'd what was diſſipated or diminiſhed of the fleſh, which as was ſaid was perpetual; but after having fill'd up what was wanting, it furniſh'd matter of increaſe to the maſs of the body, from hence it is, that in our youth we grow and become larger, but when we are advanced in years, more of the ſubſtance of our body is ſpent, than the bloud can ſupply or reſtore, therefore we diminiſh by degrees.

Thoſe principles alſo of which our bodies conſiſts, which Plato calls Triangles, which in our youth were ſtronger than thoſe of which the Aliments were compounded, reducing them eaſily to a ſubſtance like themſelves, become diſunited and relaxed, by having ſo long endured the ſhock of other triangles, this cauſes old age, which is followed by death, eſpecially where the triangles, whereof the ſpinal marrow conſiſts, are diſſolv'd and diſunited, ſo that the bands by which the ſoul was faſten'd to it, are intirely broken, and let it looſe.

As for diſeaſes which attack us in all ages, and precipitate the uſual time of death, he ſuppos'd that our bodies being compoſed of the four Elements before named, the diſorders of theſe Elements were the chief cauſes of them. Theſe diſorders conſiſted in the exceſs or deficiency of any of theſe Elements, when they did not preſerve the proportion of their firſt mixture, or when they changed place, leaving their own place for another.

To explain himſelf more particularly, he adds, that the fire exceeding, produced continual and burning fevers, that if the air over-ballanced, it produced quotidian intermitting Fevers. If the Water, Tertian Fevers, and if Earth Quartanes. The Earth being the heavieſt of all the Elements, muſt have quadruple the time to move it ſelf in that the fire has and the reſt of the Elements in proportion.

Plato did not confine himſelf to theſe generals only, but proceeded to the particular explication of the changes that befall our bodies in relation to the bloud and humours which are the immediate cauſes of diſtempers. While the bloud, ſays he, maintains its natural ſtate, it ſerves to nouriſh the body and to preſerve health. But when the fleſh begins to corrupt or to melt, and diſſolve the humour which comes from it, entring into the veins, carries this corruption along with it, and changing the bloud in ſeveral manners, turns it from red to yellow; and bitter, or ſower or ſalt; ſo that that which was pure Bloud, becomes part Bile and Phlegm or Seroſities. What we call Bile, ſays Plato, is particularly produced from the diſſolution of the old fleſh, it is an humour that aſſumes divers forms, and is very changeable both as to colour and taſte, but it is chiefly diſtinguiſhed into two ſorts, the yellow Bile which is bitter, and the black Bile which is ſowre and pricking. As for the Phlegm and Seroſities, or Water, Plato ſeems to confound them, or to make but one ſort of humour of them. The Phlegm according to him, is produced from the new fleſh, and the ſeroſities or waters, which are deſigned by the particular names of ſweat or tears, are only the phlegm melted or diſſolved. In another place he ſeems to confound the phlegm and ſeroſities with the Bile, when he ſays, that what we call ſowre phlegm, is the ſame thing with the ſeroſity of the black Bile But in the explication of the effects of theſe humours, he reſtrains himſelf to the two principal, which areSee Pag. the Bile and the Phlegm, and he acknowledges that theſe two juices by their mixture with the blood are the cauſes of all diſtempers.

When the Bile evaporates outwards, or diſcharges it ſelf upon the skin, it cauſes divers ſorts of humours, attended with inflamations, which the Greeks call'dSee Pag. Phlegmons, but when it is confin'd within, it produces all ſorts of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , burning diſeaſes. The Bile is eſpecially hurtful when it is mixed with the blood, it breaks the orders of the Fibres which are according to him ſmall threads ſcatterd thro' the blood, that it might be neither too clear nor too thick, to the end that on the one ſide it ſhould not evaporate, and on the other, might always move eaſily in the veins. This Bile continuing its havock, after having broken the fibres of the blood, pierces to the ſpinal marrow, and deſtroys the links of the ſoul before ſpoken of, unleſs the body, that is to ſay, all the fleſh, melting or diſſolving, breaks its force. When this happens, the Bile being overcome, and obliged to depart the body, throws it ſelf thro' the veins upon the lower belly and the ſtomach, from whence it is diſcharged by ſtool and vomiting, like thoſe that flie out of a Town in an uproar, and cauſe in their paſſage Diarrhaea's and Dyſenteries, and other diſcharges, which prove often healthful.

The ſweet or inſipid phlegm occaſions Tumours, and ſome impurities of the skin, and when it mixes with ſome little bladders of the Air, it is then call'dA ſort of Dropſie in Hippocrates. See Pag. white Phlegm. If this Phlegm mixes with the black Bile, and penetrates into the receptacles of the brain, it cauſes the Epilepſie or Falling-ſickneſs.

The ſowre or ſalt Phlegm is the cauſe of all diſeaſes, comprehended under the name of Catarrhs or Rheums, and brings diſorder and pain upon what part ſoever it falls.

We muſt here take notice of the Idea which Plato had of the Matrix or its properties, and ſome of its diſeaſes.See Pag. the Matrix, ſays he, is an Animal, which longs impatiently to conceive, and if it be long diſappointed of bearing Fruit, is is enraged, and runs up and down the whole Body, and ſtopping the paſſages of their Air, it takes away reſpiration, and cauſes great uneaſineſs, and an Anfinite number of Diſeaſes.

Theſe were the ſentiments of Plato upon the cauſes of diſeaſes, upon all which we ſhall not trouble our ſelves to make reflections. We ſhall confine our ſelves only to what he ſays concerning the Acidity and ſaltneſs of the humours, it being of importance to our Hiſtory to take notice of it, becauſe of the ſeveral Syſtems that have been ſince built upon that foundation. Hippocrates had before ſpoken of the ſowre and the ſalt, but he has mention'd them only upon the account of their effect, without ſhewing their Original, which Plato ſeems to have diſcover'd, and therein to have made an improvement upon him.

We may obſerve firſt, that the Philoſopher ſpeaks of an Acidity and ſaltneſs which is n • turally in the body in a ſlate of health . Such is the ſowrneſs and ſweetneſs of the fleſh, which he ſays, conſiſts of Water, Fire and Earth, and beſides that a ſowre ſalt leaven, as has been already obſerved. He does not ſay from whence this leaven comes, but by his manner of expreſſing himſelf it ſeems not to be drawn from the common Elements, but to be ſomething different from the Water, Fire and Earth, which have their ſhare apart in the formation of the fleſh.

In the ſecond place, Plato held a ſaltneſs and ſowrneſs, which were praeternatural, which are in the humours which cauſe diſeaſes. He ſeems further to deduce the ſowre and ſalt from the ſame ſource, with the natural ſowre and ſalt, that is from the fleſh, which corrupting and diſſolving, according to him, infect the blood, and turn it into Bile, and into Phlegm. But this latter ſowre and ſalt are ſomething different from the former, tho' they come from the fleſh, for this is an effect of their corruption, the other is the principle of the preſervation. But Plato not explaining himſelf any further thereupon, neither ſhall we enlarge.

He adds a third ſort of ſowrneſs, which is that of the black Bile, which of bitter, becomes ſowre, when the bitterneſs which is natural to it is alternated, and ſubtilized to a certain degree. It may be urged that the Greek word which we have tranſlated 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . ſowre, might as well ſignifie pointed or ſharp, as ſowre; both in this latter paſſage, and in all thoſe before cited. The Greeks having only one word, to expreſs both meanings; but 'tis plain from the oppoſition in which Plato put this word to 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 bitter, that the former ought to be tranſlated ſowre, and not pointed, which is not ſo naturally oppoſed to bitter, as ſowre is.

Plato ſpeaks elſewhere of ſowrneſs, and holds that it has its Origine from things ſharp and pointed, which have been ſubtilized or attenuated by corruption, and reckons it the occaſion of Fermentations and Ebullitions, which ariſe when the groſs and terreſtrial humours begin to move, and to ſwell or riſe up.

It is obſervable that Plato to theſe words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . which are Adjectives, joyns the ſame Subſtantive that Hippocrates did, which is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which according to the ſenſe of Hippocrates, may be tranſlated by the words force, power, faculty or virtue, as well as by the words ſavour or taſte, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Sapor Acidus, ſowre taſte, as Serranus tranſlates it; as for the reſt, Plato thought as Hippocrates did, that diſeaſes had their fixed periods for duration. As the time of the life of every Animal is regulated by its lot when it comes into the world, this time can néither be haſtened nor delayed, but by an effect of the paſſions; which come likewiſe themſelves by a ſort of neceſſity. So likewiſe diſeaſes muſt of neceſſity have their courſe, and we ought rather to ſeek to temper them, and ſtop their progreſs, by means ofSee the m • thod of Hippocrates in acute diſeaſes. prudent diet and exerciſe, than by medicines, eſpecially thoſe which purge, which ought never to be uſed but in caſes of extremity, otherwiſe of a ſmall evil you make a great one, and of a ſingle one many.

By this we may ſee, that Plato did not deviate much from the principles of Hippocrates, and as he lived at the ſame time with him, or very near it, being born in the eighty eighth Olympiad, 'tis reaſonable to believe, that he took many things out of his writings, having teſtified as he did, abundance of eſteem of him. We may ſee by what has been ſaid beforeSee the general maxims of Hippocrates. the ſentiments of Plato concerning the Gymnaſtick Medicine.

We find in Galen the deſcription of ſome medicines which bear Plato's name, as if he had been the inventor of them, but they were manifeſtly ſome other Plato's, or rather the name of this Philoſopher was put upon them, to give them the more credit. We ſhall cloſe with Plato's ſenſe of the qualities to be required in a Phyſician. There ought to be, ſays he, in every great City good Phyſicians, who beſides the ſtudy required to learn their profeſſion, have liv'd in their youth, amongſt multitude of ſick people, and have themſelves run thro all ſorts of diſtempers, being naturally infirm or Valetudinarians. This maxim is directly oppoſite to that of Hippocrates who requires that a Phyſician ſhould be of a very healthy conſtitution.

Some have obſerved that Plato deſignedly choſe the Academy, which was the unhealthieſt place of all Athens, to reſide in with his ſcholars, only becauſe it was unhealthy, out of a perſwaſion that the infirmity of the body, render'd the mind more vigorous. But we muſt beg leave to doubt, whether this was his Motive or not.

CHAP. IV. Nicomachus, Ariſtotle's Father.

ARiſtotle's Father, whoſe name was Nicomachus, liv'd about the ſame time with Plato. He was of Stagyre in Macedonia, and Phyſician to King Amyntas, Father of Philip. He was of the Aſclepiades as well as Hippocrates, and pretended to be deſcended from a Son of Machaon, of whom we have ſpoken before, who bore the ſame name with himſelf. This Phyſician wrote according to Suidas, ſix books of Phyſick, and one of Natural Philoſophy, but we have nothing of them remaining.

CHAP. V. Ariſtotle.

WE ſhould ſpeak here of ſome Phyſicians, who liv'd before this Philoſopher, and were cotemporaries to his father, but after having ſeen what Plato, who was his maſter, contributed to the advancement of Phyſick, we thought it convenient immediately to ſubjoyn what his ſcholar further added.

Ariſtotle wrote two books Entituled 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Diogen. Lacrt. in • it. Ariſtot. of Phyſick, but there are none of them remainning; nor thoſe the Title of which was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 A. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . of Anatomy: Diogenes Laertius aſcribes to him another book, the title of which was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . of the Stone; this book is tranſlated into Latin, in the Theatrum Ch • micum with another, which treats of the perfect Magiſtery; that is to ſay, of the Philoſophers Stone, but both theſe books are evidently ſupoſititious.

If Ariſtotle had ever writ any book, under the title mentioned by Diogenes Lacrtius, ſuppoſing that we ought to underſtand by the Stone, the Philoſopher's Stone, this book would unqueſtionably have made more noiſe, amongſt the Ancients, whereas we find neither tract nor footſtep, in all the Authors extant, that wrote during the ſpace of five hundred years, which were elaps'd between the Author of this pretended book, and him that quotes it. It is not impoſſible, but that in the time of the later, the book in queſtion was attributed to Ariſtotle, but it is more probable, that there is ſome fault in the Text. We ſhall have occaſion to ſpeak more of this, in the Chapter of Theophraſtus which comes next.

But it was not after this manner that Ariſtotle imployed himſelf in Phyſick, 'twas in writing theſe other books which we firſt mentioned But ſince theſe books are loſt, we ſhou'd be obliged to conclude here, what concerns the Phyſick of this Philoſopher, if his Hiſtory of Animals, and of their parts and Generation were not happily preſerved, wherein we find many curious things, relating to the Hiſtory of Animals in general, and of their Anatomy in particular.Plin. lib. 8.16. Athen. lib. 9. cap. 23 & lib. 8. cap. 11. Alexander the Great, whoſe maſter he was, being inquiſitive into the nature and different properties of Animals, obliged him to this task, and furniſhed him for it, with the ſumm of eight hundred Talents, which amount to almoſt a million of Gold, beſides ſeveral thouſand men, in the ſeveral parts of Aſia and Greece, who had Orders to obey him, and to inform him of all that hunting and fiſhing had taught them, and to keep on purpoſe all ſorts of Animals, to diſcover what was peculiar to them.

With theſe helps, a perfect work upon this Subject might have been expected. Nevertheleſs the Antients themſelves took notice, that he advanced many a thing contrary to fact. He may upon this account be excuſed, by ſaying that he took them upon Credit from others, not having been able to act or view every thing himſelf. But ſuppoſing he were in ſome things obliged to truſt to relations. As for Example, for certain Properties of Animals which only chance could diſcover, there are others, in which he ought to have made his enquiries himſelf, or at leaſt to have been preſent, and directed thoſe that were his Operators. Of this nature are thoſe things which relate to Anatomy, what opinion can we have of his exactneſs in this particular, when we hear him affirm, that all Animals have flexible necks, compoſed of Vertebrae, except Wolves and Lyons, in which tho neck conſiſts of but one bone, and that the bones of Lyons have no matrow againſt all experience. (e) For his other Errours in the Anatomy of a Lyon and Eagle and a Crocodile, thoſe that are curious may conſult the learned Borrichius.

Thoſe that publiſht the diſſection of a Lyon at Paris, in the Academy of Sciences ſome years ago, have taken care to ſhow, the Errours of this Philoſopher, in the Anatomy of that Beaſt. All that they obſerve, may in fact be true, except one paſſage, in which they ſeem to make Ariſtotle ſay, what he never thought of. We find theſe words in one of his books (f) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which the Latin Interpreter renders thus, videtur Leo Animalium omnium perfectiſſimum Animal, in aſſumendo maris formam. Theſe Gentlemen explain theſe words, as if Ariſtotle had meant that the Lyon has, by way of Excellence, and beyond all other Animals, the viſible and apparent marks of the perfection of his Sex. Theſe are their own words, and they urge as a proof, that the Philoſopher was miſtaken that the Ʋrethra of a Lyon, that is the channel of the Virga, does not appear outward above three inches and a half. Their concluſion had been juſt, if Ariſtotle had meant as they think, and Borrichius with them that the Lyon of all male Animals, had the parts which diſtinguiſh'd the Sex moſt large and apparent. But this in my opinion, was fartheſt from his thoughts, for I ſuppoſe he meant no more, than that the Lyon, is of all male Animals, the eaſieſt to be diſtinguiſh'd from his Female, by his Maſculine Air, or that diſtinguiſhes himſelf from all other Males, by a fierce and truly Maſculine Air, which is peculiar to him. I tranſlate the Greek word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by the French word Air, which might be rendred Species in Latin, which anſwers exactly to the Greek, the Etymologie being the ſame:

The diſſections that Ariſtotle made, of ſeveral different ſorts of Animals, Quadrupeds, Birds, Fiſhes and Inſects, had taught him divers things concerning the uſe of the parts of each of theſe Kinds. We ſhall not go about to examine here, what he delivers of the difference of their parts and uſes, becauſe that would lead us too far from our Subject. We ſhall only touch here in a few words, upon what relates to the ſtructure and uſe of parts, common to all perfect Animals, ſuch as Men, and all Quadrupeds.

Ariſtotle eſteem'd the heart, to be the Origen and Source of the veins and blood. The blood, ſays he, goes from the heart into the veins, De Part. An. lib. 3. cap. 4. Thoſe that find the Circulation of the Blood in Ariſtotle, will have ſome difficulty to get over this Paſſage. but it comes not from any part into the heart. He ſays that there come two veins out of the heart, one from the right ſide, which is the largeſt, and the other from the left ſide, which is the leaſt, which he calls the Aorta, (where by the by) we may take notice, that this PhiloſopherHiſt. Anim. lib. 3. cap. 5. as Galen ſays, is the firſt that gave that name to the great Artery, which proves that the book (i) of the Heart, wherein this name is found, is not Hippocrates's. Ariſtotle thought that theſe two veins, diſtributed the blood to all parts of the body. He ſays elſewhere, that there were in the heart three Cavities, which he calls ventricles. Of theſe three ventricles, that in the middle, of whoſe ſcituation he gives no other account, is the common principle of the other two, altho' it be the leaſt; the blood which it contains is alſo the moſt temperate and pure. The blood of the right, ventricle is the hotteſt, and that of the left the coldeſt. This latter ventricle being the biggeſt of the three. Theſe three ventricles, ſays he, communicate with the lungs, by veſſels different from the two great veins, which diſperſe themſelves thro the whole ſubſtance of the Lungs.

He made not only the veins of the veſſels, which contain blood to come out of the heart; but he would have the Nerves alſo to take their Origine from thence; for which opinion this was his ground,Hiſt. An. lib. 3. cap. 5. The biggeſt Ventricle of the Heart, ſays he, contains ſmall Nerves, and it is a true Nerve in its extremities, having no Cavity, and being ſtretched after the manner of Nerves in the place where it terminates, towards the Articulation of the bones. He ſays alſo in another place,De part. Anim. lib. 3, cap. 4. that there are abundance of Nerves in the heart, which are of great uſe, becauſe the motions come from thence, which are made by contracting and extending.

By this latter paſſage he ſeems to deſign the Tendons, which ſerve to dilate and contract the heart, and if we have obſerved before that Hippocrates confounded the Nerves with the Tendons and Ligaments, Ariſtotle does not appear to have diſtinguiſhed them any better, nor to have known the uſe of the true Nerves.

In another place he affirms,H • ſt. Animal. lib. 3. cap. 5. that the Nerves are not continuous, but ſcatter'd here and there, about the places of the Articulations, by which it is viſible, he meant the Tendons. If he had known the uſe of the Nerves, he would not have ſaid,De part. Animal. lib. 2. cap. 10. that none but the parts which had blood, could feel or had ſenſation; nor would he have maintainedDe part. Anim. lib. 2. cap. 1. that the fleſh is the proper Organ of ſenſation; as for motion, if he attributes it to the Nerves, or ſays 'tis made immediately by the Nerves, 'tis eaſie to ſee, that the Nerves there meant, were either the Tendons or Ligaments.

As for the common principle of motion and ſenſation, Ariſtotle places it in the Heart, which he looks upon alſo as the principle of the nouriſhment of all the parts of the body, by the means of the blood which it ſends to them, as the Focus, which contains the natural fire, upon which depends life; as the place where the paſſions have their birth, and where all the ſenſations terminate. In a word, as the true ſeat of the Soul, and that not becauſe the Nerves have their Origine from thence as ſome imagine, but becauſe it is the reſervatory of the blood and ſpirits. He formally maintainsl • b. de Spiritu. that the ſpirits cannot be contained in the Nerves.

But if Ariſtotle attributes ſuch noble uſes to the heart, the brain was in his opinion but a heap of Water and Earth, without blood and without ſenſe. The office of this Cold Lump was, ſays he, to refreſh and moderate the heat of the heart. But beſides that, he gives elſewhere this Office to the Lungs, he does not account for the manner how the brain ſhould be capable of diſcharging it. And altho' the brain be plac'd immediately upon the ſpinal marrow, and fix'd to it, yet he pretended that the ſubſtance of that marrow was-quite different from that of the brain, being a ſort of blood prepar'd for the nouriſhment of the bones, and conſequently hot, whereas the other was cold. He made otherwiſe ſo little of the brain, that if he did not abſolutely reckon it amongſt the excrements, he thought it ought not to be ranked amongſt the parts of the body, which had any continuity or union with the reſt, that he look'd on't as a ſubſtance of a peculiar nature, and different from all the reſt of the body.

As for the reſt of the Viſcera, as the Liver, the Spleen, and the Kidneys, he thought that their firſt and chief uſage was to ſupport the veins, which would be pendulous but for them, and to ſtrengthen them in their place. Beſides this firſt uſe, he aſſigned them ſome others. The Liver helped to the digeſtion of the meat in the ſtomach and the guts, by the warmth which it imparted to thoſe parts; of which we ſhall ſpeak more particularly in the Sequel. The Liver was not of ſuch univerſal uſe, and is, according to him, but accidentally neceſſary to collect and concoct the Vapours which riſe from the Belly; hence it is, that Animals, in whom theſe vapours take another courſe, have but a very ſmall Spleen, as Birds, and Fiſhes, whoſe feathers and ſcales are form'd and nouriſh'd out of this moiſture. And theſe Animals for the ſame reaſon, ſays he, have neither kidneys nor bladder.

De part. Anim • l 〈◊〉 3 • ap. 7.The Kidneys alſo, according to him, are onl • for conveniency; their office is to imbibe part of the excrement which goes to the bladder in Animals, in whom this Excrement is in too great abundance, in order to eaſe the bladder. He adds a little after, 〈…〉 9. that the humours filtre, or run thro' the ſubſtance of the reins, in which he ſeems to touch upon the uſe afterwards found for theſe parts, but he ſpeaks of it very obſcurely.

Hiſt. Anim. • b. 3. cap. 1.The Teſticles alſo are parts, made by nature for conveniency, and not of abſolute neceſſity. He ſays, that there are two venous channels that come from the Aorta into the Teſticles, and two others which come from the Kidneys, that theſe two latter contain blood, but the former none; that there comes out of the head of each Teſticle another channel, bigger and more nervous, which bending backwards, and growing leſs, re-aſcends towards the former, being contained in the ſame Membrane, which proceed to the root of the Virga. He adds, that this laſt Channel contains no blood, but a white liquor, and terminating at the Virga, or neck of the bladder, it meets there with an opening, which goes towards the Virga, round about which there is a ſort of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 husk or bark.

This ſuppoſed, he ſays that when the Teſticles of any Animal are cut off, all theſe channels ſpoken of ſhrink up, and that 'tis upon this retraction that thoſe that are caſtrated cannot procreate; as a proof of this, he inſtances in a Cow, which being leaped by a • ull after he was guelded, before theſe channels of the ſeed were retracted, proved with Calf. In another place, he explains himſelf more at large concerning the uſe of the Teſticles, ſaying,Hiſt. An. lib. 1. cap. 4. That they are no part of the channels or receptacles of the Seed, and have no communication with them, but ſerve only as a weight to draw them downwards, and to retard the motion of the Seed, as Weavers faſten Stones to their Tackle. And as a proof of the uſeleſneſs of the Teſticles, for the principal intention, he brings the example of Fiſhes and Serpents, who wanted, as he thought, thoſe parts, yet did engender.

〈…〉 lib. 〈◊〉 cap. 20.He held, that the conception was made by the mixture of the Seed of a Man, with the menſtrual blood of a Woman in the Matrix, allowing no ſhare to the Seed of the Woman, which according to him was only an excrement of the Matrix, which ſome emitted, others not, yet were not for that leſs fruitful, or leſs ſenſible of the Pleaſure of Coition, this Pleaſure ariſing from a titillation cauſed by the afflux of the Spirits into the parts of Generation.

As for the place and manner of digeſting the food, Aristotle ſays, That the Aliment is firſt prepared in the mouth of Animals, whoſe food requires to be wet or maſh'd; but we are not to think that any ſort of concoction is perform'd there, the meat is only reduced into ſmall parts, ſo that it may be more eaſily digeſted and penetrated after 'tis deſcended into the ſuperior and inferior Ventricle▪ which are both deſtin • d to this Office, that is, to digeſt the Aliments: And as the Mouth is the opening by which the nouriſhment enters unprepared, and the Oeſophagus is the Tunnel by which it deſcends into the upper venter or the ventricle, there is need of more openings to carry the nouriſhment to all the parts of the body, from the belly and inteſtines, as out of a Cyſtern; and theſe openings or pipes are the veins of the Meſentery. As Plants, ſays the Philoſopher, draw their nouriſhment by their Roots, which are diſperſed in the Earth, ſo Animals draw theirs by theſe veins, which are as ſo many Roots, to draw from the Belly and Inteſtines the juice therein contained, theſe parts being to Animals as the Earth is to Plants. He ſays alſo, That theſe veins are branches of the great veins, and of the Aorta which go to the inteſtines. As for the Omentum, Ariſtotle thought that it aſſiſted in conjunction with the Liver to the concoction of the Meat, warming the parts to which it is contiguous with its Fat which is hot.

In explication of what has been already ſaid, he held farther, that the Coction of the Aliments was performed partly in the ſuperior Venter, and partly in the inferiour, that the maſs of the Aliments being yet too freſh, and not being ſufficiently concocted, while it is in the ſuperior Venter, that is, the Stomach, and being depriv'd of all its Juice, and all that is uſeful in it, ſo that nothing remains but thick excrement, when it comes at the bottom of the inferiour Venter, there muſt neceſſarily be ſome ſpace between theſe two, in which the nouriſhment is changed, and is neither crude nor excrement. This ſpace, ſays he, is the thin Gut called Jejunum, which is immediately joyned to the ſuperior Venter, and by conſequence lies between that Venter, wherein the Aliments were in part crude, and the bottom of the inferiour Venter which contained nothing but excrement.

Theſe are the places, according to Ariſtotle, wherein digeſtion is performed. This digeſtion was, according to him, a ſort of Elixation, that is, he thought, that the Aliments were prepared in the body, much after the manner that meat is boyled in a Pot, by means of the heat of the Neighbouring parts, the chief of which were, as we have obſerved, the Liver and the Cawle.

We may ſee by this Gut which he calls Jejunum, and the diſtinction, that he makes elſewhere between the Colon, the Caecum and the Rectum, that the Guts were ſomewhat better diſtinguiſhed than in the time of Hippocrates, who ſeems to have acknowledged but two, the Colon and the Rectum, as we have already taken notice.

The uſe of the Lungs and manner of reſpiration, according to Ariſtotle were theſe. The Heart being inflated by too much heat, obliged the Lungs and Breaſt to ſwell and move, and by conſequence to receive in the Air, which inſinuating itſelf into the heart, refreſhed it in its entrance, and returning carried off the thick hot vapours exhaling from it, and ſerv'd at the ſame time to form the voice, the Air being neceſſarily obliged to enter into the Lungs as they riſe for fear of a void, which is a thing nature abhors.

Hiſt. Anim. lib. 1. cap. 21.Of the ſtructure of the Ear Ariſtotle has not delivered much. He obſerves only, that 'tis turned within in the form of a Shell which terminates at a bone, which, ſays he, is like to the Ear, and whither the ſound comes, as the laſt veſſel which receives it. There is no paſſage from thence to the Brain, but there is one goes to the Pallat, and a vein which deſcends from the Brain to that place, that is, to the Bone of the Ear.De Anima b. 2. cap. 8. He ſays elſewhere, that hearing is produced by means of the External Air which moves the internal Air, or the Air incloſed in the Ear; and he adds, that if the Membrane of the Ear be indiſpoſed, we cannot hear, for the ſame reaſon, we cannot ſee when the Tunicle of the Eye is in the ſame Condition.

De generat aninial lib. 2. cap. 6.The Noſe is divided into two Channels by a Cartilage. It has two veins, which are joined to the Brain, but they come from the Heart, theſe go into the Channel, which is the Organ of ſmelling, as it receives the External Air, and all that is diffuſed thro it.

The Fleſh, as we have obſerved already, is the Organ of Feeling. The Tongue of Taſting, being ſoft and ſpongy, and of a Nature approaching to that of the Fleſh.

Hiſt. An. lib. 1. cap. 11.The Eye reaches into the Brain, and is ſituated on either ſide under a little vein.Ib. cap. 9. The humour which is in the Eye which cauſes viſion, is what we call the ſight.De Gen. An. lib. 2. cap. 6. The Eye of all the Organs of ſenſation has this peculiarity, that it is moiſt and cold, or that it contains a humour that is moiſt and cold, which is not there at firſt, or which is not at firſt in its perfection, but is ſeparated or diſtill'd from the pureſt part of the moiſture of the Brain, by the Channel that goes to the Membrane of the Brain.

'Tis very plain from what has been ſaid, that Ariſtotle allow'd the Nerves no part in the production of ſenſation. Nor indeed could he acknowledge the Nerves or their office, retaining the Idea which he had of the Brain. The Diaphragme, which he calls Diazoma, or the Membrane which ſeparates the lower Belly from the Breaſt, has, according to Ariſtotle, no other buſineſs than to divide theſe two Cavities, that the upper, which is the Seat of the Soul, may not be infected by the vapours which riſe from the lower.

This is the ſum of what we could collect from the writings of this Philoſopher concerning Anatomy. And we may obſerve, that both he and Plato call'd indifferently by the name of Veins the Veins properly ſo call'd, and the Arteries; that they did not give the name of Artery to any thing but the Windpipe; which they call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , rough, or unequal in oppoſition to the Arteries properly ſo called, and by the Antients named, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , laeves Arterlae ſmooth Arteries Aſpera Arteria from whence we may infer, that when we find inSee the next Vol. lib. 1. cap. of Eraſiſtratus. Hippocrates the word Artery in the ſenſe of the Moderns, that this word has been foiſted in, or that the Books in which 'tis found are not Genuine.

The only place that I know of, wherein Ariſtotle ſeems to give the name of Arteries, to the Arteries properly ſo called is in his Book of the Spirit, wherein he ſays that the Skin is compos'd of a Vein, an Artery, and a Nerve, Of a Vein, ſays he, becauſe the Skin yields Blood when 'tis prick'd: Of a Nerve, becauſe it can extend it ſelf: Of an Artery, becauſe 'tis tranſpirable. Ariſtotle ſeems here to have deſigned the real and true Arteries, and to allot to them only Spirit, according to the opinion of Praxagoras and Eraſiſtratus, of whom we ſhall ſpeak hereafter; which opinion perhaps they borrowed of him. Perhaps alſo this Book was none of Ariſtotle's.

We muſt make one obſervation more concerning the Anatomy of Ariſtotle, which is, that he never diſſected any thing but Brutes, and that in his time they durſt not Anatomize a Humane body. Which he inſinuates himſelf in theſe wordsHiſt. An. lib. 1. cap. 16., The inward parts of mens bodies are unknown, for we have nothing certain thereupon, but we muſt judge of them by the reſemblance which we ſuppoſe them to have to the parts of other Animals, which anſwer to each of them. I am ſurpriz'dAnthropograph. lib. 1. cap. 4. that Riolan ſhould maintain the contrary, and more that he ſhould endeavour to prove it from paſſages of Ariſtotle, which are nothing to the purpoſe; but he is not the only one, whoſe Prejudice and Bigotry for the Antients, has cauſed to make ſuch falſe ſteps. We ſhall have occaſion to ſay ſomething more upon this ſubject in the firſt Book of the next Volume. Ariſtotle wrote alſo ſome Books of Plants, of which there are ſome yet remaining, but he treats of them rather as a Philoſopher than a Phyſician.

He was born in the ninety ninth Olympiad, and he dyed the 3d year of the hundred and fourteenth Olympiad, aged by this account about ſixty three. He was the Son of a Phyſician, and of the family of the Aſclepiades. He belonged alſo to Phyſick another way, which is not much for his honour.Diogenes Laertius, & Heſychius Mileſius in vita Epicuri. Epicurus reproaches him with having ſpent his patrimony while he was young in debauchery, and that after he had been ſome time a Souldier, he betook himſelf to ſellingWe ſhall conſider in the ſequel the meaning of the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 uſed by Diogenes Laertius on this occaſion. of Antidotes about the Markets, till Plato's School being open'd, he applied himſelf to the ſtudy of Philoſophy under him.

CHAP. VI. Theophraſtus.

THeophraſtus, who ſucceeded Ariſtotle, took upon him the management of his School, and after his death did ſomething likewiſe towards Phyſick. The moſt conſiderable of his works which remain to our times are his Books of Plants. But as Plants may be conſider'd either as a part of Agriculture, of Natural Hiſtory, or of Phyſick; Theophraſtus, as well as Ariſtotle, ſeems to conſider them chiefly as a Naturaliſt, and ſeems rather to have examined their Growth and Termination, and the parts whereof they are compoſed, than their Medicinal properties, altho ſometimes en paſſant he touches upon them too. But he having deſcrib'd ſeveral, we ſhall be oblig • d to take farther notice of him upon this account with Dioſcorides.

There are yet ſome ſmall pieces of his remaining, concerning the Vertigo, Swooning, Sweat, and the Palſie, of which he treats rather as a Philoſopher than a Phyſician; that is, he is inquiſitive after the Cauſes of theſe Diſtempers only, without ſpeaking of any Remedies. He ſays, that Vertigo • s come when ſome ſtrange ſpirit or ſuperfluous moiſture goes into the Head, or as he expreſſes it, about the Head, whether this comes from any ſort of Food, as from Wine, or from any other humour, or from turning the Head round. For, adds he, the place about the Brain, or the Brain (an uſual manner of expreſſion among the Greeks) is naturally moiſt, and when any foreign Spirit gets in, it does violence after it is got in, and forces the natural moiſture into the veins, cauſing it to turn round, ſo that this Spirit has the ſame effect, as if any body turn'd the Head round, it being indifferent whether it be done inwardly or outwardly.

The Palſie ariſes from a chilneſs, or privation and want of Spirits or Spirit. For, ſays he, the Spirit is the cauſe of heat and motion, ſo that if it becomes motionleſs, the blood or moiſture neceſſarily grow chill. And for this reaſon we find the Feet be numm'd, and ſometimes the upper parts, when they are preſſed by a Chair, or any other way, this compreſſion ſtopping or interrupting the Spirit, that it cannot move as uſual, cauſes the Blood to grow cold.

By what has been ſaid, we may ſee that this Philoſopher ſuſpected the Nerves on theſe occaſions, no more than Hippocrates did, and was no better acquainted with their uſe than his Maſter Ariſtotle.

We have alſo a Book of Theophraſtus of Stones, wherein he treats of ſeveral ſorts of Stones, as well Genuine as others, of their nature, the manner of their formation, and the places where they are found, &c. And as we may ſee by the Catalogue of his Writings, he gave to ſome of them the ſame Titles that Ariſtotle had done before to his; perhaps the ſingular number was ſubſtituted for the plural, in the Title of the Book of Ariſtotle of the Stone, of which before.

CHAP. II. Heraclides of Pontus.

ALmoſt at the ſame time there liv'd another Philoſopher, who engag'd in Phyſic. This was Heraclides of Pontus, who ſtudied partly under Speuſippus the Scholar of Plato, and partly under Ariſtotle. This Heraclides writ a Book of the cauſe of Diſeaſes, and another entituled 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; What he call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that is, without reſpiration, was a diſeaſe, in which ſometimes, as our Author affirms, men lay thirty days without breathing, as if they were dead, yet the body did not corrupt. We have ſeen before that Empedocles cured a woman of this diſtemper, which is a ſort of ſuffocation of the Matrix. Diogenes Laertius reckons fourteen famous men of the name of Heraclides, of which two were Phyſicians, and not counting him of whom we are ſpeaking. The firſt, who was the eighth of the fourteen, was Scholar to Hiceſius a Phyſician, of whom we ſhall ſpeak hereafter; the ſecond was a famous Empirick of Tarentum, whoſe Hiſtory we ſhall likewiſe give. To all theſe Heraclides, we may add Hippocrates Father, and Heraclides Erithreus, of whom alſo hereafter.

CHAP VIII. Diocles.

'TIs time, to quit the Philoſophers, and return a little back to re-aſſume the Phyſicians. The firſt of this Profeſſion after Hippocrates and his Family, that made any noiſe in the world, was Diocles Caryſtius, whom the Athenians for that reaſon called theTheodor. Priſcians. Second Hippocrates. Plin. lib. 20. cap. 20. Celf. Praefat. All the Antients agree, that he came preſently after the Father of Phyſick, whom he ſucceeded very near both in time and reputation. He's ſuppos'd to be Author of a Letter yet extant, Addreſſed to Antigonus, King of Aſia, which ſhews, that Diocles lived in his time, and not in the time Tiraquell. de Nobil. cap. 21. and after him Wolfgangus Juſtus in his Chronologia Medicorum. Who alſo holds, that he lived both under Darius the Son of Hyſtaſpes, and under Antigonus, tho between thoſe two Princes there paſſed two entire Centuries. of Darius Son of Hyſtaſpes, as two modern Authors have written. But the Chronological Errors which we have detected upon the occaſion of the pretended Letters of Hippocrates, ſhew that we are not to rely much upon proofs of this nature, this Letter of Diocles being no leſs to be ſuſpected than the others. Thoſe that place Diocles in the time of Darius, Son of Hyſtaſpes are manifeſtly in an errour. Others have gone on the other ſide too low, if I be not miſtaken. But however it be, we find in this Letter rules for preſervation of health, which conſiſt in foreſeeing Diſeaſes by certain ſigns, and preventing them by certain Remedies. The Body is there divided into four parts, the Head, the Breaſt, the Belly, and the Bladder; and there are Medicines there preſcrib'd to preſerve theſe parts, from their uſual Diſtempers. He preſcribed Gargariſms to purge the Head and Frictions. For the Breaſt he adviſes vomiting after Meals, and Faſting. He ordered the Belly to be kept open, not by Medicine, but by proper Diet, ſuch as Blites, Mercury, Garlick boyled, the Herb Patience, Colwort Broth, confections with Honey. For the diſtempers of the Bladder he appointed ſome Diuretick Medicines, ſuch as the Roots of Selery and Fennel boyl'd in Wine, with the water of the Decoction of Daucus Smyrnium, of Elder or Chiches.

Diocles wrote ſeveral Books of Phyſick which are loſt. Amongſt the reſt was one of Diſeaſes, their Cauſes and Cure, a fragment of which is cited byDe Locis affect. lib. 3. c. 7. Galen, concerning the Diſeaſe called the Melancholick or Flatulent Diſeaſe, wherein Diocles ſpeaks thus. There is a Diſeaſe, whoſe ſeat is about the Stomach, which ſome call Melancholy, others Flatus, or Wind, in which, after eating things hard of digeſtion, men ſpit abundance of very clear Spittle; their Belches are ſowre, with Wind and heat in the Hippocondria, with a rumbling motion, not at firſt, but ſometime after, and often violent pain in the Stomach, which extend in ſome even to the back. After the Meat is perfectly digeſted all ceaſes and returns again after eating. The ſame ſymptoms ſometimes take a man faſting, and ſometimes after Meals, and force him to throw his victuals undigeſted up again, and ſometimes bitter hot phlegm, or ſo ſowre as to ſet their Teeth an edge. Theſe diſtempers for the moſt part come in youth; but come when they will, they hold a long time. We may ſuppoſe they that are troubled with it, have too much heat in the veins which receive the nouriſhment from the Stomach, and that the Blood which they contain is thereby thickned. For it is plain that thoſe veins are obſtructed or ſtopt, from this ſenſible proof that the nouriſhment is not diſtributed thro the body, but remains crude upon the ſtomach, inſtead of paſſing into the Channels which ought to recieve it, and going the greateſt part of it into the lower Belly, it is thrown up the next day by vomit. Another proof that the heat is greater than naturally it ought, is not only the heat which the parties feel, but the immediate relief they find by taking cold things. Diocles adds, that ſome hold that in theſe diſtempers the orifice of the Stomach, which is joined to the Guts, is in flamed, and that this inflamation cauſes the obſtruction, and hinders the aliments from deſcending in due time into the Guts, and that by their ſtop the inflation of the Stomach, the heat, and other ſymptoms before mention'd are occaſioned.

Diocles had a peculiar opinion of Fevers. We muſt judge, ſays he, of things which we cannot ſee, by thoſe which we can ſee; we obſerve that external inflamations, abſceſſes and wounds are attended by Fevers, therefore when a Fever takes any body, though we cannot externally diſcover any abſceſs, wound, or inflamation, we muſt however believe that there is ſome ſuch thing within the body.

His practice was much the ſame with that of Hippocrates. He blooded and purged after the ſame manner, and upon the ſame occaſions. His particular method in every diſtemper may be ſeen inAcuti Paſſ. l. 3 c. 17. Caelius Aurelianus. The ſame Author reports, that Diocles cauſed all thoſe that were troubled with the Iliack paſſion to ſwallow a Leaden Bullet, a Medicine of which I find no mention in Hippocrates, and which might perhaps be of Diocles's own invention. He diſtinguiſhed between the Ileus and Chordapſus, which two names Hippocrates ſeemed to give to the ſame diſtemper. Diocles ſignified by the former of theſe names a diſtemper of the inteſtina tenuia, and by the latter of the inteſtina craſſa.

He practiſed alſo Surgery, and invented an inſtrument to draw out the head of a Dart when it was left in the wound; which was called by his name in Celſus his time. He invented alſo the manner ofGalen de Fa • ci • s. Bandage for the head, which went alſo by his name.

Galen obſerves, that this Phyſician was the firſt that wrote of Anatomical Adminiſtration, that is, of the manner and order of diſſection, for the better diſplaying the parts of the body. He gave at the ſame time this account for the Silence of thoſe that preceded him, and of the motives that induced him to write upon that ſubject.De Adminiſ • . Anatom. lib. 2. Before Diocles, ſays Galen, Phyſick being almoſt entirely limited to the family of the Aſclepiades, the Fathers taught their Sons Anatomy, and bred them from their infancy to the diſſection of Animals. So that it going from Father to Son by way of Manual Tradition, it was needleſs to write of the manner, becauſe it was as impoſſible they ſhould forget it as their Alphabet, which they learnt almoſt at the ſame time. But the Art of Phyſick ſpreading beyond this family, by means of the Scholars of Hippocrates, Diocles wrote upon this ſubject in favour of thoſe whoſe Fathers were not Phyſicians.

Thus far Galen of Diocles, who nevertheleſs by Galen's own report had made no great progreſs in Anatomy. He ſatisfied himſelf with what his predeceſſors had done, who were no great Anatomiſts, as we have already obſerv'd.

Galen teſtifies likewiſe for Diocles, that he practiced Phyſick out of a principle of Humanity, as Hippocrates had done, and not for Pront or Glory, which were motives upon which other Phyſicians acted. He ſpeaks of him elſewhere as a great man in his Art, and affirms, that he was maſter of it in every part.

Athenaeus mentions a piece of Diocles which treated of Poyſons, and another which teachesThis Book was entitled 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . the manner of dreſſing victuals. Athenaeus tells us of ſeveral other antient Phyſicians that wrote upon this latter ſubject, and mentions amongſt others Philiſtion, whom we have ſpoken of before, Eraſiſtratus, Philotimus, Glaucus, and Dioniſius. Their deſign in probability was not ſo much to pleaſe the taſte as to render the food more wholeſom. Nevertheleſs Plato complains 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . that the Art of Cookery was crept into Phyſick under pretence of dreſſing for health, whereas it had the quite contrary effect, and he aſſerts, that this Art is juſt of as much uſe in Phyſick, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the Art of waſhing and perfuming is to the Gymnaſtick, of which we have already ſpoken. He calls the art of Cookery and the art Waſhing and Beautifying, the flatterers of Phyſick and Gymnaſtick.

Diocles wrote likewiſe the diſtempers of Women. He compos'd alſo a Book, entitled of the weeks, wherein he treated undoubtedly of the critical days after the manner of Hippocrates. There was alſo another Diocles of Chalcedon, who is cited byMedicament. local. l. 7. c. 4. Galen, but I know not when he lived.

CHAP IX. Praxagoras.

PRaxagoras came a little after Diocles, living at the lateſt about the time of Ariſtotle. His Fathers name wasDe diſſectiones • ulv. cap ult Nicarchius. (b) He was at the Iſle of Cos as well as Hippocrates, and of the ſame Family, that is, of the Aſclepiades, with this peculiarity,Method. Med. lib. 1. that he was the laſt, the Family being extinct in him. This is the obſervation of Galen, with which Suidas does by no means agree, who ſays, there were ſeven deſcendants from Hippocrates, all Phyſicians, who ſucceſſively bore his name, but I am rather apt to credit Galen.

Praxagoras is reckon'd the third after Hippocrates, who worthily maintain'd the honour of rational Phyſick. Galen ſpeaks honourably of him, as a man that underſtood his buſineſs excellently well. He left ſeveral Books which are loſt. Galen cites ſome of them, as that of the uſe of abſtinence, thoſe of the ordinary and extraordinary ſymptoms of Diſeaſes, another entituled, of natural things, or things which naturally happen, and another of Medicaments.

He paſt in his time for a great Anatomiſt, but all that he wrote upon that ſubject being loſt, we know nothing of his Sentiments, except that he believed with Ariſtotle, that the Nerves come from the Heart. He addedGalen. de decret. Hippocrat. & • laton. that the Arteries turn to Nerves as their cavities grow ſtraight towards the extremities. He held with this Philoſopher, that the brain was of little uſe, and look'd upon it as only an appendix to the ſpinal Marrow. He maintain'd alſo that theDe dignoſee • d. Pulſ. l. 4. cap. 2. Arteries contain'd no Liquor, an opinion which we ſhall ſee driven farther by Eraſiſtratus. From hence we may conclude, that Praxagoras was the firſt Author that diſtinguiſh'd the arteries properly ſo call'd from the veins. The Phyſicians of the preceding ages having indifferently call'd both veins and arteries by the name of veins.

Praxagoras was the firſt that diſtinguiſh'd with more exactneſs than before the humours or juices of the body.See the Anatomy of Hippocrates and Ariſtotle. Rufus Epheſius reports, that he ſaid of theſe juices, that one was ſweet, another 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . equally mix'd or temperate, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 another reſemoſed Glaſs, which was a ſort of flegin very penetrant, another ſower, another nitrous, another of the colour of a Leek, another ſalt, another bitter, another like the yolk of an Egg. He added beſides theſe two other ſorts of Juices, one which he call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Raking, that is, which produced a ſenſe in the part, as if it were ſcrap'd with a Knife or ſome ſuch Inſtrument, the other he call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Theſe names, as well as thoſe taken from the colour of a Leek and the Yo • k of an Egg are really new. But thoſe of ſowre; bitter, nitrous, &c. were applied by Hippocrates, to the ſame things before. fix'd.Introduct cap • 9. Moſt diſeaſes according to him depended upon theſe diſpoſitions of the humours, and it was his opinion, that it was in vain to look any where elſe, than into the humours for the cauſes of health or ſickneſs.De ſacultat. Nat. l. 2. c. 9 Galen limits the number of humours, which Praxagoras diſtinguiſhed to ten, without reckoning the blood which makes eleven, but he does not ſpecify what they were.

There are divers ſpecimens of the practice of Praxagoras in Caelius Aurelianus. Amongſt other things we find that he was very much forCa •• s Au •• lian • out. l. 3. cap. 17. vomits. He gave them even in the Quinſey and in Convulſions, the ſame he did alſo in the Iliack Paſſion, as well as Hippocrates, but he urg'd them further, continuing them until the Excrements came up at the mouth, which is a ſymptom that comes in the extremity of this diſtemper, without giving a vomit. He ſeem'd to be a very bold practitioner; for in this diſtemper, if the Remedies did not operate, he ordered an inciſion to be made into the Belly, and even into the Gut itſelf, and the Excrements to be drawn out, and the wound to be ſewed up again. This example, and thoſe before cited, ſhews that from the beginning of Phyſick, they tried all means they could think of to anſwer their ends, how dangerous ſoever. As for the reſt,R fus • pheſius. Praxagoras followed pretty cloſe the practice of Hippocrates. He believ • d the Fevers began in the Vena Cava, or that the ſeat of the Fever was in the Trunk of the Great Vein, between the Liver and the Kidneys. He had ſeveral Scholars, the moſt conſiderable of whom were Herophilus, Philotimus, and Pliſtonicus, of whom we ſhall ſpeak in the following Book.

CHAP X. Petron.

WE muſt here take notice of one Petron or Petronas, who liv'd, as Celſus ſays, before Eraſiſtratus, and Herophilus, and preſently after Hippocrates. Galen Comm • n in lib. 1. 〈◊〉 poc. de vict • ration • in • c • tis. after having ſpoken of thoſe who macerate their Patients by too long abſtinence, blames this Petron for t'other extream, that is, for feeding them too much. But Celſus before-cited, tells us ſomething of his Method, which is very ſingular.Celſus l. 3 cap. 9. Petron, ſays he, covered Men in Fevers with abundance of Cloaths, that he might make em very hot, and very thirſty. And when the Fever began to abate a little, gave them cold water to drink; and if he moved Sweat, he thought he had freed the Patient, if not, he gave them more cold water, and forced them to Vomit. If either way the Fever was taken off, he gave them Roaſt Pork and Wine. If it were not taken off, he gave them Water, in which Salt was boil'd, that they might cleanſe their Stomachs by Vomit; and herein conſiſted his whole Practice.

CHAP. XI. Menecrates and Critobulus.

MEnecrates was of Syracuſe, and lived in the time of Philip King of Macedonia, Father to Alexander the Great: He had ſo good an opinion of his profeſſion, that he thought he might recall the times, in which Phyſicians paſt for Gods. He reliſhed extreamly well 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . A Man equal to a God. An Epithete which he be ſtows likewiſe upon ſome other of his Heroes. the Epithete, with which Homer compliments Machaon. He cauſed himſelf to be called Jupiter, but Philip mortified him very much. This Prince having received a Letter from Menecrates which began thus. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 To be joyful or proſperous. Menecrates Jupiter wiſhes all Proſperity to King Philip, made him this anſwer; Philip 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; to be in health Theſe were all common ſalutations in the Superſcriptions of Letters. But this latter was uſed equivocally on this occaſion. wiſhes health to Menecrates; ſignifying thereby that he was brain-ſick, and that he might not doubt of it, Philip adds, that he adviſed him to go to Anticyra, an Iſland famous for producing Hellebore, uſed in the cure of Mad Folks, as we have already obſerved. Plutarch reports the ſame of King Ageſilaus.

Philip put alſo another ſignal affront upon Menecrates. Having invited him to a very magnificent Treat, he cauſed a Table to be provided for him apart upon a raiſed Platform, with a Pot of Incenſe upon it, and gave order, that while the reſt of his Gueſts were plentifully treated at another Table,(e) Var. Hiſt. lib. 12. c. 5. they ſhou'd feed him with ſmoak.P. 469. Elian ſays, that Menecrates was at firſt very proud of the Honour that was done him, till hunger began to preſs him.

Deipnoſophiſt. lib. 7. c. 10. Athenaeus tells us ſeveral other Circumſtances altogether as pleaſant of his Conduct. Menecrates (ſays this Author) uſed to make all thoſe that he cured of the Epilepſy enter into an obligation in Writing, that they would obey and follow him for the time to come, as Servants do their Maſter. Athenaeus adds, that one Nicoſtratus of Argos being freed from this Diſtemper by Menccrates, followed him by the name and in the habit of Hercules. Another called Nicagoras followed him in the habit of Mercury, Equipt with the Wings and Caduceus of that God. One Aſtycreon was the 3 d of his Train, with the name and equipage of Apollo, a fourth was rigg'd out like Eſculapius. Menecrates himſelf had on a purple Robe, with a Crown of Gold on his head, and a Scepter in his hand, with the Buskins of the Gods. With this Train of Gods he took a progreſs through the Cities of Greece. He wrote to King Philip in theſe Terms, You reign over Macedonia, and can when you pleaſe deſtroy thoſe that are in health, but I can reſtore health and preſerve it to thoſe that have it, if they be obedient to me, and can ſecure them to old Age. Your Macedonians are your Guards and Followers, thoſe that outlive Diſtempers are mine, for I Jupiter give Life.

The Hiſtory of this Phyſician will ſerve to divert the Reader, if it be of no other uſe. There was likewiſe another Menecrates, of whom we ſhall ſpeak of in his turn, that we may not confound him with the former,De Philoſophia cap. 11. as Voſſius has done.

There was at the ſame time another Phyſician of more prudence than Menecrates, he was called Critobulus. Plin. lib. 7. cap. 37. He ſucceeded ſo happily in drawing the Arrow out of the Eye of King Philip, and in the management of the Cure, that it occaſioned no deformity to his Face.

CHAP. XXII. Philip, Glaucias, Alexippus, Pauſaſanias, Alexais, and Androcydas.

AMong the Phyſicians of Alexander the Great, was one Philip, an Acarnanian, in whom he repoſed ſo much confidence, that he took before his Face a Medicine which he had brought him, before his Phyſician could read a Letter, which Alexander put into his hands, at the ſame time, by which he receiv'd advice, that Philip would poyſon him This may very well be the ſame Philip, who is byLib. 3. cap. 21. Celſus called an Epirot, Acarnania being a part of Epirus. This latter Philip, ſays this Author, being at the Court of King Antigonus, and having promiſed to cure one of his Courtlers of a Dropſie of the mildeſt kind, had not the ſucceſs he expected, through the irregularity of his Patient, who, inſtead of abſtaining from meat and drink, as he was ordered, eat the very Cataplaſms that were applied to him, and drank his own Water. 'Tis not impoſſible, but that the ſame Philip, who was Phyſician to Alexander, might be ſo alſo to Antigonus his Succeſſor in Aſia. This Phyſician followed in ſome meaſure the method of Hippocrates, who ordered his Patients to eat and drink very little in a Dropſie. The Author of this Hiſtory adds, that another famous Phyſician, who was Scholar to Chriſippus, had before prognoſticated, that the Patient would not be cured; and being told, that Philip promiſed to cure him, made anſwer, that Philip conſidered only the Diſeaſe, but he the humour of the Patient. This Phyſician in all probability could be none but Eraſiſtratus, of whom we ſhall ſpeak in the following book.

Gla • cias, another Phyſician of Alexander, was more unhappy than the former. For Alexander imputing to him the Death of his favourite Hephaeſtion, who was his Patient in his laſt Sickneſs, cauſed him to be crucified.

Plutarch ſpeaks of two more Phyſicians to Alexander, or great men of his Court, whereof one was called Alexippus and the other Pauſanias, ſaying that the firſt having cured Peuceſtas of a Diſeaſe, Alexander wrote him a Letter of thanks, and the latter intending to give Hellebore to Craterus, he wrote to him alſo partly to teſtifie his concern for Craterus his Illneſs, and partly to exhort the Phyſician, to proceed with all the caution neceſſary, to make his Medicine effectual.

Pliny mentions a Phyſician named Androcydas, who wrote to Alexander in theſe Term • , When you drink Wine, remember that you drink the Blood of the Earth; he adds, that as Hemlock is poyſon to a man, ſo Wine is poyſon to Hemlock.

CHAP. XIII. Syenneſis, Diogenes, Clidemus, Thraſias, and Alexias.

TO the preceeding Phyſician we may add, thoſe that are cited by Ariſtotle and Theophraſtus, and are not reckoned among the Antient Phyſicians; as one (a) Syenneſis of Cyprus, and one Diogenes Apolloniates of whom the former makes mention, reporting ſome fragments of their writing, by which it appears that they believed with Polybus, that the Veins have their Origine from the Head. One Clidemus of Plataea, cited by the latter, and one Thraſias of Montine, who bragg'd that he had a Drug of ſuch a property, that it would kill without pain. The ſame Thraſias uſed to ſay, that the ſame thing would purge one man and not another, which he proved by the example of a Shepherd that eat a handful of Hellebore without being moved by it. To this Shepherd, he added one of his own Scholars, who was alſo a famous Phyſician, one Eudemus a ſeller of Medicines, and another Eudemus of Chio, who were all unmoved by Hellebore.