The present interest of England, or, A confutation of the Whiggish conspiratours anti-monyan principle shewing from reason and experience the ways to make the government safe, the king great, the people happy, money plentifull, and trade flourish.

THE Preſent Intereſt OF ENGLAND.

IT is now almoſt a Century of years, ſince this Nation, the Glory of all Iſlands, the Miſtreſs of the Ocean, fitted by Nature, and the very complexion of its Martial, Sea-faring and numerous Inhabitants, if not for the Empire, yet to give Laws to the Peace and Traffick of the Univerſe, England, hath languiſhed under the waſting Hectick of its own inteſtine Diſorders, the miſerable Scars of our Civil Wounds, and unnatural as well as unreaſonable Diſſentions, are but ſtill too viſible marks of our paſt folly and preſent weakneſs. To what degrees of Glory and Reputation in the World, the Engliſh Name and Nation might have been advanced, had thoſe Conquering Arms, that Valiant Blood, and thoſe Prodigious Treaſures, which were ſo prodigally expended in the late Rebellion, been employed for the Honour and Advantage of the Kingdom, it is almoſt impoſſible to make any near conjecture; but moſt aſſuredly Alexander and Caeſar rendered themſelves Maſters of the Greateſt Empires of the Earth, at a far leſs Expence of Blood and Treaſure. A Conſideration, capable of tranſporting Generous Spirits into an exceſs of Indignation, and the moſt juſt abhorrence of thoſe men and Principles, whoſe Turbulent and Ambitious Actions have robbed the Engliſh Nation at once of ſo much Glory abroad, Peace, Men and Money at home, as might have made the Britiſh Diadem ſhine among the moſt Illuſtrious of the Ʋniverſe. But what Patience is able to ſupport the aſſaults of thoſe afflicting Conſiderations, that whereas we might have rendered our ſelves the moſt potent, formidable, happy and flouriſhing People of the World, we have by our own madneſs and Civil Rage, not only leſſened our own Strength and Glory, but have at the ſame time and by the ſame ways advanced the Power, and dangerous Reputation of our Neighbours; who ſeem to owe whatever they poſſeſs that is Great or Formidable, more to our brutiſh and wretched Folly, to give it no worſe Character, then to their own Prudence, Conduct, or Extraordinary Policy; France and Holland, who can now upon occaſion cover the Narrow Seas with Hoſtile Sails, muſt have been ſtill contented, as formerly, to beg Permiſſion for a few Fiſhing Boats to ſpread their toiling Canvaſs upon the Engliſh Main, had the tenth part of the Money which was conſumed in Rebellion been employed to maintain the Royal Prerogative of our Princes, and the juſt Dominion which they have in Right of their Imperial Crown, over the four Seas.

It was a ſharp Obſervation which Mounſieur the Duc Rohan made concerning England, in his Book entituled Intereſt des Eſtates; Angleterre eſt un Grand Animal qui ne mourira jamais s'il neſe tue luy meſme. England is a great Animal which can never dye, unleſs ſhe Kill her ſelf. By-ſtanders it ſeems will ever ſee more then Gameſters, otherwiſe one would think it impoſſible that this French Duke ſhould ſee at ſo remote a diſtance, what ſome of our Dukes, Lords and Commons too, will not ſee, at the neareſt view, that if ever England periſh it muſt be by her own hands; but the truth is, they do ſee it too plainly, & have therefore entertained thoſe hopes to ſatisfie their own ambition by the common ruin; and how deeply this Nation therefore ſtands indebted to thoſe People who have taken ſuch Immortal pains to Ruin it by inteſtine Wars, and to weaken it by continual Diſorders and Commotions within it ſelf, I think to our ſhame as well as irreparable dammage, is obvious to all the neighbouring World.

We ſeem now to be upon the very turn of our Affairs, and there appears a promiſing Criſis, and favourable Proſpect of Recovery, and tho' it is at all times, yet more eſpecially in ſuch a conjuncture, certainly it is a Duty which every Engliſhman ows to God, his Prince and Country, to endeavour to promote the Peace and Happineſs, the Tranquility and Glory of his Native Soil; and he is unworthy to reap the advantages and priviledges, which the Subjects of this Kingdom Enjoy beyond any other in the World, under the moſt admirable Conſtitution of the Engliſh Laws and Monarchy, who ſhall refuſe or neglect at ſuch a time to lend his utmoſt aſſiſtance to ſupport, maintain and defend it, and to contribute what he can towards the Recovery of this Nation from its diſorders and diſtractions, to its priſtine State of Strength and Glory.

Now the certain method for the Recovery of that true condition of health in the Body Politique, ſeems to depend upon our right underſtanding of what it is that hath hurt us, and what will help us. The laſt of theſe neceſſarily depends upon the knowledge of the firſt: For if we once knew from what Cauſes all our former miſchiefs have taken their Original, the removing thoſe Cauſes, will certainly ceaſe the dangerous Effects, and afford us an Eaſie as well as an undoubted Cure.

Now there are two things upon which the rebellious Antimonarchical Faction of the Nation to whom we are owing for all our Miſeries, have ever laid the whole ſtreſs & weight of their wicked Deſigns, and from the good or ill ſucceſs of thoſe two great Engines, they have always ſtated the meaſures of their hopes. The firſt hath been to diſtreſs the Crown; the ſecond to diſtract and diſaffect the People. By the one they diveſt the King of thoſe neceſſary ſupports which ſhould enable him to keep up the Strength, Honor and Dignity of the Government: And by the other they diſrobe him of the hearts, and affections of the People; and theſe being the two Pillars of the Throne, the ſhaking and undermining of theſe, muſt needs make it totter, and be in danger of ſinking, both in its Intereſt abroad, and its Power and Reputation at home.

I do not now write a bare ſuppoſition, but plain matter of Fact both theſe particulars; and ſuch matter of Fact, as hath in a thouſand diſmal Inſtances produced in this Nation from theſe Cauſes the moſt deplorable Effects; Even the total Ruin of the whole Frame of the Government; the ſubverſion of the Monarchy; the overthrow of the Eſtabliſhed Religion; the intire loſs of our Magna Charta, Engliſh Laws and Liberties; the ſolemn Murther of a moſt Righteous, juſt, wiſe, and Excellent King; the ſlaughter of many thouſands of Loyal Subjects of all degrees; the baniſhment or impriſonment of others; the Sacrilegious Robbing and irreligious defacing of Churches, thoſe Monuments of Piety & Antiquity; the Confiſcations, plundering, Arbitrary Taxing, and Spoiling of the Free-born People of their Legal Property in their Goods and Eſtates, to ſuch degrees as ſurpaſſeth the skill of the ableſt Accomptants to make a true Eſtimate of; and were it poſſible to ſtate the accompt, and take a perfect audit of all the Expences in the late wicked Rebellion, the incredible Summs then profuſely waſted, would not only Exceed belief, but every thing, except the Crimes of thoſes men, who were the black contrivers of the occaſion of thoſe Expences, and that irreparable Damage of the Nation; and if, as 'tis uſually obſerved, the Engliſh Nation be ſuch lovers of their Money and their Liberty, one would think, they might here find ſufficient reaſon to deteſt and abhor theſe Factious men and Principles, who have once robbed them of both theſe, and have offered ſo fair to do it a ſecond time; & be ſo wiſe for the future as never to ſuffer themſelves to be impoſed upon, by ſuch notorious Impoſtors and Pretences; and that they may be enabled to do ſo, it is to be obſerved,

That in order to the accompliſhment of the firſt of theſe Deſigns, the Diſtreſſing of the Crown, the continual Addreſs and Labour of the Faction hath been employed in theſe two things; firſt to ſhorten the Prerogative, and clip the wings of it in all its ſeveral Branches; Secondly, Either to deny thoſe legal Aids of Money, by Subſidies and other wayes abſolutely neceſſary to ſupport the Charges of the Government; or to give them ſo ſparingly, as not to anſwer the unavoidable Expences of the Crown; and this too, out of pretended good Husbandry and Frugality for the Nation, and with perpetual quarrelling at the publique Miniſters, and Eternal Complaints of the miſ-mannagement of the Treaſure: when as in truth, the real deſign of this popular Parſimony, was to keep the Prince's Exchequer at low water mark; and to have opportunity to barter with him for ſome part of his Prerogative, and for every penny granted, ſtill to have ſome Jewel or other out of the Crown.

My narrow limits will not allow me to deſcend to particulars, but whoever doubts the truth of this, let them conſult our Hiſtories, and they will preſently receive ſatisfaction, that ſince the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, in whoſe latter years the Faction began to appear numerous & troubleſome, the Prerogative has conſtantly diminiſhed in proportion as the power and confidence of the turbulent Faction hath been augmented, inſomuch that that Queen in the 35th year of her Reign, Anno 1592. ſent Mr. Peter Wentworth an Sir Henry Bromely to the Tower, where Wentworth dyed, only for delivering a Petition to the Lord Keeper, deſiring the Lords to become Suppliants with them of the Lower Houſe, unto Her Majeſty for Entailing the Succeſſion of the Crown, for which purpoſe there was a Bill ready drawn, and Priviledge of Parliament did not then ſo much as once openly murmur againſt Prerogative; whereas, when King Charles the Firſt, upon an Impeachment of High Treaſon, came in perſon, and demanded Five Members of the Commons Houſe; the whole Nation was put into as great a flame, and combuſtion, with the Intrenching of Prerogative upon. Priviledge, as if the King had come with Fauxes dark Lanthorn, to give Fire to a Mine which ſhould have blown up that and all future Parliaments.

But though the Enemies of the Monarchy endeavoured to leſſen the Power of the Crown in this particular of Prerogative, yet this was nothing ſo dangerous as the withdrawing neceſſary Supplies of money: For Treaſure is the very Vital Spirit of the Government, and according to the proportion which it enjoyes of that active metal, the Pulſe of the Government will certainly beat either full and ſtrong, or weak and languiſhing. Sine vectigalibus nullum Imperium diu ſubſiſtere poteſt, ſaith the Politick Hiſtorian. And this the Bleſſed Son of God himſelf hath confirmed both by his Doctrine and Practice; for tho' his Kingdom was not of this World, yet he ſo well underſtood that the Government of the Kingdoms of this World were to be ſupported by Tributes, and was ſo ſenſible of the neceſſity of Government, for the common benefit of Mankind, and that this Common benefit ought to be ſupported at a Common charge, that for our Example, he would not Exempt himſelf from paying Tribute, but wrought a Miracle to furniſh his Quota of the Tax impoſed upon his Nation, that ſo he might contribute his proportion to the maintaining of the Government, and this tho' our Antimonarchical Demogogues know ſo well, yet notwithſtanding his poſitive Precept to render to Caeſar the things that are Caeſars, he muſt work a greater Miracle to perſuade them to comply with their Duty, and his Command; and if there were no better Chriſtians or Subjects then the men of the Faction, notwithſtanding this indiſpenſible Law and Precept, the more obedient Fiſhes muſt bring their Miraclous Tribute and Subſidies to the Exchequer, or elſe the Crown muſt ſtarve and Fall, or which is worſe fall into their uſurping hands.

My Lord Shaftsbury's infamous Speech to this purpoſe, is ſtill freſh in all mens memories, and indeed I think it was ſo good a peice of Service, in diſcovering the great Secret and the Deſign of the Faction, that it ought never to be forgotten; If you part with your Money, &c. the Nation is betrayed. From whence it is Evident, what ſtreſs his Lordſhip, who was then the Oraculous Mouth of the Faction, laid upon this matter of Supplies, and granting money to the King. For he and the next of his fellow Inſpirators, as is ſince diſcovered, and was then by all knowing and honeſt men juſtly ſuſpected, were then buſily complotting, with Security to themſelves how to overthrow this moſt admirable and ancient Monarchy; and this they took to be the moſt certain Expedient to effect it. It is probable that at that time he and his Aſſociates were not advanced to thoſe infatuated degrees and methods of deſperation and madneſs, to which the blaſting of their Hopes and Deſigns by the Breath of Heaven and its Miraculous Providences, did afterwards tranſport them; the Debate was, how to Eſcape the odious Character of Rebels, and yet decently to deſtroy the Government, by taking off the Wheels from the Chariot of State; and for this purpoſe nothing appears it ſeems ſo conducive as No Money.

Nor was his Lordſhip ſingular in his Judgment, the whole Body of the Faction in their ſmart Adreſſes to the Patriots of their Party, collected into a Vox Populi, or Vox Patriae, ſung the very ſame note, and were all ſet to the ſame Tune of Without ever a penny of Money; and at the ſame inſtant that they were ſo profuſe of their promiſes to their popular Tribunes, to aſſiſt and ſtand by them with their Lives and Fortunes, yet the ſting in the Tayl of the little Cockatrices vvas ſtill, Not to part with any Money, or at leaſt not vvithout good Security, the Mortgaging of the Crown Jewels to the Faction, the King if he would have any money, tho' they knew Tangier ready to be loſt, and made the Nation believe the French Philiſtims were upon them, yet muſt pawn the Militia, Forts, Magazines, Navy, for their Security, all which muſt be put into the hands of the principal men of the Faction, who were to be the Royal Pawn-Brokers, or elſe No Money: Nay this would not ſatisfie them neither, the King muſt alſo, by a Bill of Excluſion ſacrifice, not only, his only Brother, but the very ſucceſſion in a lineal and hereditary deſcent, and by conſequence the Monarchy it ſelf, otherwiſe, Not one peny of mony.

Nay ſo eagerly was the Faction ſet upon this, No Mony Expedient, and at this mark were all their hopes of ſucceſs in their wicked Deſigns ſo fixed; that they became reſolute not only, not to grant the King any ſupplies of mony except upon theſe terms, but leſt he ſhould be able to ſubſiſt for the preſent without it, and by advancing Mony upon the Reputation and Credit of his Eſtabliſhed Revenue, preſerve Tangier then in imminent danger of being loſt, and and ſupport the Government, the inraged Faction, that they might do their utmoſt to reduce the Crown to the laſt extremities raiſed thoſe tempeſtuous Votes of Jan. 7. 1680.

Reſolved, &c. That whoſoever ſhall hereafter lend or cauſe to be lent by way of advance, any Mony upon the Branches of the Kings Revenue ariſing by Cuſtoms, Exciſe, Hearth-mony, ſhall be adjudged to hinder the ſitting of Parliaments, and ſhall be reſponſible for the ſame in Parliament.

Reſolved, &c. That whoſoever ſhall accept, or buy any Tally of Anticipation upon any part of the Kings Revenue, or whoſoever ſhall pay ſuch Tally, hereafter to be ſtruck, ſhall be adjudged to hinder the ſitting of Parliaments, and ſhall be reſponſible therefore in Parliament.

It was then become a terrible thing to be Voted a hinderer of the ſitting of Parliaments, and to be reſponſible in Parliament; for the next Vote was to brand them for Favourers of Popery, and Enemies to the King and Kingdom, with which Characters they ſtigmatized the Lords Halifax, Clarendon, and Feverſham, and the now Earl of Rocheſter; for adhering to the King, and oppoſing the Faction, and doubtleſs could a Vote have made it Capital and high Treaſon for any perſon to lend mony by way of Anticipation, they would have proceeded to that too.

And the practice hath held an exact conformity to the Principle upon which it is grounded; for not one ſingle Farthing hath been granted to the Crown, ſince this Faction of Shaftsbury-Commonwealths-men have had any manner of power to hinder it. By all which it doth moſt evidently appear, that the ſubverting of the Government which was intended, was to have been effected, by bringing the Crown into the utmoſt neceſſity and diſtreſs, that the King might not have a penny to help himſelf withall, and conſequently be forced into thoſe compliances, deſtructive to the very Eſſence of the Monarchy.

But now, in regard it muſt appear, even to the moſt indifferent apprehenſions, moſt undutiful, unnatural and unreaſonable for the Repreſentatives of the People, to treat the Father of their Country, their natural liege Lord and Soveraign at this unkind rate; therefore the ſecond Engine of diſtracting the People, and alienating their Hearts and Affections from the King, is next to come in play, and to be advanced as the Reaſon of the former. It would appear barbarous, and lay the Deſign too open and bare faced, to deny ſupplies neceſſary for the ſupport of the Government, and to be able to give no Reaſon for it; and becauſe it is impoſſible there ſhould be any true Reaſon aſſigned, therefore that defect is to be ſupplied by ſuch Artificial Reaſons, as may recompence what they want of truth, by their being plauſible, fair and popular. For this is moſt certain, that there are ſome things which the Populace will always believe to be true, though they are never ſo falſe. And there are ſome things which the Popular Ringleaders of Faction, know to be moſt falſe, yet becauſe they are apt to be credited by the Jealous Multitude, they induſtriouſly endeavour to impoſe them upon them as the greateſt Truths. As for Example, the People are always eaſily perſuaded that they labour under real Grievances, though they be never ſo imaginary; and then again they are apt as readily to believe, that theſe pretended Popular Patriots, will, as they conſtantly pretend, really redreſs thoſe Imaginary Grievances. The Faction conſtantly accuſe the Government of Miſcarriages in the management of publick affairs, and though nothing be more falſe, yet the People will believe the accuſation. A more pregnant Inſtance of which cannot be given then in the Caſe of Ship-mony. This was repreſented as the moſt intolerable Grievance and illegal Impoſition upon the People, though all the Judges, except two, gave their Opinions for the legality of it. But ſo was the matter managed and improved by the popular Men of the Faction, that the whole Nation ſeemed to groan under the burthen as a moſt inſupportable Grievance; the great Sticklers Pym, Hambden, Strode, &c. ingratiate themſelves by oppoſing it, and inflame the People againſt the King and Government for impoſing it. The King upon their Remonſtrating and Importunities takes it quite away by Act of Parliament. But what was the event? Did theſe Patriots eaſe the People ever a whit the more? No ſuch matter; their Deſign was to leſſen the Crown not to Eaſe, the People. For did they not invite the Rebellious Scots to invade the Nation, which coſt the People above a Million of Mony? And after they had accompliſhed their own deſign in cutting of ſuch a limb of Prerogative, and by other ways ſo weakned the King, as that they durſt, venture to grapple with him in Rebellion in the open field, they thought no longer of Redreſſing the Grievances, or eaſing the People of illegal Impoſitions, but on the contrary, laid ſuch intolerable Impoſitions and Arbitrary Taxes upon the People, as had not the leaſt colour of legality to countenance and ſupport them; inſomuch that for 300000 l. per annum, which was the utmoſt that ever the Ship-mony was computed to amount to, they levied by Taxes, Exciſe, Publick Faith, Contributions, Sequeſtrations, Free quarter and plunder, a large ſum, above ſo many Millions in the year, and yet then the ſtupid People could not be perſuaded to believe, but that their Arbitrary Tyrants and Illegal Oppreſſors were their great Friends, and their lawful King, and his Ministers their greateſt Enemies; and though the Faction exerciſed actually that Arbitrary Power, which they only accuſed the King with deſigning, yet the beſotted People would ſtill believe them innocent and ſuſpect the King to be guilty.

There are two things, of which all mankind are naturally moſt infinitely tender, the Liberty of their Perſons, and the Property of their Eſtates; and a third which all men pretend to be wonderfully Zealous for, and that is their Religion; though of late we have ſeen, that they who have the leaſt ſhare of it and by their Actions the leaſt value for it, have made the moſt noiſe and clamour about the danger of loſing it; and in probability they did ſo too in former times; but theſe are three things, which the Faction have conſtantly endeavoured to poſſeſs the People with a belief, that they were in the utmoſt danger of loſing, and that this danger proceeded from the ill Deſigns which the Government had againſt them; and further, that if the worthy Patriots of the Faction had not oppoſed the Court, Popery and Arbitrary Power had long ſince robbed the Nation of whatever is moſt valuable in this world. And it is incredible, not only, what Art and Induſtry hath been uſed to infuſe this intoxicating Poiſon into the heads of the People, thereby to inſpire them with Fears, Jealouſies and hatred of the Government, and to countenance the denial of Supplies, which the People were made believe by the men of Shaftsbury, if granted, was but to contribute towards betraying their own Intereſt and Liberty, and to enable the King and Government to impoſe upon them and their Poſterity the Shackles and Manacles of future ſlavery; but is alſo moſt wonderful, what ſucceſs the ſtrong impreſſions of theſe Forgeries, Falſhoods and Calumnies have had amongſt the People. All the Tongues and the moſt virulent Pens of the Faction, have for this forty years and upwards been continually employed in creating and infuſing theſe Fears and Jealouſies into the heads of the People; and in improving them, to raiſe in the People a diſtruſt, diſlike and hatred againſt the King and Government. This was the very method by which the late wicked Rebels debauched the minds of the People, and withdrew them from their Affection, Loyalty, Duty and Allegiance to the King, and having once prevailed with them to cancel thoſe obligations, they bewitched them ſtill with new, or repeated Fears and Jealouſies, into a moſt execrable Rebellion, which was carried on by all the ſteps of Cruelty, Injuſtice and Tyranny, and conſummated in the utter overthrow of the Eſtabliſhed Government, the deſtruction of the Church, the ſubverſion of the Crown, and the moſt infamous and barbarous cutting off the Sacred Head that wore it.

And how far the modern Conſpirators proceeded, and advanced by the very ſame ſteps, towards the accompliſhment of the late damnable Conſpiracy there are as many Witneſſes, as Subjects in the Nation who have taken any notice of the actions of the Faction, which will therefore ſuperſede the trouble of recounting: Let it ſuffice to ſay in ſhort, that there hath nothing been left unſaid, unwritten, unprinted, or undone from the Right Honourable and Right Worſhipful, to the meaneſt Whifflers of the Faction, From the Lord Shaftsbury with his Speech of a Noble Peer, to pitiful Care, Curtis, Smith and Harris with their Pacquets, Appeals, Intelligences and Vox Populis, from the very Parliament Houſe, down to the Coffee-houſe, from the City to the Country, from the ſpawning and licentious Preſs, the Conventicle Pulpit, down even to the ſcolding blew Apron Rethorick, which might be any ways thought conducive towards incenſing the People of all Ranks and Degrees in the Nation againſt the King and the Government, and to puſh them headlong into a ſecond Rebellion: And when all theſe ways failed, the Ring-leaders of the Faction, driven on by the Fury of their ill Deſtiny, betook themſelves to the deſperate Refuge of raiſing Inſurrections, and that moſt Execrable deſign of Aſſaſſination of the King, the Duke, and all thoſe who had in any meaſure rendred themſelves conſpicuous for their Loyalty in oppoſing the Attempts of the Faction, and adhering to the Crown and Government in their diſtreſs.

By this time it is eaſie to ſee, what it is that hath hurt us, and it will then be no difficult matter to tell what it is that will help us; For if theſe unreaſonable. Fears and Jealouſies for our Liberty, Property and Religion, and the denying of neceſſary ſupplies of Mony to the Crown, have been the Occaſions of all thoſe Diſturbances and Dangers which have for theſe late years diſtracted this Nation; then by undeniable conſequence, the taking off thoſe Weights will immediately ſurceaſe thoſe violent motions, which have ſo diſordered our affairs, and reſtore Tranquility, Peace and Happineſs to the Nation.

All the difficulty reſts in perſuading the People to make uſe of theſe Expedients, for though they may be convinced of the neceſſity and uſefulneſs of the Medicine, yet it is not without difficulty that they are to be induced to take Phyſick. Eſpecially this opening of the Mony Vein, makes them ſhrink, as much as if they were to part with as many drops of blood, as they are to drop pence. I cannot tell what effect the Experiment will have, but I will endeavour to try if I can make it appear to be the true Intereſt of the Nation, firſt to damm the ſluice of theſe Fears and Jealouſies, and ſecondly to ſet open the Mony Gate, and let in a Freſh Spring into the Exchequer.

For the firſt of theſe, the exploding and for ever baniſhing thoſe deſtructive Jealouſies, and diſturbing Fears of the danger of Innovation in Religion, and ſetting up of Arbitrary Government in the State, I will not ſpin out a long and tedious diſcourſe upon any of the Common Topiques, made uſe of upon this ſubject, but I will tell the Reader a ſtory, which if well applied will give a Superſedeas to any other Arguments.

When at the beginning of the late Rebellion, there were ſome overtures of an accommodation to the King at Oxon; the City of London ſent a Petition by ſome of their Aldermen, who being admitted into the Preſence; Alderman Garret undertook to be then Speaker, and told the King, that his Majeſty had many times promiſed to ſecure their Religion, Laws and Liberties, and Sir, ſaid he, could we but be ſecure and aſſured that you would do ſo, we would ſoon make an end of the buſineſs. At this pretty confidence of the Aldermans, the whole Court had much to do to forbear laughing outright; but the King according to the accuſtomed goodneſs of his Nature, with a gracious ſmile only, made him this mild reply, Mr. Alderman, I know not how to make you confide in me, but you ſhall do well to believe thoſe that lie leaſt.

Now to apply this paſſage, I will beg the Readers Patience to enquire into theſe particulars, and to examine who have ſpoke the greateſt truth, the Kings in their repeated promiſes, to ſecure our Religion, Properties and Laws; or the Faction who have made ſuch extraordinary promiſes to the Nation in all theſe particulars; and have endeavoured by aſſuming to themſelves all the glory of ſecuring our Religion, Laws and Liberties, moſt invidiouſly to caſt an Odium upon the Crown, as intending to divert the People of them.

I do therefore in the firſt place peremptorily challenge the whole Faction to give one ſingle Inſtance, during the whole Reigns of King James, King Charles the Martyr, or his Illuſtrious Son our preſent Sovereign King Charles the Second, wherein any mans Property to particulars or that of the Engliſh Nation in general, hath been contrary to the known Laws of the Land invaded; or to ſhew wherein the Monarchical Conſtitution hath governed Arbitrarily: What life hath been taken away except in the juſt defenſive War againſt the Rebels, but according to the known Laws of the Land? Who hath been outlawed or baniſhed, diſſeized of his Freehold, impriſoned, or any other ways damnified by the Kings or their Miniſters, but per legale Judicium Parium, by the Common Law of England, and by the Verdict of their Peers? What mony hath been raiſed but by legal and Parliamentary ways? What Force of armed. Men hath been made uſe of to overawe the Nation, how much neceſſity ſoever there hath appeared of more then ordinary Force, both againſt Foreign dangers, and inteſtine Rebels? Certainly if there could have been found any Inſtances of this nature, we ſhould have had them ſoundly repeated in the Ears of the Nation, and every man of the Faction would have been a Trumpeter to proclaim them;. for it is a maxim with them never to conceal any Action that may redound to the diſparagement of the Government, and rather to create falſhoods, where they fall ſhort of truth.

And for want of particular Inſtances wherewith to charge the Government, and fortifie their Calumnies, the Faction have always been ſo well aware, that in all their Clamorous and moſt virulent Pamphlets, which have been ſtuffed out with ſo many bitter Invectives againſt the Government upon this Topique of Slavery and Arbitrary Power breaking in upon the Nation, they have either charged the Government with Deſign and Intention only, or elſe with Generals only; cunningly foreſeeing, that if they had deſcended to give particular Inſtances, they muſt have betrayed the weakneſs as well as falſeneſs of their accuſation, and have expoſed themſelves and Cauſe to the View of the whole World as guilty of Forgery and Impoſture: and the two moſt remarkable Pamphlets of this kind, intituled the firſt and ſecond Part of the Growth of Popery and Arbitrary Government; the one written by Marvel, ſometime one of Oliver Cromwell's Latin Secretaries; and die other, by that notorious Traitor Ferguſon, the Independent Tubſter, the moſt daring and malicious of any thing of that Nature; yet have ſtrictly obſerved this Rule, and have therefore indeavoured to impoſe upon the Credulous, or thoſe that were willing to be deceived, by charging the Government with Generals, and wreſting the moſt innocent Actions and Words of the King and his Miniſters, to make them depoſe ſome extorted Sence, tending towards introducing of Arbitrary Government in theſe Nations; but from the one End to the other, more cautiouſly then honeſtly, avoiding the giving any particular Inſtances wherein the King, or his Miniſters, have actually exceeded the Limits of the Laws: Which is a Demonſtration as clear as the Meridian Sun, that they durſt not adventure at what they knew there was no poſſibility of proving, and conſequently, that the Government is clear and innocent of what they accuſe it.

But now on the other hand, notwithſtanding all the horrible Outcries againſt the Government, and all the ſmooth Pretenſions which the Commonwealth Faction have made of ſecuring the Nation againſt Arbitrary Power and Slavery; there is not any one Branch of Liberty and Property which they have not violated; and wherein there may not be a thouſand diſmal Inſtances given of their Exerciſing the moſt illegal, tyrannical, and exquiſitely Arbitrary Power over the Lives, Liberties, and Eſtates, not only of ſome particular Perſons, their Enemies or Oppoſers, but of the whole Engliſh, Scottiſh, and Iriſh Nations: Volumes will not contain the Murders, Rapines, Oppreſſions, Sequeſtrations, Decimations, Impriſonments, and what ever can be thought of, that was Cruel, illegal, Unjuſt, or Arbitrary, which were exerciſed promiſcuouſly over their Friends and Enemies, by thoſe Perſons to whom the Gracious Act of Oblivion was granted at his Majeſty's happy Reſtauration. And who were theſe Arbitrary Tyrants, but thoſe who complained of the danger of that Bugbear from the Monarchy, who fought with the King to ſecure the Engliſh Liberties, as they pretended; and who ſo often promiſed the People to eaſe them of their Grievances, and defend their Liberties and Properties? but the Liberty ended in the moſt abſolute Slavery: Nay, I do poſitively averr, that the Slavery of the Engliſh Nation under this uſurping Republican Faction, was in ſome meaſure greater then that which is exerciſed by the Turkiſh Sultan; for where he Conquers, he leaves the Vanquiſhed at intire Liberty to keep their Religion: Whereas when theſe Engliſh Turks had gotten the Victory over the King and the Royal Party; though they tolerated all Sects, Hereſies, and Schiſmaticks, yet ſo far as they could, they made it Unlawful and Criminal for the Loyal Subjects, to Exerciſe, even that Proteſtant Religion, which by Laws unrepealed, and the moſt ſolemn Oaths, from which they could not be, by any Power whatever, diſpenſed with, they were bound to perform: So that they had no Choice left, but Perjury or Puniſhment. For during all the time of the late Uſurpation, the whole Body of the Clergy, many of thoſe who were the forwardeſt, even from the Pulpit to promote Rebellion, ſuch as Barges, Marſhal, Nye, Caſe, &c. were under the Obligation of their own voluntary Oaths of Supremacy and Canonical Obedience to their Ordinaries the Biſhops, and the King as ſupreme Head and Governour of the Church, and to his Majeſties Eccleſiaſtical Laws; and the whole Body of the Laiety of the Nation were obliged by the Act of 1. Eliz. for Uniformity and all thoſe other Statutes made during hers, and the Reign of King James for maintaining Epiſcopal Proteſtancy, both againſt Papiſts and Schiſmaticks, which then, and to this preſent Day, ſtand unrepealed: Inſomuch, that by obliging the whole Nation to take the Solemn League and Covenant, and thereby to Swear and Vow the utter Extirpation of Epiſcopacy, the Liturgy, and all the Ceremonies of Divine worſhip, which were eſtabliſhed by Law, and ſecured by moſt Sacred Oaths, they neceſſarily and unavoidably forced the People into a manifeſt and damnable Perjury on the one hand or the other: For if they took the Covenant, as they compelled all Men, ſo far as they were able, to do, all thoſe who indeavoured the Extirpation of Epiſcopacy and the Common Prayer, were guilty of the Breach of the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, and if they did not indeavour it, they were by their Covenant perjured and forſworn. So that here was Arbitrary Tyranny with a Vengeance, not only over the Lives, Liberties, and Eſtates; but over the Souls and Conſciences of the People of theſe three Nations in general; ſuch an Arbitrary Power as the Devil himſelf could not have exceeded, unleſs in that downright Traiterous and Damnable Engagement, which they afterwards impoſed, point blank contrary to the Oath of Allegiance, their Proteſtation, and the Covenant too, for maintaining the Priviledges of Parliament, by which they obliged the Takers, To be true to the Government, as it was then Eſtabliſhed without a King and Houſe of Lords.

And now for their great pretence of ſecuring the Nation againſt Popery; what Advantage could that be to the People, after they had done their uttermoſt Indeavours to Damn them Eternally, by an Univerſal Perjury? For my part I can ſee very little difference in the Caſe, whether a Man goes to the Devil for Perjury or Popery, and I believe ſuch of them as have tried, will find it comes all to a Reckoning. But after all the Noiſe, I do not find upon the matter that the Nation was ever a whit the more ſecured from Popery, but on the contrary, that Popiſh Principles every where gained ground upon the Nation, and that Prieſts and Jeſuits in the Dreſs of the ſeveral Sects were as buſie as ever, and that by the very force of the Argument of our Diviſions, and by the kind uſage of thoſe who were driven into Exile by theſe Proteſtants they made more Proſelytes in twenty Years, then they had done in a Hundred before. It was a very notable Obſervation of Dr. Laud, the ſuffering Archbiſhop of Canterbury, in his Speech upon the Scaffold in the Year 1644. I pray God, (ſaid that admirable Prelate, who as he there tells us, loſt his Head upon the Popular Clamour of Venient Romani,) this Clamor of Venient Romani, of which I have given no Cauſe, haſten not to bring them in; for the Pope never had ſuch a Harveſt in England ſince the Reformation, as he hath now upon the Sects and Diviſions that are among us.

And after all, what did it ſignifie to keep out one Great Pope, and let in a thouſand little ones? juſt as much as if Belzebub had been caſt out, and the whole Legion of leſſer Devils left behind in him that was poſſeſſed. For the plain Truth is, they kept out the Pope, but kept in Popery, the rankeſt and moſt miſchievous Doctrines and Practices of the worſt of Men of that Religion. What Mariana, Allen, Suarez, and other traiterous Jeſuits had writ concerning the Depoſing and Murdering of Princes, they Aced; and from theſe Authors, they borrowed Arguments to juſtifie their Rebellion and the blackeſt of Crimes. And whereas the Papacy was by ſo many Laws driven out of England for Errors in Doctrine, for Sedition, Rebellion, and Treaſon againſt the Monarchy and Government in Principles and Practices, there was not one Error or Hereſie in all the Romiſh Religion which was Treaſonable by the Laws, but what was put in practice by theſe Pope-Haters. And for the other Errors of a lower Form, what was wanting of Tranſubſtantiation, Purgatory, Maſſes, Prayers to the Saints, &c. was abundantly ſupplied by ten thouſand other Errors and Hereſies, which were held, maintained, and propagated by the ſeveral Sects which were tolerated by them, under the notion of Liberty for Tender Conſciences; and ſuch Errors as were deſtructive, not only of the Reformed, but of all manner of Chriſtian Religion. Such as denying the Articles of the Creed; the Divinity of Chriſt; the Validity and Infallibility of the Scriptures; the Obligation of the Moral Law; the Immortality of the Soul; the Reſurrection of the Body; the Lawfulneſs of an Oath; the Neceſſity of a Prieſthood, or Sacraments; the Doctrine of the Trinity, and innumerable others which were held and maintained by the ſeveral Schiſmaticks of the Nation, and preached to the deluded People for ſaving Truths, whereas they were indeed moſt damnable Hereſies. Thus did they ſecure the Nation from Popery, and kept out the Whore of Babylon, by letting in the Devil of Babel, and letting open a hundred Gates to Hell under pretence of ſtopping up one.

Let the beſt Manager of the Faction now ſhew us, where the Government hath ſince the firſt of Queen Eliz. made one ſingle ſtep towards a return to Rome, or to any other of thoſe damnable Errors and Hereſies, which are every whit as dangerous to the Peace and Quiet of the Nation, and to the well-being and happineſs of both the Souls, Bodies, and Societies of Mankind.

So that, now to come to my Story again; ſince it doth plainly appear in Fact, that the King and the Government have never deceived us in their Promiſes, to ſecure us againſt Popery and Arbitrary Power; and that on the other ſide, the Faction, notwithſtanding all their fair Pretences and repeated Covenants, Engagements, Vows, Protestations, and Promiſes, have broken with us in every one of theſe particulars, a thouſand, and a thouſand times over; we muſt be not only moſt ſtupidly beſotted, but infatuated and bewitched, if either we believe ſuch notorious Deceivers any longer, or if for the future we do not repoſe an abſolute and intire Confidence, in the Goodneſs, and Wiſdom, Juſtice, and Honour of the King and Government, when they give us ſuch repeated Aſſurances, and ſuch undeniable Demonſtration, that they will protect us in the Enjoyment of our Laws, Liberties, Properties, and Religion.

And if we could once get clear of ibis Rub, which the Faction have always thrown as a ſtumbling Block in the Peoples Way, we ſhould with leſs difficulty get over the ſecond. For if the Nation, as the wiſe Alderman ſaid, were but aſſured and ſecure, and that they may be as much as of any thing in this World, that under the Protection of the Government they ſhould enjoy their Laws, Liberty and Religion, they would then certainly, for their own Sakes, be not only willing, but forward to ſupply the Crown with Mony, not only in a bare proportion to the neceſſity of the Charges which conſtantly attend the Government, but alſo to provide ſuch certain Supports, as might ſecure the Crown againſt any incident and unforeſeen Accidents, and maintain the Honor and Dignity of it, ſo as to make it ſit eaſie upon the Royal Head.

All this is certainly the Duty as well as Intereſt of the People, his Majeſties loving Subjects of all degrees of this Nation; for it is the higheſt Reaſon and Juſtice in the World, that a common and univerſal Good and Benefit, ſhould be promoted and advanced at a common Charge: and if it be every Mans Duty and Intereſt, as undoubtedly it is, both by the Laws of God and Nature, to ſupport that Government under the Protection whereof he enjoys all: It is as certainly every Mans Duty to contribute ſuch a Proportion of his Eſtate, as may enable the Government to give him Protection. And we ſhould learn this Wiſdom from the Enemies of the Government, that if the moſt certain and expeditious way to ruine and deſtroy it, be to withdraw the neceſſary ſupplies; then on the contrary, the moſt certain way to preſerve it, is for the Nation generouſly, and in a due proportion to the Charges of the Government to ſupply the Crown and recruit the Exchequer. And ſince it is moſt evident that they were the mortal Enemies of the Kingdom, the Conſpirators in this late Helliſh Plot, who by their Councels and Indeavours hindred the granting of Supplies, it is to be hoped, that hereafter, no Perſons will oppoſe it, who have hot a mind to be eſteemed ſo too, and to be ſuſpected to be influenced by thoſe Perſons and Deſigns.

I know it will preſently be objected, that the Nation is poor, and the Countries unable to raiſe Mony.

To this, I ſhall, it may be, give a very uncommon Anſwer, when I reply, that one, and poſſibly one of the greateſt Reaſons and Occaſions of the Scarcity of Mony in the Country, is the not granting ſupplies of Mony to the Crown. And how much ſoever a Paradox this may at firſt view appear to be; it may be, upon ſecond thoughts, it may be found to be true; however, I will fairly leave it to the ſevere Conſideration of the moſt Judicious, and the ſtricteſt Examination of the moſt Scrupulous. If it be true, let it be allowed and cheriſhed, if it be falſe, let it be firſt refuted, and then rejected.

I firſt then take it for granted, that the preſent ſcarcity of Mony in the Country, does not ariſe from the real decreaſe of Coin in ſpecie: and on the contrary, that there never was greater plenty of Coin, it appears moſt evidently from the notable fall of Intereſt; for the Law allows the taking of Six per Cent. but four and a half, or five, is as much as is generally given, and it is incredible, upon good and ſound Security, what Sums may be had at four per Cent. and what Catching there is by the Scriveners, and Mony-Brokers at ſuch Cuſtomers, eſpecially now ſince the Bankers have declined in their Reputation. Now nothing in the world can be a greater Demonſtration of the Plenty of money, then this falling of Intereſt; and it is plain by many other Projects, as the Enſuring, Building, and the Lumbring Deſigns, that there is a vaſt Bank of Mony lies unemployed; and yet the Nation never had a greater Trade, to employ Mony, never more ſhipping, never more Merchants, as will eaſily appear by comparing the Cuſtom-Houſe Entries, both for Importation, and Exportation, with what they have been in former Years. And if any Perſon disbelieves the Truth of ſo well known matters of Fact, they muſt diſprove it, not only by ſaying Mony is ſcarce, but they muſt ſhew in Fact, by aſſigning how, where, and when, the Mony of the Nation is ſunk and drawn off in ſpecie, ſo as in that Senſe to make the Objection true, that the Nation is poor, i. e. that there is not actually ſo much Coin in England now this preſent Year 1683, as there was in 1653, when Mony, the Republicans ſay, was ſo plentiful, and every thing bore a Price. For though all the Coin in England were actually drawn into the City of London, and other trading, eſpecially Maritine Towns, ſo that a Man could not find a Croſs in the poor Countryman's Pocket to keep the Devil out, yet muſt not the Nation be therefore ſaid to be the poorer, ſo long as the ſame Treaſure is actually in it, tho drawn into fewer Hands, which I take to be our preſent Caſe; Nay, I am of Opinion, that the Act for free Mintage of Mony, which is ſo beneficial and tempting to the Merchant, has brought more Mony into England, then the Eaſt India Trade hath carried out, and yet I believe there goes more Water by that Mill, then the Miller knows of.

In the ſecond Place therefore, I take it for granted, that the want of due Circulation of the Mony that is in the Nation, is the true Reaſon of the preſent ſcarcity of Mony. There is more Mony in the Nation, then the Trade of the Nation can Employ, that is moſt apparent: the Surpluſage lies ſtill in private Banks unimployed, but ready upon Occaſion to be iſſued out upon Purchaſes, Mortgages, or any other way which ſhall offer a conſiderable Advantage to the Owners. The lying ſtill of this Mony, together with the conſtant drawing up of Money out of the Country to theſe little banks for the ſame purpoſes, ſtill drains the Country and keeps it bare. For in effect, there is little more Money circulates in the Inland Counties of England, than London and the other good Towns afford them for Proviſions for the Mouth. The reſt of the Inland Trade, is upon the matter but barter and exchange of Commodity for Commodity, each Country mutually ſupplying themſelves in what they want from the other, ſo that here is ſtill part of the Running Caſh of the Country marching up into theſe little Petty-bag Offices, but veſtigia pauca retrorſum, no circulation from thence again.

Thirdly therefore, I take it alſo for granted, that whatſoever will be found to give Money a greater circulation, will make it more plentifull in the Nation; and the more Money does circulate, the more it will: for the Countries are not wanting in Commodities, but there is a want of Money to advance the Rates of them; and therefore the more plentifull Money is, the better prices every thing gives; for all Markets riſe or fall in proportion to the number of Buyers, and Chapmen are few or many in proportion to the plenty of Money which they have, and by conſequence therefore, till more Money does circulate, the Countryman will find little of it, and but indifferent Markets for his Commodities; and till Markets are better, Rents are not like to riſe; nor theſe little Bankers bring out their Hoards, till Lands riſe, and that they ſee hopes of advantage by becoming Purchaſers.

In the laſt place, the other three being granted, viz, That there is as great a ſtock of Money in the Nation, as ever; That the want of circulation makes it ſcarce; and, That whatever will make more Money circulate, will make it more plentifull. I ſay, theſe being granted to be true in fact, as I cannot ſee any poſſibility of diſproving any one of them, the onely way to make more Money circulate, and by conſequence ſequence, to make it more plentifull, is by a liberal ſupply or the Occaſions and Expences of the Crown and Government.

This it may be at firſt view, eſpecially among the Republicans, who cannot indure to hear of parting with Money to the King, may look like a pretty Court-project and Paradox: but as I am no Courtier, nor have the remoteſt dependency upon it, ſo I doubt not but both by Reaſon and Experience, ſo to ſupport my Aſſertion, as to make it evident, that I am a true Countryman, not according to the Factious diſtinction of a Countryman, as oppoſite to a Courtier, but ſuch a Countryman, as would by ſupporting the Honour, Safety and Dignity of the Crown and Court, alſo advance and improve the Intereſt of the Country. For let the Commonwealthſmen ſay what they will, the Court and the Country are not two ſeparate Intereſts; and it will never be found that a Poor Exchequer made a Rich Country.

And therefore firſt in point of Reaſon. In fact this is moſt evident, that the more Money the King hath, the more Money circulates through the whole Nation; and that except as before, what London and the good Towns of England expend in Proviſion for the Mouth, the greateſt part of the Money that runs through the Kingdom, is what ariſes from the Branches of the King's Revenue; for the King's Money is really current Coin in all ſenſes, it does not ruſt in the Exchequer, it does not lie there for Purchaſes, Mortgages, or other Bargains and Trade, but does continually iſſue out again to defray die conſtant Charges and Expences of the Government, and is diſtributed into a multitude of Hands who have their dependence upon the Crown, and theſe again iſſue it out to ſupply their own Neceſſities to the trading part of the Kingdom, for the Native Commodities of the Nation; ſo that it runs in a continual circle. Now the Revenue manifeſtly falling ſhort of the Expences of the Government, inſomuch, that his Majeſty has not onely been forced to retrench his Houſhold Expences, which occaſioned a great conſumption of our Native Production, and by conſequence the circulation of ſo much Money into the Country, but hath notwithſtanding been involved in a very great Debt; the ſupplying the Crown with ſuch Aids, as may enable the King to ſet up his Royal Tables, and Diſcharge his Debts, and not be forced to involve himſelf in new ones, as it would be highly honourable for the King and Nation, ſo it would be no more in effect, but the Kingdoms giving their Money with one hand to receive it again with the other, and the putting off ſo much more Money to circulation throughout the Nation: And this again would likewiſe be abundantly recompenſed, both in our Foreign Traffick, and Domeſtick Trade, as I will indeavour to make appear in its due place.

But ſecondly, the truth of this is moſt evident as from Reaſon ſo from Experience, which in my opinion is an Argument of the greateſt force and ſtrength: for many times Reaſon may be ſo brought to oppoſe Reaſon, and the combat of Arguments may appear ſo equal, as to leave the: Judgment in ſuſpence to which Party it ſhould incline to yield the Laurel of Truth and Victory; but though one cannot poſſibly ſee into every minute Circumſtance and the little concatenations of Cauſes and Effects, eſpecially where the number of them renders it intricate, ſo as to be able to penetrate into the abſtruce and intangled reaſons of things, which like a ruffled skain of Silk may be difficult to be wound up to a bottom; yet if conſtant Experience ſhews, that thus it hath always been in ſuch and ſuch Caſes, then it is a very ſound Argument; that thus it will be again; and that certainly there is a true reaſon why it ſhould be ſo, though poſſibly it be too intricate to be drawn into a Demonſtration: though for my own particular, this point of the circulation of Money before diſcourſed of, ſeems ſo forcible, as to be undeniably the true foundation of the following Experience in matter of fact.

We will not travel out of our Kenn in this particular, though we might run as high as Queen Elizabeth's golden Reign, which we have been told was as plentifull in Money as it was in Glory; the true reaſon whereof was that She was never denied any Money by her Subjects for the ſupport of the Government; though ſometimes ſhe rejected the Money Bills when the Golden Hook went a fiſhing for Royal Prerogative. But to come nearer home, it is in the Mouths of the Countryman and Citizen, and hath been mainly improved and inſiſted upon by the Faction, to beget in them a good opinion of their Commonwealth Cauſe, and to put them out of conceit with Kingly Government, That Money was never more plentifull in this Nation, than during the times of the late Ʋſurpation. The Fact is plain, though the Reaſon is not ſo to the many; but this will unriddle the Matter. For it is evident that the Trade of the Nation was nothing ſo conſiderable then as now; and the loſſes at Sea were extraordinary, it being computed that the Nation loſt during the War with Spain above 300 Sail of Ships beſides their Goods. But the true reaſon was this, thoſe Ʋſurpers raiſed what Taxes they pleaſed upon the Nation, and conſtantly above double the King's preſent Revenue yearly, and many times treble; and there being a neceſſity for the defence of their Ʋſurpations to keep up great Fleets at Sea, and Forces at Land, the payment of theſe, and the charges they were at to keep themſelves in, and the King out of poſſeſſion of theſe Kingdoms, obliged them to iſſue out that Money which came in upon the Aſſeſſments, Exciſe, Cuſtoms, Crown and Church-lands, Sequeſtrations, and other Funds, for the defraying of their Charges; by which means, there was double and treble the quantity of the King's Revenue, which conſtantly circulated through the whole Nation, by reaſon whereof Money was made plentifull, and all Commodities bearing a conſiderable rate, Lands let at good prices, and thoſe heavy and illegal Taxes were the leſs felt. And ſure it is a very hard Caſe, that the Nation receiving a benefit by it too, they ſhould be unwilling to aſſiſt their Lawfull King, ſince they could ſo tamely ſubmit to do it to thoſe Ʋſurpers.

And to come a little nearer, let it be inſpected, and it will be found true, ſince his Majeſty's happy Return, that Money was never more plentifull, nor Lands let better, than when by reaſon of the free ſupplies which the Loyal Long-parliament gave him, the circulation of the Crown-revenue ran briskly through the Nation. And on the other hand, that Money hath never been ſo ſcarce within the memory of Man, as for theſe laſt ſix or ſeven years that the Conſpiratours of the Faction getting into the Houſe of Commons, ſtopped the Money-ſprings, according to the advice and project of the E. of Shaftsbury, the Engliſh Achitophel, whoſe deviliſh Counſel this was; and though not in it ſelf treaſonable, yet was by him, and his Traiterous Adherents, deſigned as one principal Way and Means, to enable them to accompliſh their Execrable Conſpiracy, ſo miraculouſly diſcovered, by diſabling the King and his Friends, and depriving the Government of the Power to oppoſe them in caſe they had proceeded to actual Hoſtilities and Inſurrections.

And now, according to my promiſe, I muſt anſwer the obvious Objection which the Gentlemen and People of better rank in the Nation will certainly make to this that hath been ſaid; they know their Rents are fallen, their Lands every day thrown into their hands, and that they are forced, for want of Tenants, to turn Farmers themſelves, and to ſtock and employ their own Eſtates. All this is moſt certainly true, and I know it experimentally my ſelf. Now will they ſay, This would be very hard upon us, to pay the ſame Rates and Taxes as formerly, when our Eſtates are leſſened a third part of their yearly value.

To this I anſwer. Firſt, that admitting what before hath been ſaid to be true, and till it is diſproved by ſtronger reaſon than that upon which it ſtands, it ought to be ſo eſteemed, I know no way to raiſe and increaſe their Rents in probability like this; for upon the circulation of more Money, it muſt certainly be more plentifull, and all thoſe little Hoarders and Bankers will be obliged to let ſome part of theirs circulate, who now keep it up, and Money becoming more plentifull, all Country Commodities will advance in their price; the riſing of Country Commodities will enable and encourage Tenants to hire Lands, and will advance their Rents: So that upon the matter, the Money granted to the Crown, is but the beſt way of putting out ſome part of a Man's Eſtate, for die improvement of the reſt; and like ſowing Sain-foin, or Clover, which from three or four Shillings per Acre, will raiſe the Land to double or treble the value: And if there were nothing elſe in it, the Experiment is not ſo chargeable, but that it is worth the Nations trying; and I dare preſume to ſay, there is ſcarcely that Gentleman of Eſtate in England, but would upon as ſlender Inducements, venture as great a proportion as his part of any Royal Aid yet granted has amounted to, for the improment of his Eſtate; And at the worſt, ſhould it not ſucceed, yet the Nation has but done their duty to the King and themſelves in ſupplying the Occaſions of the Government, by parting with ſome part of their Eſtates in order to the ſecuring the Remainder from Foreign Force, or Domeſtick Ʋſurpers, ſo that at moſt it is but ſo much Money to inſure the Kingdom from the devouring Flames of a Civil or Foreign War. But if it ſhould ſucceed, as I cannot ſee how it can doe otherwiſe, it muſt make the King the greateſt Prince, and the Nation the richeſt People in the World.

For, beſides the advantage and ſecurity we reap by inabling the Government to protect us in all our juſt and legal Rights at home, againſt the Machinations of Factious Traytours and Commonwealthſmen, this will give extraordinary encouragement and countenance to our Foreign Commerce, which is of mighty influence to the Inland Trade, by diſburthening the Nation of the ſurpluſage of its Native Commodities; for how deſirous ſoever any of our Covetous or Ambitious Neighbours may be to ſpoil our Markets, or rob us of our Trade, they will difficultly be perſuaded to break with us, or come to blows for it, when they ſhall ſee the Crown of England in capacity, by ſtrong and powerfull Fleets, to give Laws to the Ocean, and to redreſs the wrongs and injuries done or offered to our Merchants, though in the remoteſt corners of the Earth. Nay, it is more than poſſible, that the Strength, Riches and Reputation of England, may thereby come to be ſo advanced, as to render it the great Emporium and Exchange of the World.

But ſecondly, I anſwer, that for my own particular, I am for eaſing the Land as much as is poſſible, and think thoſe Impoſitions the beſt, which grow and ariſe upon ſuch things as are leaſt felt, ſuch as the duty upon Liquours, where the burthen is born by ſo many and in ſuch ſmall proportions, that it is ſcarcely felt by ſingle perſons. And poſſibly it would not hurt the Nation, by ſome Impoſition, to reſtrain the exceſſive luxuriance of buildings near the Cities of London and Weſtminſter, which certainly make the Nation weak and Riketty, and depopulate the Country; and by withdrawing ſo many hands from Husbandry and Manufactures, in the ſeveral Counties of England, make Tenants ſcarce and Rents fall.

But thirdly, I am clearly for ſetting the Saddle upon the right Horſe; and ſince the Diſſenters have occaſioned more than common neceſſity for the ſupporting the Crown, and ſecuring the Government againſt their Attempts, to oblige them to bear the greateſt part of that Charge. We have had many boaſts from them of late years, how conſiderable they are for number and wealth: now ſince they have by their repeated indeavours made it viſible, that they would miſimploy their Strength and Riches, to the ſubverſion of the preſent Government, there is all the reaſon in the world, and their own reaſon too, when they had the power, that they ſhould bear the Charges, which they have created; and that the honeſt and Loyal Party ſhould not be obliged to ſuffer in their Eſtates, to ſecure the King and Government againſt their diſturbances and wicked attempts.

But beſides, it is not onely reaſonable, and the practice of all Governments, but marvellous juſt too. They cannot complain of Adonibezeck's Law, eſpecially ſince the return will be but to pare their Nails, in requital of their cutting off the Thumbs, nay the Hands and Heads of the Royal Party. They have had their day, and took all, it is but juſt the Royaliſts ſhould have theirs too, and take ſome. The Riches they value themſelves ſo much upon, what are they, but the ſpoils of the late Rebellion, when they grew rich and great by oppreſſing, ſequeſtring, taxing and plundring the King, the Church, and the Loyal Party? For when they had the poor Royaliſts under their power, they made them defray the greateſt part of the Charges of the Nation out of their Eſtates; and ſurely they can have no reaſon to complain, if they receive ſome part of the meaſure, which they then called the higheſt Juſtice, and did ſo liberally diſpenſe to others. And truly it is but a Pig of their own Sow, the Child of their own Politicks; for if they can believe it ſo high a point of Reaſon of State, to keep the King from Money, that ſo he might not be able to traverſe their Deſigns, or hinder their Attempts; the ſame and far greater Reaſon of State lies againſt them, not to permit them to be Maſters of ſo much Money, as to be able therewith to hurt the King, or diſturb the Government. And truly it will be a great kindneſs to them to diſable them from doing miſchief; like the taking of a Sword out of a Madman's hand for fear he ſhould kill himſelf, or ſome other with it. and ſeeing they cannot make a better uſe of it, 'tis the beſt way of employing their Talent for them, to the publick good and ſafety of the Nation, and thereby prevent their running to the Gallows and the Devil too, and loſing all.

I know Mr. Trimmer will preſently be upon my bones, with the danger of exaſperating a Party ſo conſiderable as the Diſſenting Brotherhood would have us upon occaſion believe they are, though I fancy if every Conventicler in England were to be taxed three ſhillings to my one, they would all like the Scotch man cry, I'ſe eat Peark, and the Porridg too of Common Prayer, and dwindle into a very pitiful Muſter-Roll; but by Mr. Trimmer's favour, and for all his fear of running them upon Extremities, they are mightily out of love with Hemp and wry Faces; and I believe they are now already as mad as Malice and Deſpair can make them, but as curſt as they are, they know their Horns are as ſhort. And if they be ſo dangerous when they are angry, it is the more neceſſary, to abate their ſtrength; for my life for yours, Mr. Trimmer, if they want money, they will not want wit in their anger; and moſt certainly, they who are ſo apt to be angry, and whoſe anger is capable of tranſporting them to ſuch Extremities, as to flie in the face of the Government, ought like Maſtiffs and Bull Doggs, to be well muzzled, that they may not bite, though they bark never ſo fiercely. And if this be their Temper, that they have not duty enough for God and the King, to ſecure them againſt Rebellion, it is moſt ſure, that they will be no longer quiet or honeſt, than they are kept ſo by wanting opportunity and ſtrength to ſhew their anger, and flie to Extremities. Fear only reſtrains them, Love and tenderneſs never did, never will. And ſo long as they have Power they will be dangerous; let us take that from them, and then let Mr. Trimmer and his Exaſperado's do their worſt.

But let the wayes of raiſing be never ſo juſt and neceſſary, eaſie and advantageous for the ſupport, ſafety and Dignity of the Government, how we ſhall come by this Mony will be the next inquiry? Truly I know no other way but by a Loyal and brave Houſe of Commons. And for my own particular, I cannot ſee the leaſt Cloud to darken the Proſpect, but that whenever the King ſhall pleaſe to call a Parliament, the next Elections will generally fall upon ſuch Worthy and Loyal Gentlemen, as will effectually do the buſineſs of the King and the Nation. And the Faction have by their late actions, and the diſcovery of their Execrable Conſpiracy, laid themſelves and their wicked Intentions ſo open, and expoſed to the deteſtation of the whole World, that I cannot conceive in any future Parliament, there ſhould be found in any Gentleman ſo much wanting to his own Reputation, as to appear a Patron or Advocate for ſuch a ſort of People as ſtand convicted of ill Deſigns againſt the Government, as the Mony-oppoſers and Diſſenters do. And though poſſibly ſome few of the ſame Perſons with their Old Principles, may get again into the Commons Houſe, yet I am apt to think, they will be very cautious of their Words, ſince it may be the turn of the Loyal Party too to call to the Barr, and purge the Houſe of Aſſociators, Excluſioners, the Men of Shaftsbury, the Grey Coats and Monmouth Caps. It may happen, that the Votes and Voters of Eighty, may be as low in Reputation in the Opinion of the Houſe, and all honeſt and Loyal Men out of it, as thoſe of 40 and 41; and that ſome perſons who uſed to be liberal Speakers heretofore, may ſit there as if they were in the School of Pythagoras, with their Fingers, either in, or, upon their Mouths, a better way to deſerve the Title of the Wiſdom of the Nation, which they have ſo much affected, than by making ſuch Speeches as will not be heard with Patience, nor go off with Impunity.

And ſince before the Elections of the late Parliaments, the Faction uſed luſtily to beſtir themſelves to give aim, it is but one good turn for another, if we pay them in their own Coin. For their Liſt of Ʋnanimous Votes, which they impudently Printed, purpoſely to expoſe ſo many Worthy and Loyal Gentlemen to the contempt and hatred of the People; and to hinder them from being Elected into future Parliaments, it were eaſie to repay them with a Liſt of Nemine Contradicente's, That the King ſhould neither have Mony nor Credit to take up any upon the Reputation of his Revenue; It were eaſie to give a Catalogue of ſuch as were Zealous, by the Bill of Excluſion, to turn the Monarchy from an Hereditary and Lineal Deſcent, into an El ctive Parliamentary Title, and for backing this with an Aſſociation, to enable the Diſſenters to take up Arms under the pretence of ſecuring his Majeſties Perſon, to deſtroy both Him and the Government; according to the Printed Vote of Dec. 15. 1680. When it was Reſolved, &c. That a Bill be brought in for an Aſſociation of all his Majeſties By which was alwayes in the Cant of the Faction, underſtood Diſſenters. Proteſtant Subjects, for the ſafety of his Majeſties Perſon, the Defence of the Proteſtant Religion, the Preſervation of his Majeſties Proteſtant Subjects, againſt all That word is well expounded in the Trial of the Conſpirators. Invaſions and Oppoſitions Not excepting the King. whatſoever, and for preventing the Duke of York, or any Papiſt from ſucceeding to the Crown. It were eaſie to mark every individual perſon who was then buſie in promoting the Common-Wealth Deſign, ſome of which as Trenchard, Booth, Hambden and the late L. Ruſſel, are now ſufficiently detected, and ſome of them rewarded according to their Traiterous Practices. But their Names as well as Actions, are publick enough in the Printed Votes, and the Nation knows them to a man, and therefore, I need not waſte Paper to repeat them.

But in regard I think it is the Duty of every good Subject who loves the King, and wiſhes well to England, to contribute all that lies in his Power, that ſuch Gentlemen may be choſen, and ſent to repreſent them in the next Parliament, as may comport themſelves within the bounds of Duty and affectionate Loyalty to the King, ſuch as will purſue the true intereſt of the Kingdom, by ſecuring the Government and Peace of both Church and State, I cannot think it amiſs to offer ſome Qualifications, requiſite to recommend ſuch Perſons to the Conſiderations of the Freeholders and Freemen of England, as may ſpeak them fit for that great Truſt and Honour.

And therefore firſt negatively, No ſuch Perſons as have been either open or ſecret favourers of the Diſſenters, and courted by them. Such of all men are moſt unfit; for it is moſt certain that no good can be expected from them, who are imbarqued in an intereſt diametrically oppoſite to the Church and Crown, as all the Diſſenters in England notoriouſly are; and it is as certain, that the Diſſenters never beſtow their Regards but upon ſuch as favour them, nor ever indeavour to ſet up any perſon to be a Member of the Commons Houſe, but in expectancy, and upon aſſurance from them, that they will be ſerviceable to their Cauſe and Intereſt.

Secondly, No ſuch Perſons, nor their Deſcendants as have been actually ingaged in the late Rebellion, who were themſelves, or whoſe Anceſtors were poſſeſſed of any part of the Crown or Church Lands. For Principles and averſion do deſcend to Poſterity; and for thoſe who were actors in the War, and ſharers of the Booty, they are not to be truſted, unleſs they have given eminent teſtimonies of their Repentance; otherwiſe aſſuredly they retain the ſame Antimonarchical Principles, which overthrew the Government before; they cannot forget the ſweetneſs of that Arbitrary Power which they then exerciſed, when a Colonel or a Captain domineer'd over a whole Country; they look upon themſelves as injured in the loſs of thoſe fair Eſtates, of which in the times of Ʋſurpation they were the fooliſh purchaſers and unjuſt poſſeſſors, and upon all theſe accounts will not only do no good, but all the hurt they can, in hopes if the Government were but again overturned, they might come into their Eſtates and Power again.

Thirdly, No ſuch as have been buſie ſticklers, againſt granting Money, no Excluſioners, Aſſociators, ſpreaders of jealouſies of the Deſigns of the Government to introduce Popery, ſlavery, and ſuch abominable Calumnies againſt the King and his Miniſters; for all ſuch if they have not been actually ingaged, though it may be ſo ſecretly as to eſcape diſcovery, in the late Conſpiracy, yet gave countenance and encouragement to the Conſpirators, and though the ſecret was not plainly communicated to them, yet were ſuch as the Conſpirators aſſured themſelves, would certainly joyn them upon ſucceſs.

Fourthly, No ſuch as have been Zealous promoters of branding, or Tophamizing the beſt and moſt Loyal of his Maj ſties Subjects, as betrayers of the Nation, Enemies to the King and Kingdom, favourers of Popery; no ſuch as have been promoters of real Arbitrary impriſoning and puniſhing ſuch of his Majeſties good Subjects, as in their ſeveral ſtations only did their Duty and diſcharged their Conſciences in diſcountenancing tumultuary Petitioning, and in oppoſing the violent courſes and proceedings of the Faction. For ſuch Men are very unlikely to ſecure our Liberty and Property, who have been ſuch notorious invaders of them, and can never be true Friends to the Crown and Government, who have branded the moſt Loyal Subjects, with the infamous character of, Enemies to the King and Kingdom.

Fifthly, None of thoſe who have been for their being diſaffected, put out of the Commiſſion of the Peace, or Offices in the Militia, or diſcarded from places of Profit, Truſt and Honour in the Government, for they will think revenge better than Muſcadine and Eggs, and will ſtudy that more than to ſerve the Publick.

And for an even half dozen, none of that wretched Generation of Trimmers, thoſe Janus-faced Proteſtants, thoſe State Otters, neither Fiſh nor Fleſh nor good red Herring Stateſmen, for it is a clear Caſe, He that is not with us, is againſt us, and theſe pretended moderate Men, are immoderately falſe and rotten at Core, outſide Friends, inward and ſecret foes, and by far more dangerous than open Enemies: like Joab they kiſs and ſtabb; theſe, if they can do no more, will keep the head of the Faction above Water: and in ſhort they are too like the Devil to be truſted, for like a true Trimmer, where he can do no hurt as a Devil, he will do it as an Angel, but they are eaſily known, the one, as they ſay, by his cloven foot, and the other by his cloven tongue.

Put in the laſt place affirmatively, Such Gentlemen are fit for the Publick Honour to ſerve their King and Country as its Repreſentative in Parliament, who have either heretofore in the late Rebellion, or in theſe later times of diſorder, manifeſted their ſteady Loyalty to the King, and hearty affection to the Government eſtabliſhed in Church and State, whoſe Reputations are not blemiſhed by any ſuſpicion of confederacy, intimacy, kindneſs, or Correſpondency either with ſuch of the late Conſpirators as are convicted or fled from the Juſtice of the Laws; but who have given proofs of their fidelity to the Crown by oppoſing the Faction. For theſe are the Men of Honour and integrity, who equally deteſt Popery and Phanaticiſm, Pickering's ſcrewed Gun, and Rumbolds unſcrewed Blunderbuſſes; who will really indeavour to ſecure the Proteſtant Religion and the Monarchy againſt their Enemies on both hands. Theſe and only ſuch are the Men that are the true Patriots and Engliſhmen, that will truſt the King, and therefore are fit to be truſted by the Country, who will not only according to the Mode of the Faction, make a loud clamour and Bawling of the danger of the Proteſtant Religion and the Kings perſon, but apply ſuch effectual remedies, as may contribute to the real ſafety of both, who will not only ſcorn to be Penſioners to France, but will inable the King upon occaſion to oppoſe the too near greatneſs of that Ambitious Monarchy; and not like the Men of the Conſpiracy cry out againſt French Penſioners and French Councils, and yet themſelves do the buſineſs of the French, by tying the King of England's hands, and tying up the Purſe of England, whoſe weight is only able to ballance France; not amuſe and incenſe the People with diſmal ſtories of the danger of France, and at the ſame time by keeping up the diviſions of England augment thoſe dangers, and find the Government work enough to conſult and take care of its own ſecurity at home, ſo as neither to have Money nor leiſure enough to look after, or be able to prevent any dangers abroad: in a word the Nation muſt have a new houſe of Commons, if a new Parliament, and a new Parliament if they expect any good, and Peace of ſettlement either in Church and State at home, or ſecurity and Honour abroad, and therefore by clear conſequence either not the Old Members with the Old Principles, or the Old Principles with New Men.

It is very probable however, that the Diſſenting Faction will not abandon all their hopes, but being ſtill in many places animated by the Principal Men of their Party, and led by their ill Deſtiny to pull down vengeance upon their own heads, it is poſſible they will ſtruggle hard in ſome Elections to over vote the Loyaliſts, and obtrude the ſame, or Men of the ſame leaven upon the Nation. Now though I know nothing that obliges me to give them good advice, but pure Compaſſion, yet I would deſire them to look before they leap; and if they have not forfeited all their ſhare of Common diſcretion, to ſee where their Intereſt lies. Every man that hath but a grain of ſence, will conſult his own advantage, and before he adventures upon any thing the conſequences whereof may be very great, conſider ſeriouſly of the matter, and make a computation of what gain or loſs it may be to him; and truely if they do not now in this conjuncture, they will no longer be the ſober Party, but act like raſh, inconſiderable Bedlams, and men drunk with Rage and deſperation.

I would therefore as a true Friend, that would have them ſee the worſt of their Caſe, adviſe them firſt to look up and ſee what time of the day it is with them; for upon the matter they will find that the Sun of their Hopes is juſt upon ſetting in a black Cloud of Eternal Night. They will find, that they have nothing in the World left to expect, unleſs ſome Miracles, to which they may truſt their Expiring Cauſe. They will find that the Houſe of David is grown, and will grow overy day ſtronger, and their Houſe of Saul, forſaken of God, every moment weaker. They will find, that the Nation is thoroughly awakened with the danger of Blood and Confuſion, in which the Leaders of their Faction had deſigned to involve it. And what can they now poſſibly hope for by oppoſing the Government, and the Loyal Party of the Nation, by endeavouring to ſend diſaffected Repreſentatives to the Parliament? there is ſcarcely a bare poſſibility, conſidering how many will every where for very ſhame fall off from them, as well as others out of fear or honeſty, that they ſhould gain a Majority in the Commons Houſe: and if they fail in that, the diſturbance which they have made, and the endeavours to oppoſe the Loyal Party, will oblige them to inforce the Execution of the Penal Laws againſt them, and to provide greater ſeverities for the future. For if they ſhall now dare to ſtruggle with the Government, and make diſturbances, when they are under all the diſadvantages imaginable, it will ſhew that they are a People of ſuch deſperate as well as dangerous Principles, that there cannot be too great Caution uſed, nor too great care taken, by the utmoſt ſeverity of Laws, and the due Execution of them, to take away their ſtrength, ſuppreſs them, and hinder the growth and progreſs of ſuch Principles, and numbers of Men, as in time may be fatal to the Government.

And were it poſſible, which truly they muſt be of very ſanguine tempers that can hope it, that the Faction ſhould get ſuch another Houſe of Commons according to their wiſhes, yet what would they be the better for it, ſince there is no hopes of a Perpetual Seſſion? And becauſe they ſhall have an eaſie way how to compute what they may get for the future, I would deſire them to take Pen, Ink and Paper, and ſet down what they have got already by the former diſturbances of this nature which they have given the Nation. I am of opinion, when they have ſtated the matter, they may put all the gains in their Eyes, and whereas we commonly ſay, ſee ne'er the worſe, I fancy it will make them ſee much the better; ſee their folly and madneſs, and if they have any remainders of prudence or diſcretion, teach them to leave trading upon that New-found-land-bank of a Commonwealth, where they will catch nothing but, had I Fiſh, and Poor John. There was a time when they had ſome hopes, they can have none now; for moſt certainly the Nation will never be at reſt, till it hath by repeated trials and changes purged off this old Commonwealth Scurvy, and got a ſound new Repreſentative Body; and till it comes to that period, the Diſſenters, who are the onely hinderers and oppoſers of it, muſt expect to be treated by the Laws and Government, as the enemies of the peace and happineſs, the quiet and ſettlement of the Kingdom.

The Government may be very tender and unwilling to proceed to extremities of ſeverity; but when it ſhall appear that compaſſion to the Diſſenters and the Enemies of the Government, is cruelty to it ſelf and to all the Loyaliſts its true Friends, the Diſſenters have little reaſon to promiſe themſelves impunity, or that the Government will run the hazzard of diſobliging Friends, and turning them into Enemies, in hopes of making their Old Enemies, New Friends. And the Diſſenters cannot take any courſe more effectual, to convince the whole Nation of the neceſſity of ſuch ſevere procedures againſt them, than by making ſuch oppoſition to the peace and ſettlement of it, by ſending or indeavouring to ſend ill men to the Repreſentative Body: And they may aſſure themſelves, that particular notice will be taken in every place of all ſuch Diſſenters to a man as make it their buſineſs to ſet up, or vote for ill Men, and they will be ſure to be remembred upon occaſion.

Whereas would they be contented with the liberty and indulgence which the Laws allow them, which truly are very great, would they leave ſtickling, creating diſturbances, and exaſperating the Nation againſt them, they may reaſonably hope to enjoy the favours already allowed them, which otherwiſe they will alſo in the concluſion be ſure to loſe. But if they would hear reaſon, I would adviſe them to an intire ſubmiſſion to the Laws and Government in Church and State: this will be the beſt way of uniting Proteſtant Diſſenters, for them to unite with the Church of England, where they will infallibly learn two ſhort Leſſons, which will ſave their Purſes, their Perſons and their Souls, Truly to fear God, and honour the King. This is their indiſpenſible duty: This is their true intereſt: This would make them eaſie, the Government ſafe, and the Nation happy. And if they ſhall obſtinately perſiſt to oppoſe all theſe, they will declare themſelves open Enemies to God and the King, the Church and the Kingdom, and muſt expect as a reward of their Actions, not onely the hatred of the Nation, but the ſeverity of ſuch puniſhments in this World, as are juſtly allotted to the common Enemies of Mankind and humane Society, but alſo that dreadfull Damnation hereafter, which the great Apoſtle, as an Oracle of God hath intailed upon all ſuch as reſiſt the Higher Powers; whoſe command to the contrary is abſolute, is peremptory, is univerſal, Let every Soul be ſubject to the Higher Powers, and that for Conſcience ſake; for the Powers that be are ordained of God, ſo that they who reſiſt the Higher Powers, reſiſt God himſelf, and what the iſſue of ſuch a Combat will prove, I need not tell them, but heartily wiſh they may by repentance eſcape the dreadfull end of thoſe men, who for ſpeaking evil of Dignities and deſpiſing Dominions, muſt certainly periſh in the gainſaying of Corah, that Primitive Diſſenter.

I have but a few words more to add, and thoſe are to the Loyal Party, that they would not be leſs aſſiduous to ſupport the Government, than the Conſpiratours and Faction have been to ſubvert it: and ſince the happy turn of their Affairs doth in ſo great a meaſure depend upon the good conſtitution of their Repreſentatives, that therefore they will not be wanting to themſelves, either in diligence or caution, to elect and ſend ſuch Men to die Commons Houſe as may anſwer the juſt Ends of all good Parliaments; which have ever been called to conſult for the common good of the Kingdom, and to tender to the Royal Aſſent ſuch Bills to be paſſed into Laws, as might promote the Intereſt of the Kingdom, ſecure the Government, and ſupport the Crown, by granting ſuch aids of Money as may inable the King to protect his Subjects, make good his Alliances, aſſiſt his Friends and ſubdue his Enemies.

I have in all my obſervation, ever taken notice, that the Diſſenters have outdone the Loyaliſts in their diligence; they would go through fire and water to a publick Election, and at a Common Hall in London, or a County Court in the Country for Elections, the whole Party to a man be preſent. What will doe their buſineſs, will certainly doe ours; and I am confident, generally ſpeaking, it is impoſſible they ſhould overvote the Royal Party, if they could but be perſuaded with the ſame zeal to ſtand up for the true Intereſt of the Nation, as the other do for that of the Faction. But above all the Freeholders of England, the Clergy have the moſt reaſon, both by themſelves, and the united Intereſt of the Church Party, to promote good Elections; for they are not onely the particular Mark and Butt of the Factions hatred, but in the late indeavours and Bills for regulating Elections, the deſign was laid, to take away the Votes of all the leſſer Freeholders of England, eſpecially to deveſt the Clergy of their ancient Free Liberties in that particular: and if that Project had ſucceeded, they would have ſeen ſuch Perſons made Electours, and ſuch Elected, as would quickly have eaſed them of their Benefices as well as Voices; ſince they might almoſt with the ſame juſtice take away the one as the other. I know not by what artifices in many places ſeveral of the Clergy have been perſuaded to go along with the Faction, but I am aſſured, that either they did not underſtand their own Intereſt, or if they did, they had little regard either to that, or the Duty which they owe to God, the King, the Church, or to their Succeſſors, all which are obligations which do more ſtrongly bind them to be true and Loyal, than any other rank of men whatſoever.

The impending Rupture between the two Crowns of Spain and France, will neceſſarily draw in England, both upon the account of ſtipulation by Articles of Treaty, and by the true Intereſt of the Nation, which is to keep the Balance even, and to prevent France from growing too great a Neighbour by the acceſſion of the Netherlands, eſpecially by Conqueſt, to that Crown. And the King of England will ſtand in need of the aſſiſtence of his Loyal Subjects, to make him the more able to accommodate that matter, either as a Party, or a Mediatour, or both; ſo as that England may be thereby ſecured from the danger of France. This therefore, will be a Critical juncture, wherein the King will try who are really his Friends, and who will ſtand by him and the Intereſt of England, in ſending ſuch Gentlemen for their Repreſentatives to the Commons Houſe, as may aſſiſt him effectually, both with their Counſels, and, with Supplies ſufficient to go through with that Important Affair, to die preſent honour, and future ſecurity of the Engliſh Nation. For England may be aſſured, that what France gains in Flanders, England loſeth; and that the Maritim Provinces of the Ʋnion will not be long able to avoid ſubmitting to the Yoke, if once Flanders be loſt. And what would become of our Trade and Navigation, if that Crown, already very potent at Sea, were by ſo much Shipping, and ſo many able Seamen, inabled to contraſt with us the Sovereignty of the Ocean, which they now difficultly acknowledge, it is eaſie to foreſee. And moſt aſſuredly it is better and more eaſie to prevent ſo great a miſchief, than to diſintangle our ſelves after having fallen into it. And in ſhort, let England be aſſured, that if ſhe tamely ſuffer Flanders to be loſt, ſhe can expect no other favour from France, than what Ʋlyſſes was to have had from Polyphemus, to be the laſt of her Neighbours that is to be devoured.

To conclude, be it Peace, or, be it War, whether we expect to enjoy quiet at home, or honour abroad, ſecurity from Domeſtick or Foreign Dangers, encreaſe of Trade, or plenty of Money, and whatever can make this Nation happy and the Monarchy great, all will in a very large meaſure be found to depend upon what hath been ſaid in theſe few Sheets; which are therefore earneſtly recommended to the conſideration of all true Engliſhmen, of what Names of Perſuaſions ſoever, in hopes, that they will all unanimouſly indeavour to promote the Glory of God, the Honour and Safety of the King, and the Intereſt of England, which is and ought to be not onely of theſe Papers, but of all Mens Actions and Indeavours, the Aim, the Scope,

THE END.