IT behoveth every man, who desires rightly, and in order, to institute his actions; first, to consider the end, or aime of such his enterprises.

2. They who are drawn to Court, prefix not to themselves the like end; for some are led thither by hope of gain, others by ambition, and hope of honour.

3. Some are drawn thither by a desire of commanding others; some also (as Seneca saith) by a desire of destroying, hurting, and procuring businesse to others. Few propose and intend the advantage and safety of the Prince.

4. The way of obtaining this (whatever their ends be) is common to all Courtiers (to wit) the favour of the Prince. In the prosecution hereof, every one sets his wits on worke, and is very industrious.

5. To get the Princes favour, its needfull that you be both known to him, and also approve your Manners and Actions, and by some laudable way please him.

6. There are some, the Splendor of whose Family and Authority by reason of their office (whether more ample or mean; whether purchased by Money or discended by Inheritance) hath fortified their admittance to the Prince. These are exempted from labouring addresses; and are, as it were, in the mid-way to further promotion.

7. They to whom these things are wanting in the beginning are put to more labour. But when once they come to be known to the Prince so that he judge them fit for his service, are often mounted above others, because they being raised from a lower place (at least from a meaner fortune) become more subject, and more addicted to the will of the Prince; whom they more submissively reverence and esteem, as the sole Author of their Dignity and Promotion.

8. The meanes and way of Nobles (so born) is very different and hath much disparity. The Dignity of their Office or Family puts a kind of necessity on them to maintain their own honour, and sometimes to preferr their own opinion before the Prince's; who is also oft-times more difficult to promote them, out of a kind of Emulation or feare, lest their Authority should insult against the Author thereof, which to represse would be hazardous to himself and his dominion. On the contrary, the suppression of one raised from basenesse is more p • oclive; so that if the Prince turn his back on him, or suffer him to be at the will of great Ones (who for the most part have an evill eye on such) he soon failes. I speak of Princes discreet aud prudent, and who know how to limit and circumscribe the power of those whom they love and advance, not conferring on One the whole stresse of Command, but even holding under the very Peers; yet this course hath not been expedient to some Princes.

TO be made known and be approved to the Prince the wayes are divers also, according to the diversity both of the Suitors at Court, and of the Times. There are some which render themselves known by some action (notably either usefull or glorious) or else by their (more then vulgar) vertue and honesty. To some, another mans recommendation hath opened the way to the Prince, and this way is more usuall then the rest.

2. Princes act in place so eminent above others, and they are hedged about with such a numerous troop of Noble and deserving Courtiers that a Novice or new commer can scarce presse through such a thicket of obstacles unlesse there be some which may lead him by the hand and even force his entrance through them, or else that he himself can (by some unusual action) draw the eyes of all men and consequently of the Prince towards him.

3. Memorable is the fact of a certain Architect whom some call D • mocrates, others Stacicrates who desiring to be known to Alexander the great, when all the great Ones refused to bring him to the King, consults and resolves with himself to offer himself to the Kings view, naked, and not annointed with oyl, his head invironed with a Crown of Popler; a Lyons skin cast over his right shoulder, and holding in his right hand a wharle-Bat or clubb. And forthwith in this Attire he approaches the presence of Alexander sitting on the Tribunal: the novelty hereof drew the eyes of all, and of Alexander also, so that he commanded him to be brought unto him. And although the King he approved not the Project, yet he ordered he should be inrolled, and took him as one of his Family at Court.

4. We have brought this Example not to perswade any man that by such a Nugament or trifle he may insinuate into the Princes favour, but to shew that such (who are at a distance) unlesse they be assisted by some flourishing in Authority, are not fit to break through such a troop of men who compasse the Prince about, unlesse by some notable exploit or unusual accident they seem to merit; and, as the Poet saith, To be pointed at with the finger; and that it be said of him, (That's the man • )

1. AN unadvanced Courtier, and he who desires both to be known to, and beloved of his Prince, ought to consider both • he manners and conditions of the Prince, and those his familiars in whom he most confideth; of great Ones also, and of all those, who either are able to assist him, or, on the contrary, (being snatcht from the Prince, either by the emulation, fear, envy, hatred, or endeavour, of himself or those about him) are able to prejudice him. First, it is necessary, that he have a clear insight into the in linations and customs of the Prince, which do commonly follow the temperature of his body; for although this may be concealed by cautelous and wary Princes, yet it can hardly be▪ but that at last it will break forth, and shew it self; since all their actions are so exposed to the eyes of all men, that it cannot be, but some will take notice which way they tend. They are also sometimes so sharply stimulated and enraged, by the weightinesse of negotiations, that forgetting to dissemble, they betray their ingenies and naturall dispositions: Even Tiberius, although the most crafty Artificer of dissimulation, could not so well bear up the scene of his contracted brow, but that time, by little and little, brought all his Arts to light.

2. But since the propensions and inclinations of all men, but chiefly of Princes, are divers, and almost infinite, yet may they be brought to two heads; one whereof containeth such, as respect their Greatnesse; the other, their Pleasures.

3. Greatnesse consisteth either in fame or wealth, or in the obsequiousnesse of their Subjects, or, lastly, in the strength, puissance, and faithfulnesse of Armies. In these, as the Prince fareth well, and need requireth, a man ought to accommodate his endeavours; which whosoever doth wittily, (provided he be neither suspected nor hated upon any other account) shall doubtlesse be mostly accepted with his Prince.

4. The same is to be conceived and judged, concerning the • itious pleasures and affections of Princes: If he be of a diffident and timorous Genius, you may conceive, that a bold Accuser & Delator, and one who careth not much for the envy of great ones, and is • rompt and ready to execute his Prince's commands, shall find acceptance with him; such a one Tacitus describeth Sejanus to be, He had a body, (saith he in the fourth of his Annalls) able for labour, a bold mind, shie and wary of himself, to others a discoverer of crimes, closely flattering and proud, openly composed and modest, inwardly gripeing and covetous.

5. If the Prince delight in drinking, he will delight in those thereunto addicted; for which cause, Tiberius loved Pomponius, and Lucius Piso; whereof Suetonius writing of Tiberius, in his chap. 24. saith thus, Afterwards the Prince, (to the corrupting of publick manners) spent two whole nights and daies, in continuall eating and drinking, with Pomponius. Flaccus, and Piso; on the one of which, he conferred the Province of Syria; on the other, the Presidentship of the City of Rome; and in books professed them, omnium horarum amicos, his jolly friends and company at all hours.

6. The same Tiberius, (as Suetonius reports) preferred a most ignorant and simple fellow, that sought onely for a Questorship, and Tax-gatherer, before his Nobles, for drinking at a Banquet, himself taking off his whole glasses.

7. Society in lust endeared Tigellinus to Nero, as Tacitus, Annal 14. hath it: Tigellinus, saith he, became more strong in the Princes mind, being associated with him in his most intimate and close pleasures. So Petronius the Arbitrator, and Judge of Elegancy, (they are the same Historians words, Annal. 16.) being taken in among those few familiars to Nero, he thought nothing pleasant and delicate, in his affluence and plenty, but what Petronius had given his approbation of. After the same example, Commodus and Heliogabalus, preferred to all the dignities of the Empire, men most like themselves in licentiousnesse.

8. Mutianus was not so well beloved of Vespasian, for his faithfull duty and actions, as for that he was most fit (before others) to satisfie his avaritious desires.

9. Such covetousnesse endeared a certain youth to Isaacius Angelus, (who held the Empire after the death of Theodorus) whom he made President of his Exchequer, (although he could hardly write) upon hopes to participate of the large Bribes, which he there might have opportunity to take, from such as had occasion to make use of him in that employment.

10. Manuel Comnenus, an Emperour also, seeking for a sharp Exactor, and crafty Artificer, in gathering of Tribute and Customes, and one that might largely supply his prodigality with mony, chose John Pucius, a fellow rude, and morose, and testy, hard to be accosted and spoken to, of intolerable asperity and sharpnesse; and, in a word, Procuratorem vultu qui praeferat ipso, who carried a Procurer or Solicitor in his very face. And not content herewith, or as if that were not enough, put him in such high Authority, that he not onely trampled upon all others in dignity, but would abrogate and disannul the Decrees and Edicts of the Prince, and Ordinances of the Senate, upon pretext of his houshold affairs, shaving and poleing the most necessary advantages, (such as was the custody of the Gallies) the chief strength and benefit of the Empire.

1. NOw that they who desire to find acceptance with a Prince, ought to serve him in his affections, is a thing not onely very well known, but also experienced, by the daily use of Courtiers.

2. An honest man will admire this, and suppose, that by this rule, he is intercluded and shut out, from any entrance into Court, whereby he is bidden to follow the inclinations of the Prince, since they are oft-times devious and exorbitant, from the path of reason and honesty.

3. I confesse, for him that would live a life altogether innocent, and remote from the custom of those, who are addicted to evill Arts, and their own Genius, I esteem it better, that he abstain from Court, because sometimes men are there corrupted, though formerly most innocent and faultlesse.

4. Of such corruptions, let us see an example or two. Festinus, the familiar of Maximinus, in the time of Valentinian the Emperour, had govern'd Asia with much renown, and fame of lenity and modesty, being a sharp reprehender of the violences and cruell facts of Maximinus, and of the calumnies, by which he (for his own advantage) had circumvented many.

5. But observing, that by such doings, his Companion was made President of the Pretorian Bands, (which Dignity was second to the Emperorship onely) he changed his course of life, and imitating Maximinus, did many things cruelly and unjustly.

6. John Pucius, (mentioned a little before) administred in the affairs and treasure of Manuel the Emperour, with great integrity, whereby it came to passe, that the haughtinesse and inhuman actings of the Emperour, became more tolerable to mens minds: At length, applying his mind (as Nicetas testifieth) to the getting of wealth, fell short of none of the like Office, in covetousnesse; and became also a president to his friends to do the like, many of whom being corrupted by his example, followed his steps: Others, although better, and such as could not be corrupted themselves, yet suffered others to be tainted, for fear of imminent banishment, to such as should dare to oppose themselves.

7. Aristides, just in name and deed, President to the Athenians, of their publick Exchequer, at first, of his own ingenuity, and also to discharge the office of an honest man, was carefull to hinder those, who were employed under him, from purloyning and robbing the Treasury. At length they accuse him of pilfering, and exclaim on him, as one of the most rapacious and ravenous thieves, that ever had been; and hardly could he escape condemnation. At length being quit, and his Office being prorogued and suspended, he was advised to imitate others, who were his predecessors; and to wink at the thefts and legerdemains of his Colleagues. So by and by he got the name and report of a good man, by the opinion and judgment of all.

8. Such courses are still taken in the Courts of most Princes, either from the malice of such, as are in chief authority, (and look upon honest men with disdain) or else by the imprudence and stupidity, of the Princes themselves.

9. Therefore to retain honesty in Court, is very difficult. Yet, if any one, by the exigency and necessity of his own fortune, or by the splendour and greatnesse of his birth and lineage, or dignity of Office, or by an impulsive desire to serve his Country and friends, or being called thither by the Prince, shall undergo this kind of life, he may persist therein, in my judgment, although a good man; at least, may live there a while; and as opportunity serves, and occasion offers it self, not onely be serviceable to himself, but others also.

10. I speak of the Courts of most harsh and cruell Princes; for to live in the Court of a wise Prince, and one who loves honest men, is far less difficult.

11. Honest men heretofore, undertook publick functions and employments, not altogether out of desire to advance the publick, but sometimes also, that they might anticipate and prevent the entrance of evill men into such employments. For the same causes may they also, and ought to seek accesse to Tyrants, and Princes given to volupty; that so, if not with open face, yet obliquely, and as much as in them lies, they may either impede and hinder pernicious counsells, by delaying things evilly consulted, objecting some difficulties to them; or casting in some more mild and plausible.

12. Burrhus and Seneca (considering those times) were accounted not onely good men, but good Courtiers, who being governours of Nero in his youthfull time, observed the ingenie and disposition of the Prince to be leight and slippery, and proclive to lust; lest he should break forth, to the debauching of any of the most illustrious women, granted him to love and court a free woman, whereby in time he restrained his fury, having taken for a cloak of such doings, Seneca Annaeus Serenus, who pretending love to her, openly bestowed those largesses, (the words are Tacitus his own, in the 13th. book of his Annalls) which the Prince secretly conferred on her. Thus a good man, not knowing how to hinder luxury, licentiousnesse, and perverse counsells, may at least divert them, and bend them to such a course, as from whence lesse hazard may ensue, both to the publick, and the Princes same and renown.

PErhaps some will say, It seldome chanceth that a Tyrant or dissolute Prince takes to him an honest man. Nor can I deny that it is very rare, but this also I affirme, that there are few Princes houses in which some good man (at least) may not be found drawn thither if not by a call from the Prince, yet by a desire of accommodating the good, and infringing the power of evill ones, and may keep his Station there by the aide and benevolence of the better sort, or the friendship of some great or noble One: observing first and keeping that wholesome temperament of Lepidus whom Tacitus in the fourth of his Annals propounds as an example of a good and wise Courtier, who neither by abrupt contuma • y hath irritated and provoked the Prince, nor by a deformed obsequiousnesse consented to all his lust.

2. The same Tacitus commendeth Labeo and Cap •• o; of whom speaking. That age, saith he, bare two Ornaments of peace at once: but Labeo being more famous for his incorrupt freedome and liberty; Capito for his readiness to serve those in Authority, were much approved, Annals 3.

3. It cannot be denied, but that a Courtiers life to an honest man is more beset with difficulties then to another man. But this labour wilbe made good by the greatnesse of the glory and pleasure of mind which he shall have. Moreover, if he act wisely, and accommodate himself to such things as hee sees cannot be changed, I dare be bold to say that he shalbe at length endeared even to the worst of Princes, more deere certainly then others in after times who seldome with due faithfulnesse transact the business of their Prince, at least not so exactly, but that every man may lawfully promise himselfe better service from a good man.

4. To this purpose was the Counsell of Salustius and Mecoenas whereby the one to Julius Caesar, the other to Augustus, commended the love and friendship of good men because their owne regard of estimation, and religious Conscience, is more prevalent with them to deterr them from dishonest things, then fear of punishment can do others; or their owne imbecillity, or want of strength, can restraine.

5. But, as is said, the growth and sproutings up of evill men is more plentifull in Courts, who chiefly do approve themselves to the Prince by two causes; first by Adulation and doing any exploit the Prince commandeth, and so much the more servile is he by how much the hope of profit allureth: moreover there is this, wherein Princes much please themselves, that they may have some in comparison of whom they (although evill themselves) may seeme to be good. Others also suppose their life more secure amongst such as are like themselves.

6. Dionysius the Tyrant being required to expell from Court a certaine fellow, who by his obscenities had incurred the odium of all men, answered that he must retaine him in the Court, lest himselfe should seem to be the worst there.

7. They who know themselves obnoxious to some vices have this way with them, that they cloake themselves with a shew of honesty, by comparing themselves with those who are worse. And it is the old Artifice of such as Rule, to choose an unlike and unequall successor, that so their own doings may appear better & more illustrious. Nor was Augustus other wise minded while he called Tiberius to his assistance seeing his Arrogancy and Cruelty, nor Tiberius when he delivered the Empire to Caligula: of which, Tacitus is the Author.

8. But first it is very necessary that an honest man be sober and sparing in speech: for Princes do seldome give freedome to such, nor was it successefull to Plato the liberty which he usurped towards Dionysius Syracusa: for therefore was he delivered to a certaine Marriner, and sold into the Isle of Creta, from whence being redeemed by certaine Philosophers, he was admonished either to abstaine from the Courts of Princes, or to speak pleasing things unto them.

9. With like counsell Aristotle instructed Calisthenes his kinsman, whom he was fitting and preparing to accompany Alexander that he should speake but seldome and pleasant things to him, upon whose word his life depended.

1. IT cannot otherwise be but Flattery must be used with such dispositioned Princes as have been spoken of, that so a man may oblige them. But this is not to be done after any manner of way; for, a too sordid and servile Adulation and flattery displeased even Tiberius; who was heard when he went out of the Court to speake in Greek to this effect (O men fitted for servitude). They are the words of Tacitus in the 3 of his Annals.

2. Flattery usurped and too often used becomes as hurtfull as when omitted and neglected. For it many times happens that he whom we manifestly flatter, suspects us of deceit and craftiness towards himselfe. It is the judgment of Aesohines and Plutarch, that flattery ought to have something of truth, and of the species and shaddow of liberty and freedome; that so we may perswade not onely the Prince, but others, that we speake cordially, and thereby conserve our Credit and Esteeme with them.

3. Croesus in the time of his reigne had throughly learned the Ingenies, and inclinations of kings, and what would please, or displease them: for when on a time Cambyses king of the Persians had enquired of those that stood about him, what they judged of him in Comparison of his father Cyrus, and all had consented that he was greater then Cyrus, because he had added Egyp • , with the Command of the Sea to his paternall kingdome: but when Croesus his turne came to speake, he adjudged him inferiour farre to Cyrus, because as then he had begotten none like to himselfe. This answer seemed to savour somewhat of freedome, and was therefore the more satisfactory to Cambyses his vanity then the rest.

4. Notable was the flattery of Valerius Messala reported by Tacitus in the first of his Annals, Messala Vale ius, saith he, added this that the Sacramentall Oath was yeerly to be renewed in Tiberius his name. And being asked of Tiberius whether or no he had uttered this Sentence of his own head answered that he spoke ir spontaneously and that in those things which concerned the publique, he could use no other Counsell then his owne without hazzard of offence, and so there remained nought but the species or shew of flattery.

5. Like to this is that which the same Tacitus reports of Ateius Capito in the third of his Annals. That Lucius Ennius a Roman Knight being accused of Treason in that he had coyned into money a Promiscuous Effigies of the Prince, Caesar quashes and countermands the accusation, Ateius Capito openly slights the business out of a kind of freedome (for neither ought the power of judging and determining be taken away from States-men and Counsellors neither ought such an evill Action to passe unpunished) was not much troubled thereat, lest he should thereby permit an injury to be done to the Common-wealth.

6. It were easie to bring other examples of this kind; but those that have been produced, may suffice to instruct such, on whom a necessity of Adulation and Flattery is imposed. And lest such mens flattery should be conjoyned with publique or private discommodity, it's sufficient that it be sometimes satisfie the vanity of the Prince.

HE that hath to do with such kind of Princes, ought to be skilful and expeditious in executing subitanious and haste-requiring Commands.

2. Sith that (as it oftentimes happens) we may be put to it, not to advise, but to find out a way to execute designes, if these seem to oppose both Reason and honesty, wayes are to be proposed as remote and at as much distance as is possible, & such as may be wound about with the shew of Facility, or Equity, or Security: moreover it must be offered to consideration, that suddain undertakings are discriminous, and full of difficulties.

3. Unlesse the Prince be hasty and impatient, I doubt not but he will follow that which he shall judge to be most facile and safe. But if (through impatience) he will not hear such counsels as tend to protraction, or stay; neverthelesse, such a kind of anxiety of prudence, or affection towards the Prince may excuse him that perswades; who had rather things were done slowly with security then prematurely and suddenly with destruction to their Master.

4. But if in such precipitate Course as the Prince shall choose, some difficulties shall occur, much more then will he perceive the prudence and discretion of him, that perswaded the contrary course. If he shall give ear to those, who propound slower waies; such interstice or pausing time, will administer many things, which may restrain the will and cupidity of the Prince; and himself may observe, that what he had design'd, could not have been done, or, at least, not without absurdity.

5. But oftentimes, that which the Prince propounds to himself, is brought to that passe, that even in its first rise, it may be acknowledged very difficult; but in its progresse, • lainly unatchievable, and not to be accomplished. You may not at all animate the Prince, to undertake such things; rather with venerable silence admit, that he observe his own mind, lest while you disswade, and difficulties arise, he seek an easier way to fulfill his desire, which otherwise (spending his force amongst those obstacles) would of its own accord vanish, and be asswaged.

6. Sometimes it so falls out, that the Prince demands the execution of some wicked things, from a good man; in which case, I suppose, no man can be so well fortified with restraining reason, but that he may be sometimes tainted with such defilements, especially if opportunity, and the reason of the thing, take away all place for excuse, or substituting another to the office and administration. This course therefore was made us: of by Burrhus, when Nero consulted the killing of his mother, where no other effect followed his dissembled silence, and the strait wherein he was, then; that a woman (though otherwise alwaies weak and impotent) should, after an injury, be more sharpened and imbittered.

7. For Burrhus and Seneca being sent for, stuck for some time both doubtfull and fearfull: Tacitus, in the 14th. of his Annals, saith, They were both a long time silent, lest being provoked, and put to it, they should disswade him. Afterwards Seneca (till this time more prompt and ready) looks upon Burrhus, as if the question should be put, whether or no the murther should be committed, and put in execution by the Souldiery. Burrhus answers, That the Pretorians were obliged to the House of the Caesars, and (being mindfull of Germanicus) durst not act any bloody thing against his progeny. Let Anicetus fulfill his engagement. Thus Burrhus freed both himself and his Souldiers, from executing a very great villany.

8. I confesse, thou canst not merit at the hands of such a one, whom thou employest and entanglest in such commissions. But as the case stands, I think it more conducible, and of greater avail, that such as are like Anicetus, should rather execute such things, then thou.

9. Most safe it is, to foresee in ones mind and thought, the desires of a Prince; and before they break out, or take too deep root, to grub them up, or prune them.

10. There are very many, who have experienced the great force and strength, of kind and flattering entreaties, and (as Parysatio called them) those silken words, which some use about such businesses as these. But such as desire to use this kind of remedy, need be in great authority with the Prince, and to have audience from him, as one speaking (which is very rare) not more from affection, then from reason. To conclude, in some one or other, this course may succeed, but not in all things nor cases.

11. Their way seems best to me, who by their genius, being facetious, and apt for witty conceits, and upon that account, in favour with the Prince, may represent to him the danger and turpitude, of such counsells, as the Prince is feared to encline to, by some opposite and pithy Narrative of Comedy, and such as may seem to aime at something else.

12. To this, as we have shewed, a great dexterity and readinesse of wit, and pleasantnesse of speech, is very requisite: And also he must take heed, lest the Prince smell out and perceive, that himself is the argument of such mimicall discourses, or comicall representations and shews: As Tiberius, of his fratricide, and killing of his brother, in a Tragedy, composed by Scau • us, which he named Atreus; and Domitian of his divorce, in that of Helvidius, concerning Paris and C • no, believed themselves to be • pbraided. To this it is also necessary, that this narration be fitly and trimly interwoven with other things, lesse squaring and agreeing with the Prince; and that which principally furthers the businesse, is, that it ought not to be inculcated, and repeated seriously; and yet, lest it should slip by his ear, it may be iterated by a casuall repetition. The pleasant conceitednesse of the Narrative, makes a deeper impression of those things which are spoken, and because they appear spoken, as not studied-for, but ex tempore, and according to a present occasion and subject, they will not offend the disdainfull ears of the Prince.

13. Other waies there are of this Moderation, whereby you neither foment and bring aid to the Prince's lusts, nor in vain wrestle with them, are fetcht from Occasion, and the very nick and junctures of times; and from Accidents, such as even the approach and suddain comming in of one of the Prince's Pages or Lacquies, may produce to you.

14. If the case wholly require, that you must oppugne some one of the Prince's affections, then ought you to assail and set upon another affection, equally valid and prevalent in him, and so cause a kind of reluctancy and wrastling in the Prince's mind. And first demonstrate, and carefully shew, that whatever we speak, proceeds from that veneration and duty, which we owe unto him. By this means, Mutianus held Domitian to his businesse, and kept him from acting that to Cerialio, which (prompted by what hope, I know not) he endeavoured to have effected.

THat these things may more prosperously be prosecuted and effected, it greatly conduceth to know the Princes temperature, which they for the most part have in common with others, this onely excepted, That whereas in other matters they are more powerfull, so are they more impotent and weak, in moderating their affections and inclinations; and these, for the most part, are more violent in them, then in others.

2. He in whom yellow Melancholy, (which in Greek is called Choller) is prevalent, will be prompt and ready for action, proud, subject to anger, a lover of humble and obsequious duties and services, heavily offended with such as are refractory, impatient in executing, precipitate and hasty in Counsells, a contemner of other mens judgments, if they discord with his own; cruell to such as injure him, but placable to such as are hurt, if they remember not again the injuries; hating such as are mindfull of an offence; a speedy and preventing revenger of such, whom he fears or doubts.

3. He who shall be a manuall servant to such a one, had need to have his eyes and Eares open, that he may readily understand and execute at the beck of his Command not objecting, nor protracting, least by his contradictions he move the opinion and Imagination of the Prince to Arrogancy, and seeme to him to think him selfe more wise then hee. Let him not be shie to submit to the meanest office, even to that which may seem below his owne fortune, let him bear injuries and not long remember them, and after an affront or rubb, be the more officious. Let him not shew or tell to any what admonitions and advisements he gives him, least he seem to upbraid him; hideing and covering over one office with another as one sayes, lest the raine beat thorough. When the Prince is angry, let him not come neere him, for then all things will offend him, and even such as are most deere to him, neither by word nor deed, can then curry favour with him: Familiarity with such a Genius is easily turned into Contempt, (which therefore is to be avoyded) although the Prince himselfe incline towards it. Let all things therefore be composed rather to Reverence and Modesty: for such are Lyons, sometimes kind, but in the end cruell and fierce to such, who are most known to them, even to their keepers.

4. Such as are of a sanguine complexion are mostly of a merry Genius, lovers of pleasures and witty conceits, avoyding the sad intricacyes, and contests in business, desirous of peace and quietness, committing the administration of affairs to others, and bearing nothing more temperately then complaints, Courteous and full of humanity, pleasant and amiable abstaining from injuries especially great ones, not more mindfull of things received then of things done, very desireous to please and accommodate others, and for the most part frank and bountifull.

5. They who are employed under such, may not in any wise neglect the duty of veneration, and must handle serious matters very sparingly. They who transact the weighty and difficult business of the Common-weale, ought not to approach his presence before they be called in, or be assured that he be not at his vacant disports and pleasures; otherwise they interrupt his chiefe delights, and cause him to blush by their sudden approach, and being taken at unawares feare a secret and tacite check or taunt from them. While Philip of Macedon was sporting, and in his pasta Tiempo one comes and tells him that Antipater was at the dore, whereupon he being disturbed, and not knowing how to obscure himselfe hid the dice in the bed, blushing to be seene by Antipater, when he was at his pastimes. Wherefore, as they who have the principall care of the Empire by the princes command, are supereminent to others in serious businesses; even so are they themselves outstript by others in their free and familiar accesse to the Prince, who avoydes and shunnes the more serious and grave, as discording with his owne Genius and naturall disposition.

6. They who have Jove for their propitious starr, and are capable both of serious matters, and of gameing and pastimes, are for the most part very acceptable to such Princes; so that they be cautious, that while they are absent from the Prince, their too much facility and courtlinesse diminish not their Authority with others. Without this observation (as the vulgar Proverb hath it) Familiaritas contemptum pariet Familiarity will breed contempt, Contempt will give Audacity and boldnesse to make complaints, as if you did them a kind of wrong and injury, which the Prince going about to take away as being an Enemy to mournfull and sad things, will endeavour to remove him whom he shall find most manifestly culpable.

7. The Prince who is of Melancholy complexion and disposition is slow in Counsells, pensive museing, diffident, suspicious, witty, and for the most part malizing, disposed to silence, uttering ambiguityes, and rather serving and traceing other mens senses and opinions, then discovering his owne; a dissembler, an enemy to merry conceits and familiarity, loving solitude, difficult of accesse, a friend to few and but a cold one, easily hateing, by reason of diffidence and distrust (which never leaves him) avaricious, and absurdly timorous, equally hating offences and offenders; implacably desirous of Revenge, and whom (though reconciled) you had need to feare.

8. With these kinds of dispositions a man must deale circumspectly and warily, & first he ought to be moderate in his speech, and as it were to advise upon every word, lest he speak any thing impertinent or offensive, and speak not unless compelled. In veneration and reverence let him be more then ordinary, abstaining from contradictions, demurring in counsells unless urged to speak, lest his black Melancholly being incensed turne into Choller, and that into hatred; chiefly, where you think the repulse will be facile and easie. In requesting be not unreasonable, for to be sent away empty from a Prince is oftimes dangerous, and a Melancholick and sad person is alwayes excessive and superfluous, and will deny that he thought he had offended him whom he so dismissed and account him an enemy; this feare will hardly be bought out by any Artifice whatsoever. Such will remember injuries a long time, and do measure other men by their owne Genius and disposition,

9. In briefe, This constitution is the sharpest of all, difficult, and most uneven and disordred by reason of the variety of things which the imagination representeth and offereth to it. By which their life is made the more laborious who have relation to such mens service.

10. The Phlegmatick participateth of the weight and slownesse of the Melancholick; but, as it is unlike in nature and inclination, so is it in malignity and diffidence. He hath his heart as it were environed with Cold, and from hence it is that he distrusts rather himselfe, then others, fearing to undertake great matters because he despaires of the successe, or is ignorant of the way and meanes how to carry them on. He is doubtfull in consults, fearefull in executing, of a stupid Genius, not sharp and harsh in hating, nor vehement and eager in loving.

11. For such, an active Minister, and one prompt, and ready in mind and hand, is very convenient for the Prince when he shall find one fit to execute and accomplish what he accoun • ed desperate, perceiving the imbecillity of his owne Genius: and he will love and admire such a one, and imbrace him as a necessary Creature, and such favour which is bound with an opinion of necessity, is for the most part durable, which such a man observing may so act, that he may effect those things which the Prince looks upon as hard and impossible, and bring them to a prosperous issue, and this shall he do (if possibly) himself; at least, let him not have an associate more prompt then himself, and also beware he be not long absent from Court, lest the chief of businesses be omitted by the Prince. For if any be found fitter for such imployment; you shall be lesse valued, or at least, lesse needfull; and so being once or twice passed over, and not imployed in such commissions, be at last neglected and not accounted of.

12. It is the old art of Courtiers not to choose associates, but such as they themselves doe very much excell in vertue and prudence, that the darknesse of others may be a foil to their splendor, and the Prince may not easily find one whom he may oppose and set against them, or prefer before them. Adde that these lesser ones, as oft as there is need, will easily be open to and ready to serve those to whom they either did, or may owe their fortune, although by base and corrupt wayes and arts. This cannot justly be expected from an equall, or from him who strives in his own strength.

13. These are the kinds of humane Inclinations to which Princes are no lesse obnoxious then Peasants; being propense and readily bent, sometimes to to this, sometimes to that course, according to the prepollency and force and prevalency of this, or the other Temper and constitution.

HAving considered what a waiting Courtier is to do, in respect of the Prince, let us come now to what he is to do, in respect of, and amongst those, who are his domestick servants, whose Office is continually, to be employed about the Prince's person, and therefore very usefull for such, as seek addresses to him, either by procuring them an extraordinary accesse, or by mentioning them to him, or informing them of occasions and opportunities, to dispatch their businesse. Princes for the most part, carry one kind of countenance in private, and another in publick; and do more freely disclose their minds to those their domesticks, whom they believe to be faithfull and trusty, supposing that their humility and low condition, is not capable of any endeavour, either traiterous or mischievous.

2. Who knowes not, that Claudius was subject to the commands of such, who had been bondmen? One whereof (Pallas by name) he had so enriched, that himself on a time, complaining to one of his wants, had this reply, That if he made sure to be adopted by Pallas, he should forthwith be rich. The same was the Author, that Claudius married Agrippina, after that, by the help of Narcissus (formerly also a bondman) he had slain his wife Messalina.

3. Who knowes not also, that while the Empire of Constantinople stood, the power thereof, was sometimes upheld by Eunuchs; and but for them, Arbetius the chief Commissioner of the Empire, had lost his life, when Verissimus accused him.

4. Bor • lus and Germanus, two kitchen-slaves, by the authority whereby they held Botoniates, one of the Emperours, altogether subject and obnoxious, rendred him strange and absurd to Isaacius, and Alexius Comnenus.

5. Put case, the Prince doth not communicate his counsells to them, yet are they more easily sifted out and accused by such. Nor can it be, that a Prince can alwaies keep on his vizard in private: Affections kept close and suppressed, break forth amongst the multitude, and become conspicuous to men, when privacy before hath given them liberty.

6. It is a thing altogether necessary in Court, for a Prince to esteem men of all kinds, even the vilest, usefull to him; and to believe certainly, that prudence and ingenuity encrease together with authority and fortune; which Arrianus, writing to Epictetus, shewes, by the example of Epaphroditus, and his two slaves, whereof, although one was Groom of the Stool to the Emperour, the other a wiper of shoes; yet afterwards Epaphroditus, who had lately sold them as unusefull creatures, not onely insinuated into their favours, but also commended their prudence and discretion.

7. Fortune scarce ever advanced any man to that height in Court, but that she procured him as many foes, as friends; and never brought any man so low, but that she could afterwards either hurt him further, or again in some kind or other do him good. Whereupon not in vain, is the observation of Tacitus, in the 6th. of his Annalls, That while Tiberius was Emperour, it was accounted a magnifick and stately thing, but onely to be acquainted with, and known to, the Porters of Sejanus.

8. It will be then the part of a wise and prudent man, to procure the friendship of the Prince's Familiars, whatsoever they be, by any such officious serviceablenesse, as reason and reputation will permit.

1. THere are others in Court, who (being set below the ranck of Nobles) are either our superiors equalls or inferiours. And these are of two sorts; some more apt and ready to benefit us, others to prejudice us. The Authority and power of both is diligently to be waighed and considered, as that, which may either promote, or impede, and hinder what we affect and sue for. Their friendships and affinities also are to be pondered, necessity of times requiring that we act with them, by their owne servants and followers rather then by our selves, using their Counters to reckon our Game by; at least, by them, deprecate and turne away envy from us.

2. But first we must take heed, that we do not then onely seek their friendship, when we just need it; we ought to have it already prepared, and knit fast by the pledges of ancient benevolence and good will.

3. There are three sorts of those who may hurt and hinder us; for they are either such as are enemies, or envious persons, or else Competitors and Emulators.

4. They who are enemies, hate us either for our own sakes, or for some of our friends sakes who have offended them; but this last odium and hatred is for the most part lesse sharp then the other, and may be allayed, and mitigated, by some good office, whereby we may witness that we love our friends; but cannot forthwith hate all their Enemies.

5. But for the most part the friendships of Courtiers are factious, and cruell; and they will wish and advise you to abjure all familiarities which themselves envy.

6. For this cause, some openly preferring the friendship of one party, have neverthelesse not failed to imbrace the other party secretly: not that so they might to betray their friend, but in in case he should faile, provide a refuge for him.

7. Such prudence is not only happily and successfully used in Court-contests, but also in Empires. Syenneses being Vice-roy of Tarcis when the warre began between Cyrus and Artaxerxes, fearing to oppugne and fight against Cyrus, imbraced his party, but sent his Son to Artaxerxes to be a refuge to his father, in case Cyrus were conquered.

8. Bardas Durus, having escaped from the imprisonment of the Saracens, seeing that Bardas Phocas was created Emperour against Basilius sought the amity of Phocas being as yet his enemy but sent his Son (feigning that he fled away against his will) to follow Basilius, and to intercede for his father in case Phocas were conquered: which also came to pass.

9. Solon when the Common-wealth discorded. ordained that none should be permitted Adiaphory or neutrality; nor do I think that 'twas his mind that friends imbracing contrary parties should not send and return a message to a private friend; but rather that he hoped, that friends following and pursuing divers ends, would then labour more greedily and happily for publique peace.

10. After the same manner in Courts, although you be of a contrary faction, yet may you keep friendship with one that is of another faction, both to the end you may have a receptacle in a changed fortune, and also that you may be the fitter to reconcile minds inclining to milder things. There is no safer nor honester means and way to ingratiate your self with either contending party, amongst those discords, and contentions that arise amongst great Ones.

1. Hitherto we have dispatched the chief precepts, which a politique man is to observe. If any remain, every ones prudence and dexterity may supply them. And although they serve not only to acquire and get, but also, to keep and maintain Courtly power; yet will it not be uselesse, to have in readinesse the examples of such who have fallen by their power and greatnesse; that we may be wise by others perils, and if we cannot shun ruine, at least we may learn to prepare our selves for it. For this last is not lesse necessary then the other. Sithence he who indeavoureth a flight, oftimes assayeth in vain; he who prepares for a fall (inevitable to most whom fortune mounteth on high) renders it the more gentle and supportable.

2. Such chances often happen, either by our own default, or by the Arts, and devices of envious Enemies or Competitors, or by the perversness of the Princes inclination, or finally, by his death.

3. Since all mens lives are prone to lapse and repleat with errors, chiefly theirs, who live loftily, and by reason of their Authority (by which they who are neer to them, are constrained to approve all their Actions, whether good or bad) are set without, and beyond the chance of the Dice, and danger of reprehension.

4. But above all others, that's the basest treason when men rise up against their Prince, the Author of their dignity and honour, a note and character of an ungratefull mind and unfaithfulnesse, a filthy crime, and the most just matter and subject of a Prince's Odium and indignation.

5. Let such men as are advanced to great dignity, fly the very shadow and appearance of this wickednesse: and for the end, let them not move the Prince to the least suspition, and let them decline those honours which may seem opportune, and seasonable, by evill endeavours.

6. Paterculus adjudged Sejanus the most prudent of Courtiers; and indeed he ought to have been so, who could flourish in favour under that same crafty, and distrustfull Tiberius.

7. In acting (saith he) he was like one asleep revengefull of nothing done to himself, and so obtaining all things, scruing himselfe into the esteem of others; calme and undisturbed in countenance and life, but restless in mind. And yet on this crafty and subtill peece had Ambition so got hold, that he aspired to the Empire. For that end first he desired intermarriage with Livia the widdow of Drusus, whereby being allyed to the house of the Casars, he might the more faciliate his desire. And although his request was suspected by Tiberius, as he might guesse by his tergiversation and refusall; he never yet changed his minde: but because this succeeded not, he attempted another way.

8. He well knew that the City disdained Tiberius, and therefore, while he was wavering, he eggeth him forward, and perswades him to betake himself to Caprcas his magnificent Tower neer Naples. Of this matter, Tacitus in the fourth of his Annals, saith thus. Least by driving away the troops which dayly came to his house, he should infringe his power, or by receiving them, give way to criminations, be bent this way, to force Tiberius to live in pleasant and delightfull places, far remote from Rome. He provided many things, he held addresses and accesses in his own hands; he intercepted Letters often which were conveyed to and fro by the Souldiers; when as Caesar growing into years, and lying quiet, and at ease in a secret place, would, he thought, ere long, transmit the charge of the Empire to him with more facility. Nor did his hope altogether her deceive him, for in short space, under the shew of helping Tiberius in his old age, he got▪ almost all the strength of the Empire into his owne hands.

9. Nevertheless, that this way which Sejanus tooke had more of hazard in it then expedition, the Sequel will declare: which more exactly to commemorate will be a worke well worthy our labour, to the end that both our Courtiers may be better cautionated, in ruling and governing their own fortunes; and Princes in promoting of others.

10. Sejanus was either more indeered unto, or more endured by Tiberius, when he found his help usefull in repressing Agrippina, and her sons Nero and Drusus. In which villany, Sejanus shewed himself very prompt and ready, knowing that thereby he should not only hoise up sayle, and have a speedy voyage to the Prince's favour, but also establish his hopes for future power and greatness, there being none remaining of Caesar's house but those two youths; whose tender Age, if they had accepted the chief Regiment and Government, had left to him the Authority and mannagement of affairs, till opportunity would serve him, to usurpe and possess the Supream style and Title.

11. But observe how precipitate and heady Ambition makes men! He sees not by that how much the neerer he was to the height, by so much the more was he suspected by the diffidency of the Prince; and that the course he takes would rather diminish him, then further his progresse. He hunts counter; for when nothing, save the name of Emperour (which yet many were ready to afford him) and the power of a Triune, (which title being the top and Pinacle of Honour and dignity, the Emperours did challenge as due soly to themselves) was wanting to him; not content therewith, he strives to exaggerate and heape up his power, to a greater bulke and breadth; And by this (as he renders himself venerable to all, so) he brought himself under suspect with Tiberius.

12. He therefore, when he perceived that not only the Praetorian bands, but many of the Senators and Principall Families, (partly by benefits and hope, and partly by fear) were addicted and devoted to Sejanus; and that his own secrets were carried, and disclosed by his own domesticks to Sejanus, and the like not done to him of the matters of Sejanus; by and by, plotted and contrived his ruine and destruction, as of an Emulator, and one contending to outvie him. But before he would set upon any action, thought fit to try how some stood affected towards him, that so he might distinguish from the rest, who would approve his designe and advise him in it.

13. And lest Sejanus should smell out Caesars intention, he makes him a Consul, and in his presence, and also by Letters to the Statesmen and people, styles him his friend in Labours; at length feigneth himself sick, that so he might sound the affection of Sejanns, and others towards him.

14. Sometimes he writes to the Senate more cheerfully of his health, and that he would come shortly into the City. Sometimes commends and applaudes Sejanus; another while depresseth him▪ receiving some upon his recommendation; spurning at others, that so he might keep him ambiguous, and doubtfull betwixt hope and fear.

15. Who, (whether yet imboldned by favour, or out of fear) determines to act nothing forcibly, lest he should hazard all his hopes, hoping that his petty trespasses against the Prince (if any were) would in time be raced and blotted out of memory. Some, mean while hitherto following rather Sejanus his fortune then himself, seeing the mutability of Tiberius, begin to act more cautiously the affection of others towards him by little and little, withers and growes •• ale.

16. Tiberius, having a good while since taken a clear prospect of the proud and lofty mind of Sejanus; and also mistrusting, lest his designe, being stirred up by contempt, should be frustrated, by running the hazard of fortune and chance, commanded, it should be noised abroad, that he intended to deliver over the Tribunician power and authority to Sejanus. A little while after, by Letters to the Senate, which were carried by Macro, (who was Provost of the Pretorian Bands) he commands him to be committed to prison. Macro having entred the City, before day, acquainted first Memmius Regulus, then a Consul, (for the other Consul was more inclined to Sejanus) with the Prince's mandat, which afterwards he shewes to Grecinus Laco, then Captain of the Watch. From thence going towards the Senate-house, he accidentally accosteth Sejanus, who being troubled in his thoughts, enquires whether he had any Letters for him from Tiberius: He whispereth him in the ear, that by and by he must be saluted a Tribune; who being tickled with secret joy, enters the Court. Macro dismisses the Pretorian Attendants, shews by Letters, that it is the Emperours pleasure it should be so, and that thereby they are promised a donative. Macro having ordained Laco's Band to the Pretorian Attendants, who were now dismissed, entring the Senate-house, offers the Letters; and anon, (not expecting the reading of them) charges Laco diligently to watch, lest Sejanus breaking out of the Court, should raise a tumult, himself going to the Pretorian Attendants, and prohibites them from attempting any thing.

17. The Letters which were then read being somewhat large, afforded Macro time enough, to provide necessaries, and were wonderfully interlaced and contrived. In the beginning, not a word of Sejanus, but of other matters; by and by hee's nipt, but very lightly; after this, (some other things being interwoven) followes a high accusation; and yet but perfunctorily and sleightly touched. At length, (after many digressions about the publick affairs) two of Sejanus his familiars are nominated, whom the Senate are commanded to animadvert and consider, with this addition, that he himself should be apprehended; no mention was made of any course to be taken for his death, that so, hopes might be left to the accused, to purge him of the crimes, which were therefore objected but as leight matters.

18. The Letters being read, many of those who had brought him into the Senate-house, (when they perceived the businesse to be far otherwise, then that Sejanus should receive the power of a Tribune) began to rise up, and encompassed Sejanus, lest he should slink away, which was thought he would have done, if the beginning of the Letters had thundred more sharply against him. But contemning those petty and sleight nips and twinges, he stirrs not from his place; and being called upon twice or thrice by Memmi • s the Consul, he scarcely submitted; so insolent and haughty was he grown.

19. When he was risen up, Laco first followes him; afterwards Regulus, accompanied with other of the Senators, brought him out of the Court into the Prison, where afterwards he was condemned by the Senate, ad scalas Gemonias, which was a place appointed, from whence condemned men were thrown down.

20. Behold here the end and destruction of a Courtier, who had scarce his peer within the memory of man, for craftinesse and power; whose structure and building, although as to the whole, and continuance of it, seems to be due to Tiberius, yet may rather be ascribed to the destiny of such power, as commonly, by reason of its own heap and bignesse, falls so much the lower, by how much the higher and loftier it thrusts up it self; according to that saying, Tolluntur in altum & lapsu gravioreruant.

21. This may be learnt from the example of Perennius, whom (striving to get up to this height by Seianus his Arts and devices) Commod • s, although farre inferiour to Tiberius in ingenuity and witt, subverted and overthrew.

22. Perhaps these relations may not move many men, because they seeme to themselves to bee wiser then others, and to know some things which was unknown to those whose chances are here related; And truly, there have been some in these latter Ages, to whom this businesse hath succeeded not altogether so unhappily, such as Boyla was, (of whom we may reade in the History of Constantinople) who being found to have conspired against Constantine, Monomachus the Emperour, suffered not such exquisite, and heavy punishment as others in like cases had done, because he fell into the hands of a mild and placable Prince.

23. But we are willing here briefly to recite that story, from which may be understood, That Counsells even the most secret, and such as to humane eyes are not passable, oftimes by divine Providence, and even by unhoped for meanes are detected and discovered, and cannot avoid their punishment, although handled with never so much craftinesse and subtilty.

24. No mortall could have beleeved, that this Boyla had had, either aptitude and fitnes, or subsequent cause for such a villany. The greatnesse of the benefits wherewith hee had adorned and beautified him, had wrought an opinion in the Prince of his fidelity, for otherwise he seemed simple to any great matters; for he was not only borne in a low and meane place, but also was of such a buffling, sumbling, and cumbred speech, that he could scarce be understood, and when he perceived that it delighted the Emperor, he afterwards industriously affected it.

25. By this assentation and soothing, he so far insinuated into the Prince's familiarity, that he had admittance even to the privy, and bed-chamber of Constantine. At length, being enriched by the Prince, and elected into the number of the Senators, he began to shute out his hopes to a higher flight, and went so far, that he thought, by the ruine and destruction of the Prince, he might find a way to the Scepter it self. He first opens himself to those, whom he knew were offended with the Prince, and promiseth largely to those, who approve and associate their aids, commending the refusers for their good-will to their Prince, and made shew, as if he were but an explorator, and private spy, to try their faithfulness and loyalty.

26. While these things were in agitation, he shunned the conscience of all men, save those whom he feared not; and had done the bloody act, had he not been discovered by one of his own comerades and counsellors, and by his art deprehended, having the very weapon in his hand, which he had sharpned to kill the Prince withall. The Emperour bore the injury so mildly, that he accounted it enough, that some of the conspirators were put to death; but the Ring-leader and Captain he onely banished.

27. It would be too tedious, to bring in here all those, who in Courts have been shipwrackt; such, I say, as by such offences have merited punishment; and which have hepned, not onely to the manifest authors of such wickednesse, but even to such, as have been suspected of the thoughts thereof. But we'l content our selves, with producing these, and onely add this, That all Pride, whether it offend the Prince by ambition, or boasting, upbraiding, malediction, or revileing; by splendour, or too great a retinue, is the high road to destruction and ruine.

BOasting and upbraiding of Offices, in the Court of Alexander the Great, lost Philotas and Clytus; Craterus also, was almost blown up with the same winds. Certes, he had longer stood affected with the Prince, had he contained himself within the bounds of noble and generous modesty.

2. Thus Caius Sylius with Tiberius: Antonius the first, with Vespasian; Syllas with King Agrippa, publishing aforehand their offices and employments, deprived themselves of all the fruit and benefit of them; concerning the first of whom, Tacitus, in the 4th. of his Annalls; and Josephus in his 4th. History, touching the last, are to be inspected and looked into.

3. Princes believe, that their fortune is destroyed, by such kind of boastings; which fortune they will have seem to be due to themselves, not to the merits or vertue of their subjects.

4. A lust and desire of reprehending the actions of Princes, and a freedom of inveighing against others before the Prince, is to be avoided, as the neighbour to arrogancy. Eumenes, petulantly and saucily, complaining before Alexander of Hephestion, that he assigned to Stage-players, and such kind of fellowes, the Souldiers quarters, incurred the displeasure of the King.

5. To be too familiarly busie about the Prince, or to boast ones self, the sole Arbitrator and Commissioner of principall charges, savoureth, if not of pride, yet certainly vanity; and covetousnesse sometimes crouds it self in with it. Many examples of such are extant every where, in Histories. How immodestly did Zotirus demean and carry himself, under Heliogbalus? how did Turinus under Alexander, the son of Mammea? One whereof was by the Emperour's command suffocated with smoak, using a more uncouth and harsh fortune then the former, it seeming just, ut, qui fumum vendiderat, fumo puniretur, That he who had vended and sold smoak, should perish by smoak. The other was wont to boast, that the Prince was ruled by his advice, and also made advantage, by selling favours, when the courtesie was no way advantagious to the purchaser.

6. Worthy in the first place to be remembered, is the arrogancy of Plancianus, which also was accompanied with vanity, and at length broke out into treachery: He was of that arrogancy, that he durst oppose himself against Bassianus, the Emperours son, the author of his dignity and fortune: Moreover also, so vain, that passing through the City, he would not onely preclude others from addresses to him, but almost from having a view of him; and had some to go before him, to turn those whom they met, out of his way. At length proved traitor to his Prince; and being found guilty of manifest conspiracy, lost his head for his pains.

7. Philip the fair reigning in France, Enguerrandus Marigny, presuming to confront Carolus Valesius, how miserably he perished, together with others, is observed out of the French Histories.

8. Before all things also in Courts, we ought to beware, that we lend not our help to the sowing of discord amongst Princes; for they being reconciled to each other, do mostly sacrifice such persons to their friendship. Which thing is made good, both by many examples, in the Histories of all Nations, and also by that memorable example of Otho Crondorferus, which the History of Bavaria supplies us withal. He was in flourishing favour with Radulphus the Palatine, and was the author of the enmities between him and his mother: At length, the mother ingratiates her self with her son; but Crondorferus was rewarded, with the losse and deprivation, both of his tongue and eyes.

1. WE ought not therefore to crosse or resist Princes themselves onely, but even not such as are in favour with them, and are more prevalent then ourselves.

2. This Counsell Germanicus when he dyed gave to Agrippina; whereof Tacitus speakes in the 2. of his Annals, thus: Then turning to his wife (sayeth he) he intreateth her by the memory of himselfe, and the Children they had between them, that she should put off cruelty and fierceness, and submit her mind to rigorous fortune; least returning back to the City, she should stirre up, and provoke, such as were more powerfull then herselfe, through emulation. This precept being sleighted by Agrippina, ruined both her, and her children. We spake a little before, of that which was the diminution and shortning of Eumenes his favour with Alexander, that behaving himselfe too irreverently and unseemly in the Prince's presence, when he came to complain of Hephaestion, he even wove himselfe, (through the Complaint) into the web of Envy.

3. Therefore, when we see any one flourish by the grace and favour of the Prince; we ought carefully to waigh our Authority, if we have any, in the ballance with theirs, and try whose is most ponderous. And in the Examen and tryall thereof, not to attend so much to the externall species and shadow; but to the importance and wa • ght of interiour and inward causes.

4. Craterus and Hephaestion seemed once to be both in great and equall favour with Alexander, till Alexander himself made the difference; when he calls the one, Amicum Regis, the friend of the King; the other Amicum Alexandri the friend of Alexander; for upon this speech, Craterus could make this observation and judgment, That Princes being commonly more addicted to their pleasure, then their owne dignity and honour, do hold, and account them most deere unto them, who do love and embrace Alexanders, that is themselves; then those who do court, and admire the fortune of Kings. And although there arose a dissention afterwards between him and Hephaestion, whereby the whole Court was divided into parties; Alexander shewed himselfe addicted and tied to neither party, but chid both; and threatned to punish them, if hereafter they put him to the like trouble. In this kind of decision which Alexander here useth, he manifested, not so much his equall and indifferent affection towards them both; as a singular and most especial kind of prudence in Princes, very much to be imitated. This discord and difference, he sees, may produce many troubles; neither was he ignorant that Craterus his wonderfull Authority, with the Macedonians; and his owne favour towards Hephaestion was envyed, and bred displeasure against himselfe: he therefore blames Hephaestion for his envy, • n p • blique; and chides Craterus p • ivately, lest the Macedonians should be offended.

5. Amongst those, who in the examination of Princely benevolence and favour, have either been more neglective, or being devoid of reason have been more unexperienced and unskilfull, Antonius Primus deserves to be listed, who (presumeing to contend with Mutianus) learnt at length, That it was more destructive to him that he had disdained Mutianus, then if he had despised Vespasian.

6. Now, that Princes do more sharply revenge an injury done to their Ministers, then to themselves, is a thing attested by Examples almost in all Courts, the cause whereof Dio sifted out; after he had declared the same to have happened in the case of Sejanus.

7. Even as they, (saith he) whom virtue and their known merits, have dignified and exalred, do not very much stand upon, and esteem or heed the vanities of their honours, and the outward marks and expressions of worship and reverence: So on the contrary, they, who by Ambition endeavour to raise themselves from the ground and dust, and to cover their domestick and covetous briberies, do take it very hainously, and interpret it presently a contempt, if you neglect the least matter or punctillio of homage, or good turne towards them. So much the more difficult is it therefore, to conserve and hold fast the benevolence of such, then of the Prince himselfe. For he counts it his glory to pardon an injury, but they, (that they may not seeme to remit, what they cannot vindicate) not onely straine their power in persecuting their enemies, but ostentate and boast of such their doings.

1. BEsides this, most doubtfull of all, is the fortune of those, who being driven thereto, either by avarice, or ambition, or by desire to prop up their own security, conspire with a Prince's Enemies, either extraneous and forraigne, or domestique.

2. Cardinal Balaeus, the Son of a Botcher, being made Treasurer by Lewis the 11. was also from that preferred to a Bishoprick, from thence by the intercession of the King, and the accord of the Pope (who indeavoured to confer a Benefite on him whom he had hitherto experienced to be his adversary) attained to Cardinal Dignity. But afterwards being found to have conspired with the Kings foes, was imprisoned by the space of 12 years, from whence at length the prayers and intercession of Pope Sixtus the 4th only, freed him.

3. For the like crime, Cardinall Pratenfis in the Reign of Francis the first, underwent the like punishment, who perhaps had never been released from Prison, but that afterwards drinking his own Urine, he deceived the Physitians by dissembling the Strangury. For the King fearing the Popes anger, if the Cardinall by that Malady should have been consumed, set him at Liberty.

4. Peter de Vineis being a privy Counsellor to the Emperour Frederick the second; and being suspect of conspiracy with Pope Alexander the third being the Emperours Enemy, lost his eyes by it.

5. Not only the Counsels of Stilico (the Father in Law of Honorius the Emperour) to enjoy the Orientall Empire, but his occult and secret commerce with Alaricus King of the Goths, are beleived to have procured and caused his death; which thing that Ignominious peace and League which he entred into with Alaricus, although the Senate withstood and did oppugne it, doth confirme. Lampadius, who also himself cryed out against it, calls it not a Peace, but a Paction of Servitude, by which the Emperour was constrained to become tributary to the Barbarians.

WE have seen how by his own default, a Courtier may fall into the displeasure of a Prince. We will now shew the means, by which his foes, such as are envious, or emulous, may depresse and abase him: For, they may endeavour to remove him from Court, upon some pretext not dishonourable; or may render him suspected or hated to the Prince; or lastly, in a publick and open manner, constrain the Prince to remove him.

2. The way of Amolition, or removing, which we said was the first way, hath divers means, and various ends; for some, out of a shew of honour, or occasion to live with some friends, and neer allies, are induced, not unwillingly, to withdraw themselves from Court. This way Stippiota craftily used, (when Manuel Comnenus was Emperour) to remove Hagiotheodorita, who stood in his light; for there being a difference between Michael the Pedagogue, and Josephus Balsamon, Stippiota perswaded the Emperour, that if Hagiotheodorita, Balsamons kinsman, were made Governour of Peloponnesus, the difference would becomposed. Hagiotheodorita being glad of an opportunity to help his kinsman, accepteth the courtesie; little minding, that Stippiota alone, would in the interim (his Competitor being removed) have the ordering and managing of the chief affairs of the Empire, which also came to passe.

3. Some men, being wearied with the contentions & brablings of adversaries in Court, betake themselves unto any Province whatsoever, upon pretext of necessary departing thence. Thus did Agrippa, who (as Velleius testifieth) went into Asia, pretending some principall businesse; but, as report went, for some private grudge between him and Marcellus, withdrew himself from the present time.

4. Tiberius (while Caius Caesar was yet alive, who envyed him) departed to Rhodes, pretending to turn Student there, and (as Suetonius saith) by his mothers means, obtained, that to cover his reproach, he might make shew, as if he had gone Ambassadour thither.

5. If he whom you desire to remove, have no pretence to get leave to withdraw, and will not take it as a courtesie, that he may depart willingly, and without compulsion, you may perswade the Prince to prefer him, to some charge and office, upon this account, that none is more worthy or fit for such an employment.

6. After the same manner do emulous and envious persons, desire to have such abstracted and drawn from a Province, or subdued Country, whose authority they endeavour to weaken, whom they labour to bring into Court, as necessary and usefull to the Prince, and to thrust him into the croud of Courtiers, by whose loftinesse, he may be the more obscured and clouded.

7. This was the artifice and trick, which Apelles used with Polybius, when he went about to deprive Taurio of the government of Peloponnesus.

8. So Darius (by the advice of Megabyzus) called back Hyesteus from the government of Jonia, a Region of Greece; not because there was need of his presence, but that he might infringe and lessen his power and greatnesse.

9. If these Courtiers were content to enlarge their own place and bounds, by the removing of another, and would stop there, the comparing of others far worse, would render this Art tolerable; but for the most part, they stick not here.

10. When Constantius was Emperour, Sylvanus being Commander of the Infantry, (as Ammianus Marcellus reports) by the procurement of Arbetius, is sent into France, to correct and amend those mischiefs, wherewith the Barbarous people had infested the French; as one emulous, and that could not endure to see any one quiet, and out of trouble; declines so great and hazardous a work, and turns it upon another. Sylvanus undertaking the journey, and having ingratiated with the French, became thereby powerfull. Afterwards Arbetius compileing envy against him, with the Emperour, was at length himself brought to ruine.

11. The same fortune almost had Ursicinus, Commander of the Cavalry, under the same Emperour: One Eusebius an Eunuch, with many other Courtiers, had conspired his death; by the machinations and devices of these conspirators, he is sent into the borders of Persia, that so he might be at distance from Court, where having continued by the space of ten years, he receives for his successor Sabinianus, a man, who neither for wit nor experience, was comparable to him, for such a charge. By and by, (a rumour being raised, that the Persians made ready for war) he is commanded to stay there, having delivered up his power to the other; Eusebius purposely so disposing the matter, that so Sabinianus should challenge to himself, the prosperous event of the war against the Persians, and that the adverse and ill fortune thereof might be imputed to Ursicinus, which the event afterwards confirmed: For Ursicinus being dejected for anothers fault, spent the remainder of his life in private. You may see if you please, chap. 30. numb. 5.

12. The times of the same Constantius will supply us with another example; for Ruffinus, the uncle of Gallus, by the fathers side, being President of the Pretorian bands, was sent to appease the sedition of the Souldiery, with no other intention, then that he might perish amongst the hatefull hands of those mad and peevish people. For the same end, Clytus complains, that he was sent by Alexander against the Sognians.

THus much concerning Amolition and removing, as the primary means and way, which is used by enemies, and envious and emulous persons, to bring others into disfavour with their Prince and Soveraigne. The second is, that whereby they render men suspected and odious to the Prince, by the help of detractions and calumnies, or else by commendations.

2. In Calumnies we must attend unto two things; First, Whether they be fit and sufficient to change the Prince's will. Secondly, Whether they have a likenesse to truth. Of the first, judgment is to be made, both by the present state of affairs, and also, by the genius and inclination of the Prince, and the very nature and condition of negotiations.

3. No calumnies do abound with more ruines of great men, then such as do accuse and impeach them, of machinations and plots, against the Prince, and his rule and government, or of contempt and disdaining to obey him, or such as are of detracting speech, and mocking or scorning the Prince's words or actions.

4. Calumnies, and false accusations, are then rendred probable and likely, if the accusation, which makes the party accused guilty, be branded with a note of arrogancy, either in the words or actions of themselves, or else of their servants, friends, parents, or those who are tied and obliged to them, by necessity or alliance. If they be supposed to have counterfeited Letters, the judgment and sentence will be such, as that which the Prince hath already conceived in his mind, even the faithfulnesse of the calumniator, and the guiltinesse of the party accused.

5. Those things which by calumny are wrested into a crime, are such, as the party traduced is said to have spoken, or done; either spontaneously, and of his own accord, or else being induced by the deceits and circumventings of enemies, or envious persons. Such wits, by allurements and enticeing words, can fetch and pump up things that are not; and in every matter, find occasion and opportunity, wherewith to help themselves.

6. There are some, who having counselled and perswaded a man to do something; when they have found him yield, they make this the very weapon of their accusation, and feigne, that he hath attempted some horrible designe against the Prince.

7. A certain Magician a Monk, one Santabarinus by name, was (before others) beloved by Basilius, Emperour of Constantinople, but envyed beyond measure by Leo his son: And therefore, having endeavoured by all obsequious readinesse of feigned devotion, to allure his good-will, at length wrought the young man to credulity: For afterwards, (having gotten some credit with him) he advises Leo, to wear a dagger for his defence, privately, under his Mandilion or Jacket, if at any time he went out to hunting with his father. Following his instruction, the Magician goes to his father, and feignes to him, that his son had privately conceived parricide, and shewes the Dagger, as a detection and token thereof, which he, watching his opportunity, had carried about him. To be brief, the matter was so handled, that the son was imprisoned; and although protected with the most intensive and vehement prayers and entreaties of the Nobility, he scarcely escaped punishment.

8. In the time of Valentin • an the Emperour, Aetius accuseth Boniface his companion, (who was very deer to the Emperour, and made Governour of Africa) of treachery against Placidia, the Prince's mother, and that he intended to subject Africa to himself; advising also, that he might be speedily recalled thence. At the same time, he admonisheth Boniface by Letters, that he was accused at Court, and upon that account recalled; but bade him yet take heed of comming back, lest he should be an enemy to his own safety. Boniface giving credit to these things, so far disobeyed the Emperesses recalling him, that she agreed with Gontarus, King of the Valid • li, and Genseri • us his son, then manageing the affairs in Spain, to reduce him, if he opposed by force; who by this occasion, possessed themselves of Mauritan • a. At length, the chear being discovered, Placidia permitted, that after the custom of that age, a Duell should be appointed, wherein Aetius being conquered, he was commanded to avoid the Court.

9. Not unlike to this was the subtilty and wilinesse of Samonas, who being deerly beloved to Leo the son of Basilius the Emperour; for detecting the Conspiracy of one Basilius a kinsman of Z • a the Empresse, who would have destroyed Andronicus being chosen Chiefraine, together with Amerinus Log • the • a against the Saracens; he wills his friends to admonish him by Letters, that he should beware of Hymerius; who came with an intention to accuse him (exoculation, and depriving of the sight, was a sort of punishment in that age, wherewith principall men, and those whose power they thought fit to abate and weaken, were afflicted and chastised) An • ronicus believeing these things to be of truth, which were but feigned by Samonas; having made his escape from Hymerius, possesseth himselfe of a certaine Castell. This hindered not Samonas to exaggerate and heape up businesse against him to the Emperour, and by his perswasions, an army is sent, which drives Andronicus together with the Saracens from the confines of the Empire.

10. We have a little before (Chap. 27. Numb 10) made mention of Arbetius. It seemes worth observation how he superaddeth Treachery upon treachery. When he sees that Constantius was offended with Silvanus, and doubted least he coming to Rome, should obliterate and wipe off the Criminations objected against him, he takes care that the Emperours Letters (by which he calls Silvanus unto him) might be committed to the charge of one Apodemius. He coming into France, and suppressing the Letters, tells him that he was in very imminent danger. Here upon Silvanus moving sedition as a remedy and cure of his owne safety, imprudently and unawares verified the Calumination.

11. But truly we have too long been silent concerning Sejanus; who, as he was wonderfully crafty in all things, so was he not unaccustomed to this Art whereof we now treate. That he might render Agrippina the more suspected to Tiberius, he suborneth his friends, that they might puff up and increase her hopes beyond what was lawfull. Her neighbours also are provoked and inticed, to stimulate and prick forward the haughty and smelling spirits of Agrippina, by depraved and stubborne words and speeches. Himselfe being the Engineere and contriver of the plot, Claudia Pulchra Neice to Agrippina is accused and slandered; to the end that Agrippina complaining hereof, and being a woman, hot and fell, ill able to beare a discontentment, might the more vehemently and sharply touch and gaule the suspicious mind of the Emperour.

12. Sejanus, not herewith satisfied, strikes higher and harder at the discontented and improvident Lady: and having suborned some, who in shew of friendship should admonish her, that there was an intent to poyson her; and that therefore, she should shun to eate of the Banquet which Tiberius, her father in law had invited her to; She (unhappily credulous and rash of beliefe), when Tiberius offered her an Apple, withdrew her hand, and thereby very much offended him.

13. He also, (when there was appointed unto Agrippina and her sons a Scout-souldier to lye perdue, and to watch and observe their actions), instructed and suborned some to admonish her▪ that she should fly to the Armyes of Germany; or else lay hold on the effigies and pourtraiture of Augustus, in the most frequented place of judicature; and also should invoke the aide and assistance of the Senate and people of Rome.

14. Moreover, by what kind of wickednesse he also circumvented his Client Titius Sabinus, that he might render him altogether suspected of Ambition to Tiberius; is to be read in the very History. Which being no lesse abominable, then worthy your remembrance; t'will not be irksome to thee Reader, that we have here run it over, in the very words of the worthy Historian, which are extant in the fourth Book of his Annals.

THey who accuse another to have spoken evill of the Prince, by how much they draw and heap up more evill words from those which are true, by so much the easie wil their accusations find credit and belief.

2. This evidently appeares in the example of Granius Marcellus whom (as Tacitus saith in the 1 book of his Annals) Coepio Crispinus accused to have uttered some sinister and unhappy words touching Tiberius, a crime inevitable, fith that the accuser chooseth something of the Prince's vicious actions, and objecteth them to the accused's charge to have spoken of. For because they were true, therefore were they believed to have been spoken by him.

3. Many Calumniators having followed this Example have upbraided and twitted the Emperours with their faults, by a shew of relating other mens speches, without reproof. This alone, in a manner moved them, to be very sparing in giving ear to false accusers.

4. And truly Tiberius, as he was a hater of reproaches, so was he a lover of calumnies and accusations; and lest he should hear the one, when he was present in the Senate, and that the other might not be omitted, departed to Caprea, believing (as the Historian saith) it was fit for him to shun the assembly of his Councills, and their votes,, which commonly, while he was present with them, were grave and weighty. Annal. Book 4.

5. This way of upbraiding Princes, with their vicious actions, did they use, who translating by checks and taunts the Matricide of Nero, accuse others of the same crime, before Caesar, who was the author thereof, with a desire rather of rebukeing and discommending the wickednesse, then of destroying the party accused.

6. These are the most usuall wayes and modes which calumniators use; for who can enumerate them all? Calumny is a Monster, which hath a thousand figures and shapes, a thousand crafts and cunning deceits.

FRom Calumnies, let us come to Commendations; there is use made likewise of these in Courts, (as we have said) to suppresse and pul down others; the most here do palliate and cloak their odium, envy, and emulation, that so they may the more easily deceive and frustrate.

2. Thus did Fabius Valens scandalize Mantius Valens, by secret criminations, without his knowledge or mistrust; and that he might be the lesse aware of his deceits, would openly commend him. Tacitus Hist. 1.

3. So did Eusebius the Eunuch, impugne and overcome Ursicinus, by the inticeing allurements of immense and huge bounty and largesse, and did often openly call him, a stout and valiant man; being very crafty and cunning, to intangle and insnare the simple man, in his poysonous and deathfull intrapments; and in that season too powerful, as Ammianus Marcellinus reports.

4. Alfonsus King of Arragon, when a certain person had before him commended another, (besides his accustomed wont and manner) turning about to his friend, Iste exitium haud dubie ei, quem laudat, meditatur, That man doubtlesse means ruine to him, whom he thus commendeth. Nor was the King mistaken in this opinion; for about six months after, he that so highly had commended, impleads and sues the other at Law, and had overthrown him, had not the King interceded.

5. Mucianus, when he could not oppresse Antonius the first, openly loadeth him with much commendations in the Senate, and secret promises; shewing and boasting, that the nigher Spain was vacant, by the departure of Cluvius Rufus; and bestowes upon his friends Tribuneships and Offices: And after he had puft up his mind with hope and desire, remitteth and weakeneth his force and strength, by dismissing the seventh Legion in their winter-quarters, whose love to Antonius was most ardent. Tacitus in the 4 th. Book of his Histories.

6. Neither do Courtiers onely, but even Princes, when they desire to di • inish and pull down some, take this way and road. Tiberius (having Libo under secret suspect and envy) advanceth him to the Pretorship, and feafteth him often, not being estranged in countenance, not moved in language, and so conceals his anger, as Tacitus saith, in the second Book of his Annalls. By the same Art, he also overthrew Sejanus. Domition was never more to be feared, then when in his countenance he made shew of courtesie. Nicetas was wont to call the commendations of Andron • cus, the beginnings of an injury; his liberality, a token of confiscation of goods; his lenity, the forerunner of death.

7. Some, in commending others, have this reach, that thereby they may kindle the Prince's hate against them. By this means, was Julius Agricola suppressed by Domitian; whereupon, Tacitus writing of Agricola, saith thus; The cause of his danger, was not any crime or complaint of hurting any body, but the Prince's being displeased at his vertues, and the glory of the man, and withall (that worst sort of friends) such as commend and applaud.

8. Ju • ian the Emperour had a saying, Nullos esse capitaliores hostes quàm larvates Aulicos: There are none more capital and deadly enemies, then masked and vizarded Courtiers, such as Polybius, and, after him, Mamertinus describes; who, in a Panegyrick, and flattering speech, speaks thus: Callido artificio accusatoriam dicacitatem laudum titul • s peragebant in omnibus conventiculis, quasi per benevo entiam: They rehearsed accusatory scoffings and reproaches, by a cunning Art, under the titles of commendations, in all their conventicles, and private meetings, as done out of good will.

9. But we may then discover those commendations to be usurped by some, when in commending one, they endeavour to bewray • ard denote another, as unlike to him. This kind of malignity, Plutarch objects to Herodotus, when he saies, that the Athenians were commended by him, as valiantly retunding and repressing the Persians Armies; not with a desire to extoll the Athenians, but to disgrace and defame the others,

10. It is usuall with Kings, as Seneca testifieth, to commend their ministers and servants, who are deceased, that so they may shame such as are living. Thus did Augustus advance and set forth, the faithfull duty and services of Mecoenas and Agrippa, when having openly manifested the sensualities of their daughters, he would reprehend his familiars and friends, as carelesse and neglective of their Prince's businesse and fame.

11. Augustus beats Tiberius black and blew, by commending and excusing him; whereof Tacitus writing in the first Book of his Annals, saith thus, Augustus a few years before, had required of the State and Councill, that Tiberius should have the power of a Tribune, although in an honourable Oration, he had yet cast out something, touching his habit and attire, and his institutions and purposes; all which, as seeming to excuse, he upbraids and casts in his teeth.

12. These things therefore should admonish us, that we endeavour to look into the inward intents, and dispositions of such, as either praise or reproach us.

13. We told you, that the last way and means, by which Courtiers are oppressed by their enemies, is, Force and Strength, which then principally takes place, when either People or Souldiery, being offended at our dignity or manners, stir up sedition.

14. 'Tis not unknown, what tumults were amongst the Parisians, how they were heated therewith, when John King of England was taken prisoner. Nor is the condition and fortune of those unknown, who, when his son was Vice-Roy, held the principall offices and dignities in the Kingdome.

15. Not many years since, the seditions of the Janizaries, swept away Ministers of chief authority, from the Turkish Emperours. The times of Arcadius the Emperour, will afford us some examples hereof, from the most antient Histories. Ruffinus was very neer and deer (amongst the chiefest) to that Prince, who being offended with Stilico, and meditating his ruine and destruction, sends Gaina with the Armies, as an Auxiliary to the Emperour; but, in very deed, to take away the life of Ruffinus, which also was accomplished: For Ruffinus being gone forth with the Armie, the Souldiers of Gaina having risen up, by giving a signall, compassed him about, and tore him in pieces. Eutropius being substituted in place of Ruffinus, had likewise offended some prime Courtiers; and (the same Gaina being the plotter and contriver) Tribigildus moves sedition; who flying over, and dispoyling Asia, denies peace upon any other tearms or advantage, then, that Eutropius should be taken away: To which Law, at length (Gaina driving the Chariot) the Emperour consenteth. Nor was this enou • h; the same Gaina afterwards, openly joyning with Tribigildus, that it might be manifested, that he was reconciled to Arca • ius, requires, that Aurelianus Salurinus, and Jobn Chrysostomus, (then chief men in transacting affairs) should be delivered up to their arbitrement and pleasure; whom (being delivered up) he commands to banishment; and was content, that he had given them occasion, to bewail the edge of their own swords.

1. HE may worthily be reckoned amongst the happy ones, and as it were the Chickens of fortune; whose Authority with the Prince from whom he had his beginning, remaines in the same height and loftinesse with his Successor. This is rare in Courts, because he who presumeth to be next; by retaining his office, is for the most part suspected to those that rule; and being so eminent in this place, they are very often necessitated to crosse and thwart such persons which yeelds most frequent seed to deadly feuds and hatred.

2. And besides this, the successor of a Prince hath mostly his owne Ministers and Servants, well known to him by their long and faithfull service and imployments, to whom that they may make way to dignities and honours, he will pull down the Clients and retainers of the deceased, either freely or by perswasion to give place to others, that are petitioners.

3. There are yet some, whom either the matter of their imployments for which they are apter then others, their office whatever it be insinuateth them into the succeeding Prince's acceptance, that besides the deceased Prince he would not part with any such a one.

4. Macro to ingratiate himselfe with Caligula subornes and incenseth his wise, Ennia, to entise the young man by love, and to contract matrimony with him, that so she might overcome him and prevaile with him. The same Macro causeth Tiber • us when he lay dying, to be oppressed and overcharged, with the weight of heavy Clothes cast upon him, as sayeth Tacitus in his sixth Book. Julian the Emperour retaines Arbetio by him, although he hated him for his pride, and for his contentious and turbulent spirit, conceiving him to be necessary to him. Afterwards Valentinian calls the same Arbetio to Court of purpose, that he might oppose and set himselfe against Procopius.

5. We have shewne hitherto, what a Courtier is to shun and avoid, who would enjoy the grace and favour of his Prince. The head and chief of all Counsells, which can in this place be given a Courtier, is, Modesty towards the Prince; measuring himselfe not in himselfe, nor comparing himselfe with himselfe; not framing himself I say, by the Modul of fortune, but of his own duty, acting nothing boastingly and in a bravadoe, nothing irreverently, avoyding Envy (as much as is possible). A thing so formidable to many worthies and ancient Grandees; that many (pretending unfitnesse, or other inability to mannage them); others (betaking themselves to their books,) have with drawne and estranged themselves from the publique Negotiations, as one, whereof Historians make mention, of Domitian; as the other, of Galba.

6. First we will carefully transmit, and passe over those Commendations of Malevolent persons, and the Calumnies; of which we have already spoken.

7. They who slander us, or say, that there is wanting in us some of those • hings which are requisite to the well serving of a Prince; and affirme that we have spoken something amisse, and with intention to offend; or else have by Act, hurt and injured some body.

8. The fault which is objected against us, is either to be excused, or amended; or else expiated and purged by the operation of other vertues. As also all our words and deeds are so to be moderated, that they become not obnoxious to Sinister interpretations and constructions. Therefore the mind of another, is first to be scrued and searched into; before we disclose our owne. But if through carelesnesse, somewhat may fall from us, that may be offensive, we must shew, and evidence to them; (either by some good office to be performed for them, or by casting in some smooth and handsome interpretation, by other words and speeches), that we had no mind to offend them in our discourse.

9. If we have cognizance that we are calumninated, it will be advisedly and wisely done of us; to be as little absent, and at distance from the party, to whom we are accused, as possible may be. For besides this, that affection towards such as are absent freezeth in time; the reproach and slander, unlesse maturely aud timously repelled, and foiled by the aide of verity and truth, will more easily find place; which (the course being turned, and a doubt speedily injected), will flagg and wither: but by delay, and none contradicting the accuser's affirmations, will be co • oborated and strengthned, and take roote in the Prince's mind, and carry him so • arre; as that he may hate the party accused, before he inquire into the Crime.

10. He therefore that will be rightly advised herein, shall procure himselfe one, or more friends; who in his absence may defend him from the assaults of Slander: but be sure they be persons of honour; and such, as to whose defen • e the Prince may no lesse give eare, then to the others Calumnies. But of such friends, I confesse there is great sterility and barrenne • se at Court: where it is mostly usuall amongst all, either to oppresse their fellowes; or suffer them to be oppressed. Yet it happens sometimes that there may be one, who by benefits received from us; or by desire to oblige us to them; or lastly out of hate to the Accuser; may be moved and perswaded to such a good turne.

A Courtier should not only shun Ostentation and boasting of his Prince's favour, that so he may avoid the Envy of Compeers and equalls (of which we have spoken Chap. 19.) but that of the Prince also▪

2. When on a time the Spanish Nobility in the Raign of Philip the second, went about to root out and overthrow Cardinall Spinosa, see how they go about to undermine him: they all lay down their Mases and Offices at his foot, they all feigne and profess that he is the Hinge upon which their fortunes depend. The Prince's domestick Ministers and servants offer themselves ready at his beck. When the King gets intelligence hereof he is removed from Court; and within two years decayes, what ever the loftie structure of power were, that he had built to himself.

3. Let a Courtier therefore learn to be contented with a small retinue and train, to keep his station, and subsist with that dignity wherewith the Prince hath adorned him, and rather below his degree; but let him never transgresse his bounds. Its unseasonable to diminish and curtaile ones train onely in a declining Fortune. 'Twas no boot to Seneca after he had left Neroe's favour to betake himself to a private Cottage, and to have composed and built up to himself a Pyramid of studies, and under pretence of unhealthinesse to deny entrance to visitors; nor did it any thing ease the mind of Agricola, by night, and with slender attendance, to walke about the City.

4. It behoveth very much that a man do timously compose and module himself to temperance and moderation.

5. Yet although we would not have you be surround with the noise and rout of many suitors & attenders; nevertheless would we not have you neglect to make many your Clients and retainers: not such as should serve for your pomp and solemnity; but such, as, if any dysaster should befall thee, may either restore and renew, or at least refresh and comfort thee.

6. For though sinister and unhappy Fortune hath found but few such friends, yet hath it most found some, who if they cannot eye friendship yet may they for their own benefit and commodity, have respect to somthing tending to the conserving and preservation of thy Fortune.

BUt yet, as it is a great Comfort and consolation in adverse fortune, to have communicated with others in our prosperity, and to have used the favour of the Prince to lift up and advance others: so is a Courtier also to be admonished that he dispense and bestow those benefits warily. For it is most certain, that whatever the Prince hath conferred on another at our request is in a great measure to be imputed to us. Therefore his grace and favour, unlesse it be very great towards us, is not to be too much divided amongst others; and very seldome are others who are not after some sort knowne to the prince, to be recomended unto him. That of Horace is to be observed.

WIth this kind of love, Princes are sometimes affected to Women; and that by so much the more, as they are prone to venerious volupties and pleasures.

2. From the same neverthelesse do these fail away and decline; if not by their owne fault, yet at least by the satiety of the party loving, or by the sight of a better Love or Mistresse: whereby it cometh to passe, that they become more crafty and guilefull; who endeavour to divert the Prince from all familiarity and converse with others, especially with such, who seem fit and able to bend the Prince's mind another way. Some by feigned and counterfit disdaine, have kept them loving and kind to them. Others being more audacious, have ungirt and unbuckled those whom they perceive to be more obliged and constrained to them by Luxury and carnall pleasures and delights.

3. This art used Poppaea to Nero; of which yee may see, in the words of the prince of Historians, in the 14. th of his Annals.

4. The female friends of Princes have oftimes more easily obliged some to them, after this mode and way then by flatteries or pleasures. But, there is no constancy (as we have said) in this kind of Love.

5. It were more convenient and agreeable indeed, that the love which thou hast, (as it were) hatched to thee and bred by services; should be more stable and firme, as that which is sprung from a more honest Cause; and fitter to allure and intice others, to the like offices and duties.

6. Yet very often, doth experience teach us the contrary; many times the chief benefits in Court are envyed, and those whose turne and office they cannot requite; they oft revenge with hatred.

7. Such are not willing to be indebted to any man, much lesse to a subject. They shun, and indure not, that deserving men should see them; as those who should upbraid their ingratitude, which is the cause that their condition, in Court, is most miserable; for, when by some office and service they have merited from the Prince, they are forthwith constrained by shamefacednesse, not to require their reward; and seeme by feare, not to have given, but sold their advantage and benefit. Princes, in the interim being careless of benefits and good turnes, and very sloathfull as to compensations and recompences, procrastinate and put off from day to day; untill the remembrance of the benefits wither and fade away from the minds of those, who are conscious and privy to them, who before feared some secret taunts and reproaches.

8. Some understanding thus much, have thought it good to strike (as they say) while the Iron's hot; (that is to say) when they have known themselves destinated and appoynted to some certain businesse; before they would undertake it, have had an eye to the reward, knowing that the hope of receiving an Office, is more strong and vali'd with Princes, then the Hopes of a reward; that it is better to be obliged to Rulers, then to oblige them; because whom they oblige, they think should be benevolous and bear them good-will; he who hath obliged them, (because he may be thought not to love the Prince, who shall deny him his recompence and reward) shall be punished with odium and hatred, insteed of compensation. This was the judgement and opinion of Lewis the 11th, as Comineus reports.

9. Love towards those who Minister aid and assistance to the Prince's volupty, and are obedient thereto, seems fit to be more stable, and is so indeed so long as the Prince is constant to his own inclinations: But (they being changed) such as administer to them, are also changed; sometimes also the Prince, becomming conscientious of what is honest, abominates and casts away the Ministers together with the vice.

10. Moreover as the inclinations of the Prince are some more durable and lasting then others; so also the favour which we have spoken of to such as administer to them, will be alterable and unconstant.

I Shall not here meddle with all the volupties to which a Prince's natures are prone, because they are not all such, as upon which the heighth of Court-fortune can be superstructed and built. There is a three fold kind of them, too common and familiar with Princes which I will rehearse v • z. Veneriall Love, Cruelty, and Covetuousnesse.

2. Veneriall Love, as it is mostly vehementer then the rest, so is it the more unconstanter; which although it may last in him, yet will he not long love and like one and the same party; and though he may not change the subject, yet (to use the Scholastick terme) he will change and vary the object. Neverthelesse, very many have used this as the basis and foundation wherein they have reared and buil • up their fortunes, not sticking to prostitute and debauch their own wives that they might attain the Prince's favour. As we read in • aci • us's 13th book of Annal. that one Ortho did, yet this succeeded not so, as to ingratiate him: for Nero removed him from Court, lest he should have a Rival neer him.

3. Others, that they might oblige the Prince, have associated themselves with him, and been contented to be witnesses and ministers of his misdeeds and lust. An example whereof was Tigellinus. Annal. 14th. These consider not, that Princes scrupple not to sacrifice such men at length to publique envy, to free themselves there from. Such servants of Lust may expect the same which Remirus d'Orco (that Minister of Cruelties to Caesar Borgia) experienced, whom Borgia at length commanded to be put to death, as the persor guilty of all those things, which himself had cruelly acted and done.

4. And by this example of Remirus we may learn their fate and destiny, who lend their aid to the cruelty of a Prince. Seldome is the Princes affection towards such, long • lived; both because he afterwards reads his own vices in them, and also, because he is afraid himself of them, whom he perceives and find so apt for villany.

5. Nero although of a cruell disposition, and an old and crafty Polititian, after his mother was slaine hated Anicetus, whom he perceived to have upbraided him with his Matricide.

6. But least of all, is that affection of covetuousnesse mutable. The diversity of object changes not that, as it doth Love; it is not lessened and impaired with age, but increased; and although it be equally and alike hatefull to the people as Cruelty is, yet is longer indured; because exactions have commonly a pretext of publique necessity, and honest parsimony, and likewise a species and shew of common utility. Hence therefore they who are Ministers herein, may seem longer to be sheltred by the Prince's amity, whiles that they (which is rare in such kind of men) be nether froward, nor testy and difficult, nor too greedy of wealth and gain.

7. Morosity, which for the most part is also contumelious and reproachfull, procures odium and envy both to the party, and to the Governour and Ruler of a people. The Author whereof the Prince at length will reject and cast off, that so he may remove the envy from himself. Riches are obnoxious to envy, not only of the multitude, but sometimes of the Prince himselfe; who, if truly covetous, will seldome be contented to have wrung out and squeezed the full sponge, which (as we read) Vespatian was wont to do, but will imitate the Peasants and Rustick people, who at last devoure and eat up those swine, which they have formerly cramm'd and fatted.

8. Certes, the Kingdome of France hath seen many such, who being rough and sharp beyond measure, or too hasty to enrich themselves, when they have acted too insolently, after a great and lofty fortune, have been brought to perdition and ruine.

9. In the Reign of Philip the faire, one Peter Berchy being Chauncellor of the Exchequer, and of the Prince's bed Chamber, was strangled at Paris. Lewis the son of Philip having afterwards attain'd to the Kingdom, Enguerra • dus MaMarigny fell into the like misfortune, under Charls the seventh. Guise in dignity equall to Berchy, being questioned by the law, was afterwards sown up in a Sack, and drowned. His successor Camus Beauly, was slain at Poitiers. The like Fate had befaln Peter Essart, in the time of Philip the first, had he not redeemed himself with a hundred thousand Florens.

10. I could name others, but I spare their memory, meane while the examples produced do sufficiently instruct, that the facility of such kind of Ministers brings too much detriment and hurt to the Princes utility; but their own insolency, attracteth hatred and destruction even to themselves. Too much Riches are to be avoided, which may stirre up against us; as also it is lawfull, not to refuse a just occasion of being wealthy.

THe last of the causes, for which Courtiers are beloved of the Prince, now remaines; which in the 37.th Chap. Numb. 2. we told you, was aptnesse and expeditiousnesse in doing the Prince's businesse; which when we have observed to be acceptable to the Prince, we must also mark, whether or no it be therefore pleasant and taken in good part, because necessary; or because the Prince's desire provoked him, to such an aptitude. If acceptable because necessary, the love will endure so long as the necessity lasteth; neverthelesse it will be rather a forced, then a voluntary and free love.

2. If the Prince aspire the glory of this kind of aptitude, we may not doubt, but that they who in this shall exceed him; will in time be grievous to him. Sith that, there is an imbred desire, not in Princes onely, but in all men, to excell all others in the art they professe; Certes, no man scarcely can with an equall and moderate mind beare it, if he be surpassed by his houshold servant.

3. Asinius Pollio being exhorted by some to answer and require something that Augustus had written against him, with some verses; answered Nolle se ejus, qui possit proscribere, scribendo incurrere invidiam: That he would not incurre the Envy of him by writing, in whose power it lay to proscribe and banish him.

4. There being a controversie sometimes betwixt Favorinus a Philosopher, and Adrian the Emperour, concerning some word, when the Emperour had posed him, and his friends admired it, he answered thus: Non erubesco, vinci scientia ab illo, qui triginta Legionibus imperat: I am not ashamed to be conquered in knowledge by him, who hath thirty Legions at his command.

5. It is a known precept of wisdome Coram Rege noli videri Sapiens: Seem not to be wise in the presence of the King. It cannot otherwise be, for to purchase the Prince's favour here, we ought to desert and lose our own glory: and not only when we have to do with words, but in every thing we ought to submit and yield him the Palme of victory. And to that end, it will not be impertinent and besides the purpose, that a man sometimes admit against himselfe somewhat (though a little hurtfull) even by his own consent and procurement.

6. From the things hitherto discoursed on, it appeares, of what slender stability and durableness all kind of Court-powers are. These therefore are the most soveraign advicements and counsels which can be given to such as act highly and eminently, ad descensum in arenam praparare sese: to make them ready for Combat, though it be judged more generous and couragious, to fight him who enters the List, than to flye. Notwithstanding if we must fight with more perill then Guerdon and recompence, a man may not be ashamed maturely to retreat, and to imitate the Parthians, who fight as they flye.

7. It is also more glorious and commendable • o descend slowly, and by gradatious and steps, then precipitately and rashly to commit himself into others hands, and retreat through a certain and sure posterne, then to be thrown out at the window. So having found a pretence, it is lesse dishonourable, freely and spontaneously to bid adieu to honour, then to tarry till you be repelled, and removed. To this may be added the saying of an antient Roman, Quid fatigatae felicitate molestis es? Quid expectas donec Castris eijciaris? why art thou troubulous to tired felicity? why tarriest thou, till thou be removed out of the Camp?

8. 'Tis happinesse (saith Seneca) to dye in felicity. On the contrary, I deem him a happy Courtier, who in the middle of felicity betakes himself to a retirement. Peradventure he that doth so, shall not find the like judgment from all men in this particular, and shall seem unworthy of his fortune, the messenger whereof he so suddenly turns back: but who so is prudent will not stick at these sayings, but will rather provide for his safety; and will call to mind, that at all Games and pastimes which depend on fortune, 'tis better to break off a Gainer, then a Looser; and that it is not a wise mans part to change certainties for hazards and doubtfull chances.

9. And mostly men ascend gradually to such a heighth of dignities; but who will not admire to see one descend from on high, when he sees no Staires or Ladders under him? And if so be that by the fulgor, and brightnesse of too great a fortune, a man be inveigled and dazelled, and one pace or step faile him (as may easily happen to such as live in a lofty and high condition) they may not be said then to descend, but to fall headlong.

10. You have now (friendly Reader) the summe of such things which I conceive may as to these subjects herein treated of, satifie your desire, which I have principally aimed at in collecting them them. Whether they may be profitable and behoovefull to thee, tu videris, see to that thy selfe: they have indeed long since been of no use to me; take therefore as a Compendium and Epiphonema of my Life and wishes, these Verses of Seneca.