Americans no Iewes, or improbabilities that the Americans are of that race. By Hamon l'Estrange, Kt.

Americans no Iews.

THE Author firſt laye • down ſix Conjectures, upon which he ſuperſtructs the main Fabrique of his Work and Arguments.

1. The Acknowledgment of the Americans. 2. From Rites and Cuſtomes. 3. From Words and Speech. 4. From Man devouring. 5. From the Converſion promis'd to the Jews. 6. From the Calamities threatned to the Jews.

I ſhall not premere veſtigia, tread in the very ſteps of his Method, but ſhall begin firſt to enquire when America may be proved or collected to have been firſt planted and Inhabited, and how the Jews ſhould come thither (all which the Author handles in his ſecond Part) and I ſhall after obſerve upon the Conjectures, and comparatively weigh them and the Rites and Ceremonies for confutation, or confirmation of what the Author hath alleged.

It is ſayd Gen. 6. v. 1. Men began to be multiplyed upon the Earth; and this was long before the Flood, which was Anno mundi 1656. And it being certain, that all the World had ſinned, which is evinced from the certainty that all the World was drowned, as Chap. 7. v. 19, 21, 22, 23. And Sin the Cauſe, as Chap. 6. v. 5, 6, 7. What hinders but that (without preſumption) It may be ſayd the now America was alſo in ſome meaſure peopled, and thoſe drowned with the Flood; for if in the ſpace of leſſe than three hundred years after the Flood, and from eight perſons, Noah, and his Sons, and their Wives, there ſprang up (as I ſhall hereafter ſhew) ſo great an increaſe of Mankind, as we read were in the two prodigious Armies for numbers, betwixt Ninus King of Aſſyria, and Zoroaſter King of the Bactrians, Wh • t ſhould▪ hinder but that in the revolution of 1656 years for ſo long it was from the Creation to the Flood, when men lived at leaſt twice as long as after the Flood, and the affections of man boyled, and aſpired to a full poſſeſſion of the whole Earth which (as David ſaies) God gave to the children of men to poſſeſſ • America might be then alſo peopled, together with the other three parts of the World.

After the Flood (which continued 1 • 0 daies) the Ark reſted upon mount Ararat, which, upon conference with Raleigh's Hiſtory; a moſt ſubtile and elaborate diſquiſition that queſtion, and rejection of the Gordaei, or Curdaei mountains, which I may preſume to place and ſeat upon the Caucaſi Hill • betwixt Imaus and Paraponiſus, upon the very Hill Siciclegh, in the Province of Jeſelbas, in the Eaſtern part of Perſia near Tartary, in North. lat. 38. and long it▪ about 109 gr. where one of the ſprings riſes of the River Almorgab that runs into the great River of Abiamu, now Abin, ſometime Oxus, which empties into the Caſpian Sea at the South-Eaſt corner thereof, which Province of Jeſelbas is the ancient Margiara, a moſt rich, fruitfull, and delightfull ſoyle, as Boterus the Italian ſaies in his Relat. part 1. lib. 2. and celebrated by the ancient and faithful Geographer Strabo for the excellency of the Vines (which I ſay) Noah there firſt planted; and Luis de Ʋrreta the Spaniſh Frier, lib. 1. E • iop. ſaies, Noe ſalio de area con ſus • ijos en la • ierra de Armenia, que es en la provincia de Scythia. Noah went out of the Ark with his children in the land of Armenia which is in the Province of Scythia; and ab Armenia ubi Area conſtitit non • d •• dum longumiter eſt ad Cathaiam, from Armenia where the Ark reſted, is no very long way to Cathay, • aie • Jo. de Laë • de orig. gent. part. 14.

Now for the introducing of what I ſhall labour to prove, I will lay down ſome neceſſary principles from whence to deduce the concluſion, and probably to attain the ſcope and end of mine ayme.

The Flood being ceaſed, and Noah, and his Sons, and Daughters, ſafe landed upon dry ground out of the Ark, Gen. 9. v. 1. 7. God bleſsed them, and commanded them to incre • ſe and multiply; and there is no doubt, but there was an earneſt naturall inſtinct, thirſt, and appetition in all creatures for reſtauration, and to repleniſh the World, which now diſcovered it ſelf ready again for uſe, and to furniſh all manner of food and ſuſtenance; and chap. 10. We read of the numerous increaſe of Mankind by Noah and his Sons, which increaſe was reinforced from two other ſpeciall reaſons and arguments, the one the ſtrength of nature, and exquiſite temperament of humours, and conſtitution of body to vivacity, whereby their lamps of life laſted ſo long even to many hundred of years; the other the permiſſion, if not lawfulneſſe of P • lygamie, and many Wives.

And now the pride and arrogance of this multitude and millions of men begun to ſhew it ſelf, when all the Sons, and Off-ſpring of Noah, ſaving Heber and Phaleg (who were Gods more peculiar reſerves both for language and people) journing from the Eaſt, where it is probable they made a long abode in the mountainous country, before they came down into the plain, for the fearfull memory of the late Flood: Finding themſelves over-numerous to be contained in a ſmall compaſſe of ground, and cohabitation, and Nimrod a prime ſtickler in all ambitious deſignes, they conferred together how to perform ſome mighty and magnificent work, which were eaſily done while they were now together, and before they parted, which might eternize their name and memory, whereas if they were once ſevered (as they peceived they begun to over-ſwell the banks, bounds, and capacity of thoſe parts where they made abode) they ſhould want heads to deviſe and contrive, hearts for courage, and hands to act and execute ſo great and glorious a deſign, and the freſh memory of the Flood minding them of preſervation, maugre (as mans ſimplicity was apt to imagine) the power and force of another Flood if it ſhould happen, the country furniſhing them with earth for brick, and ſlime for morter, they fell to work, and when they were in the heat and hardeſt travailes thereof, and made all the haſte they could to get up to Heaven, God came down to them, as he took off the Chariot wheeles from Pharaoh's hoſt in the Red-ſea, ſo as they drove them heavily, ſo now he brake in ſunder the Stern and Rudder of all their actions (as Tully ſayes, vinculum humane ſocietatis eſt ratio & oratio) by confounding their language, ſo as alter alterius labium non perciperet, they could not underſtand one another, nor gueſſe by the motion of their lips at what was ſpoken, but they all ſtood amazed, and at laſt they reſolved, or diſſolved into 72 Languages, unuſquiſque ſecundum linguam ſuam in tribubus ſuis, & in gentibus ſuis, Japhet 15, Cham 31, Sem 27, as Auſt. de Civit. Dei cap. 3. lib. 16. And from thence the Lord did ſcatter them abroad upon all the earth.

Now for the manuduction of ſome neceſſary conſequences, it ſhall be requiſite to enquire at what time and year after the Flood, the Confuſion of Tongues at the building of Babel hapned, which by all Writers is agreed and ſtated to be in Phalegs time, as Gen. 10. ver. 25. from the Etymology of the word Phaleg, which is Diviſion, as the skilfull in the Hebrew inform us, the Flood was in An. Mun. 1656.

Sem was 98 years old at the Flood, and begat Arphaxad two years after, as Gen. 11. 10.

Now the Diviſion of Tongues granted to be in Phalegs time, it reſteth to enquire in what parts of his age, which to diſcover, or moſt probably to evince, will be of ſpeciall uſe to ſome part of our ſubſequent diſcourſe.

Some will have that name given him at his birth, conceiving that the Confuſion of Tongues then hapned; but to that I cannot ſubſcribe, becauſe I read Gen. 10. v. 25. In his dayes was the earth divided, which word daies muſt import the time of his Manhood, not of his Birth, Infancy, or Childhood; for when we ſpeak of ſuch a thing done in ſuch a mans daies, it implies when he was a man of action.

Again, an indefinite conceſſion that his name was called Phaleg, becauſe the Diviſion of Tongues hapned in his dayes, or life-time, demonſtrates no certainty.

Phaleg lived 239 years, and dyed An. mund. 1996, andTheſe lived with Phaleg. Noah 8 Sem 239 Arphaxad 239 Sala 239 Heber 239 Reu 209 Serug 176 Thure 118 Abraham 48. 340 years after the Flood, and all theſe (as on the Margent) were contemporaries with Phaleg; and why ſhould Phaleg have a name importing Diviſion, rather than any of the reſt which then lived with him, unleſs the name ſhould be given him from ſome notable and confiderable circumſtance, or accident of his life, and ſo from thence to be changed, as Abram to Abraham, Iacob to Iſrael, &c. and to make that the Epoche or Root from whence to ſupputate ſo great an action? but that is but conjecturall, and no firm foundation for a good Argument. And now not to dull or dazle my ſelf with too curious prying and piercing into this obſcurity of queſtion, I offer my qualified opinion as followeth.

Phaleg was born An. Mun. 1757, and poſt Diluvium 101▪ he lived in all 239 years, till An Mun. 1996 and then died. I will grant that the name Phaleg was given him at his birth, not becauſe the Diviſion then hapned, or was accompliſhed, but given him prophetically at his birth, when I ſuppoſe the building began, and the prophecie to be after fulfilled according to the ſecret and determinate counſell of God, when the conſpiracy and practiſe ſhould be ripe for his Judgment of Confuſion and Diſſipation, and to which purpoſe I ſuppoſe God (for his greater glory) did not at the inception and inchoation of the work inſtantly break them off, but permitted and ſuffered them to make ſome fair and far progreſſe in the work, to the end that having built, and beſtowed the more time and coſt therein, and then to be ſcattered, fruſtrated, and deluded of their hopes, it would be a far greater anxiety and vexation to them to have naufragium almoſt in portu, eſpecially alſo when they were furniſhed of all materials, and all both Architects, Contrivers, and Engineers, as alſo of Labourers and Workmen in abundance, and they all ſtrong, ſound, and of perfect conſtitutions (proportionall to the length of the lives of the men of thoſe dayes, which I preſume to think to have been then even of common and ordinary perſons omitted as of thoſe which are mentioned in Scripture) and yet to be daſhed and defeated by ſo weak a ſeeming means, as though they had every one of them all their fives ſenſes in compleat meaſure and perfection, yet they could not underſtand what one ſayd to another, but chattred like Jayes and Pyes, and were thereby diſabled from action without any diminution or debilities of the faculties of the body or mind, and wanting nothing of the perfection of men, yet could not conſult to doe any thing; therefore as they vauntingly ſayd, Gen. 11. 4. Let us build us a Tower whoſe top may reach up to Heaven: So undoubtedly God ſuffered them to raiſe it very high, whereby to flatter their ambition while it was working, and to let them ſee the ſin of their Pride in their Confuſion, and that their Tongues ſhould ceaſe to be any more any meſſenger of the mind to action.

I will not here reprove the modeſty of ſome mens judgment, who allow forty years expended in the building of this Tower; for truly my fanſie may incline to allow them as long time to build that Tower, as God allowed Noah to make the Ark, which was 100 years, as Auſt. de Civ. Dei, lib. 15. cap. ult. and Contra Fauſt. lib. 12. cap. 18. and ſome give it 120 years, from Gen. 6. v. 3. that as Noah made the Ark ſufficient (in that ſpace of time) to endure that great long ſiege and battery of the ſeas, ſo God might give the Nimrodites or Babel-builders leave to try their art and ingene (which they thought was able in a like ſpace of time) to contrive a fabrique and ſtructure of ſuch vaſt dimenſions for height and breadth (as ſome have made it a mile and a quarter high) as might dare and wade through all future deluges, ſtorms, tempeſts, rages of winde and weather whatſoever, and preſerve them ſafe and alive; for the judgment and puniſhment of the Flood ſtill ſtuck in their ſtomacks, and they would not take Gods word, Chap. 9. v. 11. never to drown the World again, and they wanted the warrant of Noah's Faith, which Horace calls no other than Illi robur & aes triplex Circa pectus erat qui fragilem • truci Commiſit pelago ratem, Primus— to venter upon ſuch another voyage as Noah's. Thus if we ſtate the Diviſion of Tongues to be but forty years after the beginning to build the Tower, it will be 140 years after the Flood, and in about the fortieth year of Phaleg's age, and an. Mun. 1797. or about 1800.

Nimrod (who was the ancient Belus) was King of Babylon, and the firſt King that ever was, and by the computation of the beſt Chronologers, he reigned 66 years, and although it is ſayd of him Gen. 10. v. 9. Nimrod the mighty hunter, yet I ſuppoſe that doth but only intimate his open, imperious domineering, and ambitious ſpirit, and I beleeve he was the great and chief author and ringleader of the building of Babel Tower, but I think alſo that he reigned not as King untill after the Confuſion; but when he ſaw his hopes and purpoſes daſhed, and a ſolſtice of the work, and that he was now arrived at the Hercules Pillars, and nil ultra of his great action and adventure, and could not reach home to ſay with Nebuchadnezar, Is not this great Babel that I have built? yet he was unwilling to remove from the place where he had erected ſuch a monument of his aſpiring mind, but there he meant to ſtay and abide, expecting the dawning of another day, and how ſo great a wonder and miracle ſhould conclude.

In the mean time the people being ſcattered and removed into ſundry parts of the World, Nimrod being of moſt note and renown (with a great party that adhered to him, as bad is ever moſt numerous) ſtill kept together, and within ſome reaſonable ſpace of time (as we may conjecture about forty or fifty years) had now contracted and made a proper and peculiar language; and ſoon after Nimrod, having now many followers, ſet now his ambitious ſpirit on work to feed their eyes, mouth, and ears, with the ſight, report, and noiſe of his undertakings; and at laſt obtained to be the firſt of Kings, and Monarch of Babylon, while Sem with his children, and grand-children Phaleg and Heber, are thought (by ſome of the Fathers, and the beſt Chronologers) never to have engaged in the action of Babylon, but to have removed Eaſt-ward to India.

Now the Diviſion of Tongues being (as before) about 140 years after the Flood, and there being a motus trepidationis at, and for about forty or fifty yeares after the Confuſion of Languages, by the panique amazement that poſſeſſed the builders of Babel, the ſumme is about 180 years; then adde 66 years, the time of Nimrods reign, the ſumme is about 240, or 250 years.

Thus have I prepared and made way for the credit of the ſtory of Diodorus Siculus lib. 2. out of C • eſias (who lived in the Perſian Court) the ſumme of which ſtory is, that Ninus (who was the Sonne of Nimrod, and ſucceeded him, and reigned 52 years) in an expedition of War againſt Zoroaſter King of the Bactrians, about the thirtie third of Ninus reign (as ſundry Chronologers have it) carryed into the field 17 hundred thouſand Footmen, and two hundred thouſand Horſmen, againſt Zoroaſter whoſe Army conſiſted of four hundred thouſand men.

If I adde this ſumme of 33 of Ninus reign, to 250, the ſumme of years is, 283 after the Flood, and if this ſpace and extenſion of time will not ſatisfie for ſo great a breed of men and people, I may yet adde more help to admit this expedition of Ninus to have been three hundred years after the Flood; for by how much leſſe of time that increaſe of people ſpent (as ſome will not allow it two hundred, others a little above two hundred years) by ſo much the greater plenty and over-flow of people might the ſooner extend, and move Eaſt-ward to the populating of America.

And wee muſt not imagine that all the men in the world were in thoſe two armies, But if ſo great a ſwarm of men were then ſprung up out of Iaphe • and Cham within that time, who were yet like to be infeſted with continuall broyles and warres, by the pride, cruelty, inſolence, and uſurpation of Idolatrous Nimrod, what hinders to believe but that Sem and his children who were the true believers and children of God, and lived quietly and peaceably, andGen. 9. 16. were bleſſed with great increaſe and multiplication, and kept their Hebrew language, and were not engaged in the action of Babel Tower, and ſuffered no interruption by that confuſion, but travelling to the Eaſt, ampliated and grew very numerous? And as the progeny of Iaphes or Cham approached nearer towards them, ſo they removed ſtill more Eaſt, and ſoon after planted and peopled the neareſt, and more parts of America, and ſo verified that in Gen. 9. 19. The three Sonns of Noah overſpread all the Earth.

It is not my meaning to infer out of my quotation of Diodorus a like generall planting and populacy all the world over, but I ſuppoſe that mankind having then (as wee uſe to ſay) all the world before them, and room enough, ſpread, dilated, and extended into that ſame moderate and temperate clymate, Eaſtward, declining the hotter regions to the South, and colder to the North, nam primi gentium mediam regionem inter • nimium calorem & frigus, &c. as I • . de Laët de orig. gent. pa. 91.

Now touching the Diſperſion of the Iewes by the carriing away of the Ten tribes by Salmanaſser King of Aſsyria, which is ſuppoſed by ſome to be the Fountain and origine of the people of America, although learned Brerewood (in his 13. Chap. of Enquiries, &c.) makes a ſolid confutation of the vaine and capriccious phancy (as he calls it) of the Tartars to be deſcended of the ten Tribes, as alſo the quotation out of Eſdras touching Arſareth, yet if wee ſhould admit the wandring of the Iewes into Tartarie after the Captivity, nevertheleſſe ſince that Captivity was about 1500 yeares after the Flood, wee cannot but ſuppoſe that thoſe Eaſt parts of Aſia were peopled long before that Captivity, and conſequently America alſo.

And to induce it and confirm what I have before declared, I further offer, that Ierome quaeſt. Heb: g. lib. 6, and he happily out of Ioſeph: lib. 1. Antiq. cap. 7 both ſay that the Sonns of Sem (who was Noahs ſecond Sonne, and came out of the Arke) travailed from Senaar, and poſſeſſed and Inhabited the part of Aſia from That is in the ſame parallell with Babylon. Euphrates to the Indian Sea or Ocean, and the Eaſt part then of Aſia remaining entire with the Globe of the Earth; for the ſtreight of Anian (pernavigated onely in words) is yet to me but a fable, and ſo thinks Brerewood, and Purchas Amer. cap. 8. and magis inclino ad eam ſententiam quae cohaerere credit, ſaies Jo. de Laët de orig. gent. pag. 12. & illud non minus famoſum quam incertum fretum Ani • n, Pag. 72. & credo omnes partes continentis concatenatis, pag. 116. And Grotius there Anion utrum fretum ſive ſinus nondum conſtat, pag. 9. and though the Coſmographers ſeem to own it, yet.

Dic mihi d • cte virum, aut quis ſit da Tytire nobis.

Name or prove mee the men that ever ſailed it through. And Arias Montanus is alſo clearly with me in his book de primis gentium ſedibus, where ſpeaking of the Americans, he holds them cum Aſia continuatas, and doubts not further to ſay, that Sems▪ Sonns travailed to the parts of the new world which wee call America, and magis perſuadeor &c. I am more perſwaded that ſoon after the diſperſion of Nations at the Confuſion of tongues, Noahs Sonns and Offſpring came and inhabited that part of the world, and Jo. de Laët orig. gent. pag. 7. ego autem Iudice, I am of opinion that we are not to think America to have bin peopled not above 500 or 1000 yeares ſince, but forthwith after the Confuſion of tongues; now the Flood was Anno mundi 1656. and the confuſion of tongues about 140 years after, as I have laid down before.

In Gen. the 9. v. 28. It is ſaid, that Noah lived 350 yeares after the Flood. So Noah had ſo many yeares of his own life to beſtow in repeopling and replanting the Earth. It is held that Noah came not to Babylon, nor was party to the arrogant attempt of the building of Babel, and if I er • e, libenter • r • o, I am willing to erre, to think that as God pleaſed to make Noah the maine ſtock and reſtorer of mankind, ſo alſo hee allowed him convenient meaſure of time to ſee the work of the repeopling of the world in a good forwardneſſe, for hee lived till Abraham was 57 yeares old, and died as Functius ſaies, poſtquam totus fere orbis babitari caepiſſet.

And if there were a Fret or Streight betwixt the two Continents, though certainly very narrow, and yet a neceſſity of paſſing over by boate, ſhip, or other veſſell, wee may aſſure our ſelves that at the time of the ſaid Captivity of the ten Tribes, and long before, ſhips▪ and ſhipping were well known and in uſe; for Iaſon about Anno mundi 2740 (which was above 500 yeares before that Captivity of the Ten tribes) ſayled out of Greece, and performed his expedicion for the Golden Fleece unto Colchis in Mengrelia at the bottome of the Euxine, and about 20 yeares after Ʋlyſses performed his travailes all about the Thuſcan Sea, the Adriatique or Gulph of Venice, and the Grecian Iſlands in the Archipelago; And Solomon to Ophir (An. Mun. 2970) hundreds of yeares before the Captivity aforeſaid.

And beſides what I find argued by that learned and Iudicious Brerewood▪ that the Americans are the race of the Tartars, wherein (ſhould I recede from my former argument and opinion, I ſhould concur with his) he much preſſeth one reaſon from the known diſcovery, that the Weſt parts of America next to Aſia are (by a fit implication from the more generall, ancient, and conſtant confluence of the Tartars out of Aſia) the moſt plentifully peopled of any part of America, where they have the beſt records of the ſeries and ſucceſſion of their Kings, and where are to be ſeen goodly buildings, and magnificent monuments of Antiquity, far exceeding and excelling all other parts of the Weſt Indies, all which alſo rather proves and confirmes than confutes my former arguments.

There was another Diſperſion of the Iewes from the paſſion of our Saviour, but that was onely of the two tribes of Iuda and Benjamin who were haraſſed and canvaſſed by the Romans after the expugnation of Ieruſalem, and wee gather from hiſtory that thoſe Iewes were moſt ſcattered Weſt, North, and South into Europe and Afrique, but from thence we cannot ground any plantation of America.

If the Iewes had gone over into America, by themſelves, or with the Tartarians, then the commixture of Nations would have produced a diffuſion of promiſcuous and medly manners and cuſtomes, and the more Iewes the deeper die and influence of their rights and cuſtomes had alſo pierced and poſſeſſed thoſe parts, & with it an inundation of the peoples rights, cuſtomes had alſo followed and overflowed, but we ſee they differ toto caelo, as appeares by Acoſta, Maffeius, Pe. Mart. Jo. de Laët and others.

Thus far have I offered my weak conceptions, firſt how America may be collected to have bin firſt planted, not denying the Iewes leave to goe into America, but not admitting them to be the chief or prime planters thereof: for I am of opinion, that the Americans originalls were before the Captivity of the Ten tribes, even from Sems near progeny (of which I have ſpoken enough already) beſides that from the Confuſion of languages, to that Captivity, there is a diſtance of about 13 or 1400 yeares, which is time ſufficient for the plantation of America out of Aſia before the Captivity.

Now I come to enquire into the harmony and agreement together of the Iewes and Americans, in manners, cuſtomes, language and religion.

The Firſt inſtance of the firſt Conjecture which the AuthorConject. 1. notes, is the Americans acknowledgment; but to this Acoſta (who lived 17 yeares in the Weſt Indies, and travailed all the Country over as he ſaies himſelf) tells us lib. 5. cap. 25. that what the Americans talk of their beginning is nothing worth, and rather a dream than any likelyhood of a true ſtory, nor will the weight of his experience, learning, and integrity, be overpeiſed by any.

The Second Conjecture is raiſed from rights andConject. 2. cuſtomes, whereof the Author hath made a diſtinction of Common and Sacred, and given a ſelect liſt of both, which are his chief life-guard.

And Firſt of Common rights.

The Firſt is from their garment or Mantle which theCuſt. 1. Americans uſe, as the Author, ſo alſo Acoſta confeſſeth to be a ſquare coat or cloak as moſt ſingle, ſimple, and leſſe charge, and no more peculiar to the Iewes or Americans than to any other Nation, and is the ſame with Elias Mantle, & ſuch as wee read of in Diodorus, uſed by the Chaldeans, & in Herodotus, by the Egyptians, & ſuch as the very Iriſh wear, though of a thicker ſubſtance, becauſe a colder Country; and reaſon ſhewes it is the moſt proper and ready garment for any Nation in an ho • clymate, and where the people have any modeſt ſence and ſhame of their own nakedneſſe.

They conſtantly annointed their head, as the Iewes did, Cuſt. 2. Luke 7. & 46.

This Pharagraph muſt be thus conceived and apprehended to be the Authors meaning, that they conſtantly, that is daily, uſually, and very often, as the Iewes daily, uſually, and very often did; Or that in ſuch manner as the Iewes did ſometimes, So the Indians did daily, uſually, and very often, annoint their head.

In the old Teſtament wee read of two manner of Annointings, the one Sacred or Holy, the other Common or Prophane.

The Sacred or holy oyle or Annointing is that we read of Exod. 22. being a very ſweet perfume, the confection or compoſition whereof was directed by God himſelf, and hee appointed that the Tabernacle, and all the inſtruments and veſſells thereof ſhould be annointed therewith, and Aaron the Prieſt and his Sonnes, as v. 30. And what Hannah ſpake 1▪ Sam. 2. 10. He will give ſtrength to his King, & exalt the horn of his annointed, and what elſe the man of God ſaid to old Ely, v. 35. of the ſame Chap. inſinuates either a declaration of the manner of Inauguration of Kings among the Gentiles, whereof they had heard, or they ſpake it prophetically by application of what they heard Moſes had told from the mouth of God, Deut. 17. touching the election and inſtitution of a King among the Iſraelites, which was after verified in the Kings of Juda, &c. who were annointed with the ſame holy oyle, as we may reade at large of Saul, David, Solomon &c. and as the prophet Eliſha was annointed, 1. K. 19. 16. all which was with oyle powred upon the head, and therefore Luke 6. v. 46. Chriſt ſaies to Peter, Mine head with • yle thou didſt not annoint, but this woman hath annointed my feet with oyntment; as if he had ſaid, I that am the truly annointed of the Lord, King, Prieſt, and Prophet, and ſhould have had oyle powred upon mine head, as was upon Aärons, Davids, and Eliſhahs, ſuch coſt you were loth to beſtow upon mine head, and you ſee how freely and joyfully ſhe hath beſtowed it upon my feet.

The firſt place in Scripture where we read of Annointing with oyle, is Gen. 28. 18. where it is ſaid that Iacob (when his Father ſent him on wooing) in his travail, having ſlept all night upon a ſtone for a pillow, and dreamed of the ladder to heaven, and of the wonderfull promiſes of Gods bleſſings to him revealed in a viſion, he was ſo raviſhed therewith, that he brake forth into theſe expreſſions of Admiration; Surely the Lord is in this place; How dreadfull is this place? This is none other than the houſe of God, this is the gate of Heaven, and he builded an Altar there, and called it Bethel, and vowed a vow, and took the Stone (implying the ſame ſtone whereupon hee ſlept, & that rather than any other, becauſe in his reſt upon that Stone he had that glorious apparition) and powred oyle upon it, which doubtleſſe was no other than ſuch as he carried with him in his travaile for his own refreſhment, and which though he uſed as partly for food (as the widow of Zarephath 1. K. 17. 12. and as we eate it with fiſh, Salades and Herbes,) ſo alſo to ſupple his joints and tired Limbs (as 2 Chr. 28. v. 15.) yet he thought it not too precious ſo to be beſtowed, whereby to make the Stone look ſmooth, cheerfull and ſhining, as alſo to preſerve it from froſt, raine, and the injury of weather, as wee doe metalls, wood, ſtones, (of more than ordinary uſe or eſteem) that ſtand abroad, and in open aire; and although this was before the giving of the Law, yet I take this to be an annointing dedicated to Gods worſhip.

The other which I call Common or Prophane annointing may be ſubdivided, and ſeverally branched, and to begin with the beſt and higheſt, I ſurpoſe ſome were of moſt ſweet and odoriſerous ſent and perfume by the confection and ingredients, as when they buried Aſa it is ſaid, Chro. 2. 16. 14. that they dreſſed him unguentis meretriciis as Ierome renders i • , with wanton, Harlot-like, and delicate oyles and ointments, as the Harlot Prov. 7. v. 15. invites to her bed perfumed with Myrrh, Aloes, and Cynamon (two of the incredients of the Holy oyle) and ſuch was the oyle in Ruth 3. 3. and ſuch were the odours to which alluſion is made 1. Cant 3. 12 4. 10. 14. & Amos 6. v. 6. and which Iudith uſed when ſhe dreſſed her ſelf for the ſurpriſe of Holophernes, and I hope I ſhall not erre to ſuppoſe and ſay that ſuch oyle it was that Ieſus feet were annointed with, for ſhe that beſtowed it was Mary Magdalen, mulier peccatrix, a • inner, an old wanton, that was provided happily, or elſe knew ſoon how to provide coſtly and curious perfumed oyles and ointments to invite delight, but now a Convert, and as ſhe firſt annointed his feet with what ſhe was wont to annoint her ſelf withall, ſo her haire (which ſhe was wont to embroider, dreſſe and curl with all curioſity, wherewith to catch, enſnare, and entangle beholders eyes) ſhee now makes a towell or napkin wherewith to wipe and dry up the teares that ſhe firſt waſhed his feet withall, & after annointed his feet with that oyl which I take to be ſuch as is mentioned Mark 14. 3. a box of oyle of Nard very precious, which unguenta ſpicata Galen reckons inter Rom • norum delicias, among the delicacies of the Romans, as Apronius caput et os ſuum unguento per fricabat. Cicero in ver. 5.

There was another annointing with oyle, to chear, comfort, and exhilarate, and to look ſmooth, faire, and freſh, as David Pſ. 104▪ 15. oyle to make him a cheerfull countenance, and as he annointed himſelf after his griefe for the death of his firſt Sonne by Bathſhe • a. And as Pro. 27. 9. Oyntment and perfume rejoice the heart, and Athaeneus lib. 1. ſaies that Democritus the Philoſopher of A • derites (being demanded how a man might live long) anſwered, ſi exteriora oleo, interiora melle irriget, to annoint outwardly with oyle, & inwardly with hony, as one ſaies, unguenta non voluptatis tantummodo, ſed & valetudinis cauſa uſurpantur, & ſuch annointing is mentioned Mat▪ 6. 17. When thou faſteſt annoint thy head, &c.

There was another uſe of Annointing, which was to ſupple and refreſh the ſinewes, joints, and muſcles, as Pſal. 109. Let it come like oyle into his bones, and Mich. 6. 15. Homer both in his Ilyads and Odyſſes ſpeakes often of a Cuſtom among the Grecians of bathing or waſhing in the morning, and after annointing with oyle; And Athenaens lib. 1. Deipnos gives a reaſon, for bathing is wholſome, but makes the skin harſh and rugged, and oyle makes it ſoft and ſmooth againe; And Thucydides ſaies, In gymnaſio Lacedaemonii corpora nudarunt, & oleo perfuderunt, the Lacedemonians at their feats of exerciſe bared their bodies, and then annointed them with oyle.

Exercent patrias oleo labente paaaeſtras. Nundati ſocii—virg.

Aenead: and Oleum quo ſuperunguntur Athletae ad adjiciendum Robur Ceroma dicitur, ſayes Seneca, the oyle wherewith wreſtlers annoint themſelves to get ſtrength is called Ceroma, and Plutarch in this Alexander ſaies, that the Gods beſtowed oyle upon men for refreſhment after wearineſſe and labours.

There was another Annointing with oyle mentioned in Scripture, which was of ſuch as were ſick, as Mark 6. 13. Ia. 5. 14. that was a Power given by Chriſt to his Diſciples, which was not from any expreſſe receipt, or cure, but onely for a ſigne and earneſt of Spirituall health, and cure of the Soul, as were many other miracles done by them; this manner of annointing laſted as long as the gift to work miracles laſted Chryſoſt. Hom. 4. in Math. and Auſt. de vera religione cap. 15. both confeſſe that they were vaniſhed before their times, and from that primitive uſe the Papiſts have extremely tranſlated it into a Sacrament.

Other Annointing than what I have here mentioned, I find not in uſe among the lewes, ſave that in feſtis ſolebant Iudaei caput oleo ungere, upon their feſtivall daies the Iewes uſed to annoint their head with oyle, which was no other than that, becauſe upon thoſe high and great daies they were more publique in their meetings, and aſſemblies, therfore they annointed themſelves both to ſmooth and chear the countenance, and to pleaſe by ſent & perfume; And their head rather than any other part, both becauſe the hair would better lodge and retain the ſent▪ eſpecially alſo being preſerved warm with an hat or covering, and becauſe when men are together in ordinary conference and diſcourſe, the outward ſeat of the ſeat of ſmelling (which is in the noſe a member of the head) is nearer the object of delight, as they talke nearer, and their heads are nearer together by the ſalutations of kiſſing or embraceing, and ſo they contribute pleaſing odours and perfumes to the delight of one another.

Of all this that is ſaid which is of odoriferous and ſweet oyles, nothing makes for the ſcope of the Author to the uſe of the Indians, who never annoint to the purpoſes aforeſaid; but as they prefer the dark and tawny complexion, ſo they love to adulterate the colour of their hair. So in Florida, and ſome parts of Braſile, they annoint themſelves, their skin with oyle, ut nudam cutem, &c. to cruſt, harden, and defend it againſt the ſcorching of the Sun, but of the annointing of the head, I reade no cuſtome among them.

They pride themſelves with Earings, and have their noſesCuſt. 3. bored through, with Iewells hanging at them, as wee read in Eſay 3. v. 20. 21.

I confeſſe the Earings in uſe among the Americans, as was in Eſay, & is with us, and all Europe over by perforation.

Auribus extenſis ma • nos commiſit elenchos—Iuvenal. li. 2. ſa • . 6. but the Noſe-rings in Eſay were onely naſo impendentia, hanging down upon the forehead, as was moſt in uſe among us in late memory, but the Americans bore the ſides of their noſtrills through to hang their Iewells at; And ſo their lower lips alſo for lip rings; but I forbear to quote authority thereof, being confident of the readers conſent and ſatisfaction in ſo clear a matter; In th • 〈…〉 let us obſerve and an •• i • 〈…〉 •• ane time Iewe • 〈…〉 e negative command to the 〈…〉 , • evit. ca. 19. v. 27.

In • ll India they waſh themſelves often, and the Iewes wereCuſt. 4. frequent in this, Mark 7. 3, 4. Io. 2. 6.

To ſay they waſh themſelves often, muſt implie, they waſh their bodies often, and ſuch waſhing the heat of Braſile, and other hot Clymates require, and ſuch waſhing may alſo eaſily and often be done by a people going almoſt naked, and ſo with ſmall and little labour to dreſſe, and undreſſe; but the waſhing of the hands before meat (quoted out of Mar.) was with the Iewes, as with us, a common practiſe before meales, but otherwiſe of the waſhing of the body; and that quotation out of Marke, &c. is onely a note of the ſeeming outward purity, and cleaneneſſe of the Phariſees, and their ceremonious ſtrictneſſe, putting and placing religion in opere operato, and the forme of Godlineſſe, for they waſhed before meat, at meat, upon drinking, pledging, changing of Pots, Glaſſes, &c. and therefore (for their ſeverall often and frequent uſes) they had in their diningroomes great pitchers, or veſſells of water, ever in readineſſe, as at the marriage in Cana. Io. 2. But the Americans waſh their bodies often to coole themſelves, and to wont and accuſtome to the waters, they practiſing very much ſwimming, in fiſhing and diving, but Io. de. Laët. Ind. occid. lib. 15. cap. 2. ſaies, the Braſilians (one of the largeſt provinces of all the Weſt-Indians) eate their meat illotis manibus, with unwaſhed hands; And Purchas America cap. 5. ſaies, the Braſilians waſh not before meales, and in his treatiſe of Nova francia cap. 8. he ſaies, they waſh not at meales, except they be e • ceeding foule, and then they wipe upon their own, or their dogs hai • es; and whereas Lerius hath a nonnulli that waſh before and after meals, this denotes but a few, & admits the generality not to waſh; as for the Levitical law of waſhing, that reſpected onely clenſing after ſuppoſed pollution by touching of unclean creatures, and other defilings and contamination, and contrary to Gods expreſſe command, whereas the queſtion with us reſteth onely in a voluntary, and nationall uſe and cuſtome; yet for waſhing before meales, it is a common uſe among us, and other countries, who are any whit civilized by commerce, and ſo Linſchot ſaies of the Cambians, Goans, Peguans, and Bengalans. I could here relate of the ſundry ſuperſtitious particulars of the Phariſaicall waſhings, as the Jeſuis Serrarius quotes them out of the Rabbins, enough to poſe all America.

They exceedingly delight in Dancing, &c. Cuſt. 5.

This is ſo cheap and proſtitute a cuſtome all the World over (and muſt needs be moſt among naked people) as inopem me copia fecit, if I ſhould begin to exemplifie, I knew not when to end. It is a raviſhment of the Intellectuals, with an high content of fruition or near hopes, which the ſoul breathes forth by her miniſters the faculties of the body in all light volatile and aiery motions and activities.

The Jews were wont to call them Fathers and Mothers thatCuſt. 6. were not their naturall Parents; ſo the Indians, &c.

This aſſertion is not exemplified by any quotation of Scripture, how, and in what manner, and meaſure it is intended, or extended; for the words Pater, Mater, have ſundry other than naturall ſignifications, and in many of them the ſame words are in uſe among us.

In America they eat no Swines fleſh; it is hatefull toCuſt. 7. them as it was among the Jews. Lev. 10. 7.

Perhaps the Americans might have that cuſtome from the Tartars, as Sigiſm. Baro cap. de Tartaris ſaies, Ab equis & aliis animalibus quoquo modo interemptis ſuaviter veſcuntur demptis porcis; they feed deliciouſly upon dead horſes, or any other carrion whatſoever (howſoever killed) except Swines fleſh. So did alſo the Egyptians, Arabians, Scythians, Samoëdes, who never deſcended from the Jews or Iſraelites, yet the Egyptians tempore plenilunio ſuilla carre veſcuntur, ſaies Herod. lib. 2. The Egyptians eat Swines fleſh in the new Moon: And Jo. de La • t deſcrip. Ind. occid. lib. 15. cap. 2. ſaies of the Braſilians, carnibus & piſcibus indiſcriminatim veſcuntur, neque ab immundis animantibus abhorrent, the Braſilians feed upon all manner of Fiſh and Fleſh, and make no difference; nay they abſtain not from unclean creatures; by which he may be thought (without any over-ſtrained preſumption) to mean Swine; for lib. 10. cap. 19. he ſaies of ſome parts of Virginia, aluntque multos porcos, they bring up many Swine (which we muſt underſtand for food, if he aſſign no other cauſe) And ſo pag. 413. he ſpeaks of the people of the Sichi in Peru, Aluntque multos porcos, qui omnium Peruvianorum optimi judicantur, they breed many Swine, which are counted the beſt of all Peru (which muſt intend the beſt for food and meat.) And the Epiſtles of the Jeſuit Ni. Duran. printed 1636. ſaies of the people of Paraquaire (right Weſt of Braſile) Sues habent quibus veſcuntur, they breed up Swine, and feed upon them; and Pet. Mart. Dec. 2. cap. 9. & 3. cap. 7. ſales they have Swineherds, and herds of Swine, and the Swines fleſh is commended by the natives to be wholſomer, and of a better taſt than their Mutton: And of the Chineſes in Aſia over againſt America, Maffeius lib. 6. ſaies, caro ſuilla maxime expetitur menſis, no greater dainties at their table than Swines fleſh: And Hierome adver. Vigilant. To. 2. ſaies of Jovinian, Inter Phaſides & carnes ſuillas non tam amiſit ſpiritum quam eructavit; and Lucian in his Saturnals, and Pliny, both ſay, that Swines fleſh was a choice diſh at Feaſts. And though by the Leviticall Law Swines fleſh was forbidden, being one of the creatures that divided the hoofe, but chewed not the cud; yet we read that the Gadarens (in the Tribe of Manaſſeh) had an heard of 2000 Swine drowned with the devils in the Lake; and we may preſume to ſuppoſe that the Jews in the other Tribes had ſwine alſo, and may conclude, that they bred and brought them up for their own food and ſpending, or for the markets of other people near unto them.

They waſh ſtrangers feet, and are very hoſpitable, andCuſt. 8. this was the known commendation of old Iſrael.

Moſt of all the Americans (as our authors report, and muſt be true in nature) are fearfull, jealous, and inhoſpitable people towards all ſtrangers, whom they ſuſpect to come to invade, or annoy, or expell them; and if in any place where they are ſubdued & civilized, they waſhed others feet, it was not an occult quality inherent from the Jewiſh race and derivation, but a trite uſe, and cuſtome of their own barefoote experience, and afterwards (as bonum ſignum à mala cauſa) became a practiſe in ſeeming curteſie towards others where they were ſubdued.

In the • 8 of Gen. 4. Abraham ſaies to the three Angels that came in humane ſhape unto him, Let a little water, I pray you, be brought, and waſh your feet: Here Abraham offers them water, & wills them to waſh their own feet, as beſt knowing, not where the ſhooe, but the want of a ſhooe pinched them moſt; of this we may read Gen. 19. 2. & 24. 32. & 43. 24. Iudges 19. v. 21. and ſundry other places; and in hot countries people went bare-foot, and uſed to waſh their feet for refreſhment after ſurbaiting, or ſolebaiting, and wearineſs of travaile; and this waſhing of feet was a ſpeciall remedie to unweary them, as Calvin calls it in the French, Delaſſer.

Homer in his Odyſſes doth often mention the hoſpitality of waſhing of feet, as Polycaſte Neſtor's daughter waſhed Telemachus feet, and Ʋlyſſes when he returned home after his long travailes, and was not yet diſcovered, he refuſed to let any woman waſh his feet, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , niſi aliqua vetula, unleſſe there were ſome old woman; and Plavus in his Perſa, ferte aquam pedibus, bring water for the feet.

But the quotation as of the known cuſtome and commendation of old Iſrael, cannot ſuite much with any practiſe of the Americans.

In the 13 of John we read of the greateſt Maſter that ever was, that he waſhed his ſervants feet; but this was no cuſtome in Iſrael or Judah, nor was ever done by any of the Sachims or Caſiques in America; and here the proffer of Chriſt to Peter was of ſo unſpeakable condeſcenſion, as Peter (in an angry modeſty, and baſhfull indignation, ver. 8.) told him he ſhould never waſh his feet, that is, as the Centurion ſaid to Chriſt, I am not worthy thou ſhouldest come under my roofe, can I have that brazen-faced boldneſſe and impudence to permit thee (ſo far exceeding and excellent above all mortall men) to perform ſo mean an office to me, the meaneſt of men? but Chriſt ſoon cooled and converted him in the ſame verſe: If I waſh thee no • , &c. Here our Saviour teaches his Diſciples humility, and brotherly love, as ver. 14, 15, 16, 17. and (as he draws nearer to his paſſion and parting) dictates and inculcates thoſe things to them, that ſhould be their practiſe to his glory, and their eternall comfort.

The Indians compute their times by nights, and which Jo. Cuſt. 9. de Laët confeſſeth they had from the Hebrews.

Grotius alleging Hunting, Computation by nights, Waſhing of new born children, and Dicing to be in uſe among the Americans, and to have been uſed alſo by the Germans; Joh. de Laët de orig. gent. anſwers, or obſerves upon it, and ſaies, that Hunting was as common to other people, eſpecially the Scythians; ſo alſo Computation by nights familiar to many Eaſtern people, which they had from the Hebrews, and therefore the author doth a little impoſe upon the reader herein; for de Laët doth not ſay that the Indians had them from the Hebrews, but that many▪ Eaſterne people learned that computation from the Hebrews, and the Indians might have it from thoſe Eaſtern people.

The Athenians began their day at Sun-ſet, ſo did the Jews, and ſo did the Gaules in Caeſar's time, who Coment. lib. 6. ſaies, Galli • ſe omnes à Di • e prognatos dicunt, ob eam cauſam ſpatia temporis non numero dierum ſed noctium faciuntur; the Gaules ſay they deſcend from Pluto, and therefore compute their time by nights: And as the Americans fear Pluto, Dis, the Devill, the God of darkneſſe moſt, ſo their ſtupidity and ignorance may juſtly give the Night precedence in their computation of time; and although we will not forget our own uſuall reckoning by nights, as Sevenight, Fortnight, yet wee offer not to ſtrive with the Gaules for the petigre, though Seeing, we will not ſee, and are blind, though we have had a long Sun-ſhine; Wee reckon alſo by months, as the Iewes did, though in neither are wee the more Iewiſh; In Cuba they reckon by the Sun, and ſay ſo many Suns, as Pet. Martyr Dec. lib. 4. cap. 8. I could perplex this queſtion yet more, but non eſt tanti, It is not worth the labour.

Virginity is not a ſtate praiſe-worthy among the Americans,Cuſt. 10. a • d was a bewailable condition among the Iewes, Iudg. 11. 37.

The prophecy and promiſe of our Saviours comming in the fleſh, was an encouragement to marriage among the Iewes, which made the condition of Iephtes Daughter bewaileable, becauſe her hope was quite cut off, her Father having dedicated her to God in a ſingle life, not ſacrifiſed her by death (as ſome would have it) but unforced I thruſt my ſelf any further into that diſquiſition; But when Chriſt came into the world, he conferred the greateſt honour that ever was upon Virginity, by being himſelf born of a Virgin, himſelf living and dying a Virgin, and the great commendations wee otherwiſe have of Virginity, are moſt plentifully ſet forth both in the old and new Teſtament; So as the very Elect are called the Virgins that follow the Lambe, Revel. 14. 4. and the Fathers call it the Angelicall State, and condition; And if Saint Paul bee Canonicall, he doth ſatisfie us to the full; And Acoſta lib. 6. cap. 20. ſaies, Virginitas quae apud omnes mortales in precio & honore eſt, apud hos Barbaros (ſpeaking of the Americans) vilis & indecora, and a little after, Virginitas quae ubique gentium maximo & prope divino honore • fficitur, inter belluas dedecori & infamiae eſt, Virginity which is honored all the world over (among thoſe barbarous people, and no better than beaſts) is a ſhame and diſgrace, and baſely eſteemed. And it cannot be expected (upon a near inſpection into that Nation) but that it may the ſooner kindle luſt, and the more eaſily and ſpeedily inflame to execution; and principally from their heatheniſme, want of Civility and Religion, having (as the Pſal. ſaies) no fear of God before their eyes; as the Malabars in Eaſt India, who think if they die maides they ſhall never come into Pardiſe; but I am ſory to read the Parallele, and that the alluſion of the lamentation for Jephtes Daughter ſhould be quoted to countenance the bawdineſſe of theſe beaſtly and barbarous people, ſo contrary to the Law of God, by Moſes, Levit. 19. v. 29.

The Natives marry with their own kindred and Family,Cuſt. 11. this was Gods Command to his people, Numbers 36. 7.

While it was Gods command it was to be obeyed, and though Ipſe dixit, that God ſaid it, had bin enough, yet God may be thought to have commanded it for increaſe of people among his own children the Iewes, and that increaſe not to be ſeduced or endangered to Idolatry by entermarriage with Idolaters; Chrys. upon Mathew frames another reaſon, which is, that becauſe death was among the Iewes a puniſhment that went neareſt the heart, and then eſpecially the loſſe of a husband to a wife muſt be moſt grievous and inſupportable, therefore there could be no ſuch mitigatory or lenitive of ſorrow to the widow, as to marry the husbands brother or near kinſman, whereby the firſt husband ſeemes in a manner ſtill to live, and the eſtate to continue in the ſame ſtock, but that law after vaniſhed, and as Auſtin ſaies, Commiſtio ſororum & fratrum quanto fuit antiquior compellente neceſſitate, tanto poſtea facta eſt deteſtabili • r religione prohibente, and I hope thoſe marriages were ceaſed and laid down long before the Captivity under Salmanaſſer.

Wee muſt conſider the curſe upon Cham gazing upon his Fathers nakedneſſe, and Ʋaler. Maximus ſaies that apud antiquos non erat fas filium ſimul cum patre balneari, in old time the Sonne was not ſuffered to be ſeen bathing with the Father; and Ariſtotle in his Hiſt. Animalium, tels of an Horſe that having covered a Mare that was his own damm, after he perceived it, he brake his own neck down a precipice, with horrour or ſhame of the fact; be it true or falſe, the ſtory is a divine beam in the Philoſopher; but theſe Marriages among the Americans, derive partly from their own brutiſhneſſe, partly from their heatheniſh policy for ſafety and aſſurance in the confidence of their own ſafety and kindred, and being in many parts a Nomades, a wandring, fleeting, and removing people up and down in hords from place to place, and ſtudious of numbers and faithfulneſſe for ſtrength and preſervation from enemies and danger; yet Pet. Mart. lib. 7. cap. 10. of the Iſlanders, They have as many Wives as they pleaſe, ſaving of their own kindred: And Hierome in his ſecond book againſt Iovinian ſaies, Perſae, Medi, Indi, & Ethiopes, cum matribus, aviis, filiabus, & neptibus, copulantur; lie with their Mothers, Grandmothers, Daughters, Neeces.

The Indian women are eaſily delivered of their childrenCuſt. 12. without Midwives, as thoſe in Exod. 1. 19.

This place of Exodus Hierome tranſlates, obſtretricandi haben • facultatem, that is, the Hebrew women are skilfull in Midwifry; but becauſe the office of a Midwife is of a another perſon diſtinct from the woman travailing, who cannot miniſter to her ſelf as a ſtander by, therefore the tranſlation ſeems to me improper, not that mine ignorance in the Hebrew can judge it, but becauſe I find it otherwiſe rendred in ſenſe by ſundry other learned men; Vatablus ſayes the Hebrew women were vegetae, Tremellius, vividae, Pagnine, valde roboratae, the Italian, gagliarde, the French, vigonrenſes, the Spaniſh, robuſtas, our Engliſh, lively; which word carries enough of skill, ſlight, deviſe, art, ingenioſity; but to come more cloſe to the queſtion.

The danger and difficulty of women in Child-birth, is a curſe entailed upon Eve, and all women kind ever ſince, for taſting and giving Adam the forbidden fruit, In ſorrow ſhalt thou bring forth: Rachel had an hard travaile of Benjamin, and dyed of him, and Phinehas wife of Ichabod; Moſes does not of himſelf ſay, that the Hebrew women were eaſily delivered, as if it were a nationall and naturall promptneſſe and facility; but he ſayes, the Hebrew Midwives (being charged of Pharaoh to deſtroy all the Male children when they ſaw them upon their ſtooles (which inſinuates they had the uſuall travaile and help of other women) the Midwives who feared God, and for that reaſon ſpared the children) excuſed themſelves by ſaying, the Hebrew women are lively, and eaſily delivered before we come at them; ſo as nothing is proved of the Hebrews facility of childbirth above other women.

And we may further (without preſumption) ſuppoſe, that when God intended ſo miraculous a preſervation and increaſe of the Iſraelites, he might (by his power) facilitate the travaile of the women, and give them more eaſie deliverance for accompliſhment of his own great deſign and purpoſe in that particular.

Now it is a vain and empty cogitation and argument, to ſay that the Hebrew women (having underſtood of Pharaoh's command) raiſed themſelves to the higheſt pitch of ſpirit, and uttermoſt ſtrength of nature, and ſphere of activity to their own deliverance in that great combat, and for preſervation of their iſſue.

Beſides, although we muſt grant that in nature (yet not to give a law alike to all conſtitutions and frames of body, which ſeverally may recipere majus aut minus, and differ one from another) the danger, and danger is great in the travaile of women, and child-bearing; there being but unus introitus, & mille exitus, but one way into the world, though a thouſand out; yet Nature may be helped by Cuſtome (a ſecond nature) and I do admit, that all barbarous and ſavage people, who by their hardſhips of body, and nakedneſſe, or looſneſſe (with little garment or covering, which render them alwaies more nimble, active, and maniable, eſpecially in warm countries and clymates, which is apt to dilatation, as cold is to conſtriction) are more able to endure, and more ready and facile to the diſcharge of their burthen.

I could here amplyfie and enlarge (by credible relations) of the manner and practiſe of the Iriſh, and the help and Midwifery of their Mantles, but I ſpare it; and in Strabo we read that the women in Spaine goe about their ordinary works as ſoon as they are delivered, and the husband lies in while the woman works; ſo the Tibareni in Aſia Minor, and the Braſilians about the river Plate, as Purchas cap. 4. of America.

They waſh their Infants newly born, and this we find alſoCuſt. 13. Ezek. 16. ver. 19.

The quotation out of Ezek. might have been ſpared in ſo ancient and neceſſary a cuſtome; Ariſt. Pol. 7. ſaies, apud barbaras gentes, &c. among the barbarous people there grew a ſtrong cuſtome to waſh infants in cold water, as the Gaules alſo did. and Virg. Aenead. 9. ſayes,

—natos ad flumina primum Deferimus ſaevoque gelu duramus & undis, Our new born babes we waſh in water cold, Naked at river ſide, And uſe to froſt and ſnow, to make them bold, All hardſhip to abide.

And follows in the ſame place,

Venatu invigilant pueri ſilvaſque fatigant. The boyes doe plie the chaſe, And tire the beaſts apace.

Which ſerves alſo exactly for the Americans, and Avicen ſaies, feſtinandum ut infantum corpuſcula perluantur • qua, and Strabo relates ſuch a cuſtom in Spaine, and Grotius quotes the like of the Germans out of Tacitus; yet Mexicanis uſitatum non invenio, ſaies Io. de Laët▪ de orig. gent. pag. 37. I doe not finde it uſed among the Americans; ſo ſome particulars as the great Province of Mexico will not be compriſed within the generall word they.

In foeminine ſeaſons they put their women into a WigwamCuſt. 14. by themſelves, for which they plead Nature and Tradition.

The confeſſion and conceſſion of the Author ſaves me the labour of any further inquiry in this.

The Widdow marrieth the brother of the deceaſed husband,Cuſt. 15. which was Moſes Law, Mat 22. v. 24.

Of this hath been ſpoken already in part to the 11th, I now adde, Moſes words are theſe, If a man dye, having no children, his brother ſhall marry his wife by the right of alliance; the word is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a Son in Law, as in Deut. 25. 5. Moſes ſaid, his Kinſman ſhall marry his wife, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 among the Greekes is uſually taken for a Kinſman, as in Homer and others, ſo 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is, ſhall Kinſman it, as Beza judiciouſly renders it affinitatis jure, and our engliſh tranſlation by the right of Alliance, & the note upon the margent in the Geneva bibles, ſaies the Hebrew word doth not ſignifie the naturall brother ſhould marry the brothers wife, but other Kinſman in a degree which might marry, as the Coſen (as is plentifully explaned in Ruth) and ſo it is rendred in Valablus, Tremellius, the Italian, French, and Spaniſh Bibles, though Pagnine have it Levir, the Husbands Brother, yet the note upon the ſide corrects it into Cognatus; and as Calvin in his Epiſtles, pag. 495. Phraſis eſt linguae Hebraicae, &c. It is the phraſe of the Hebrew tongue, to call all Kinſmen Brothers; and hereof we may read largly and learnedly (among others) in Zanchius de ſponſal. lib. 1.

Theſe moſt obſcure, uncomely, and unnaturall matches, let the Americans ſtill own, & be not once named among, or of thoſe that were called the Children of God, but forbidden by him to the Iſraelites, though in practiſe among the inceſtuous Idolaters, as the note is upon the 18. of Levit. v. 16. as the Perſians and other Nations had a law from thoſe Idolaters to marry ſiſters, daughters, brothers, as Euſeb. de Pr. Evang. lib. 6. cap. 8. and if the Popes diſpenſation be a law, the Papiſts have an eaſie remedy for inceſtuous marriages, and though ſome of them doe grant there was a fieri non debuit, yet by the Popes omnipotencie factum valet; for Princes the better to aſſure their Eſtates, as alſo to enlarge and augment their power and dominion, doe enter marry with their own near kindred, and in degrees clearly forbidden and inceſtuous before God, though alowed and confirmed by diſpenſation from the vice-God the Pope, wherewith themſelves, and their iſſue, and progeny (if they have any) are all ever after deeply obliged as homagers to the Pope who gave them their Crown and greatneſſe, and thus they ſerve their own turnes of the Pope, and he his own upon them, as to omit others, may be throughly inſtanced in the marriage of late yeares of Albert Arch-duke of Auſtria with the Inſanoa Iſabella Clara Eugenia.

Philip the 1. of Spaine had Charles the 5. Ferdinand 1. Charles 5. had Ph. 2. Marie Ferdinand had Maxim. 2. Ferdinand, Charles, Iohn. Ph. 2. married Anna Maria daughter of Max. 2 and had Ph. 3. Iſabella Clara Eug.

Marie ſiſter of Ph. 2. married Maxim. 2. by diſp. from P. Paul the third.

Phil. 3. married Mary daughter of Cha. Son of Ferdinand.

Maxim. 2. had by Mary Daughter of Cha. 5. 1 Rodulph, 2 Erneſt, 3 Matthias, 4 Maximili. 5 Albert, 6 Wencelaus, 7 Anna, 8 Elizabeth.

Iſabella Clara Eugenia married Albert 5. Sonne of Maxim. 2. So Ph. 2. might truly call Albert Brother, Coſen, Nephew, Sonne; and by ſuch (politicall and damnable) matches the Americans may with the Pſalmiſt, as before, joine houſe to houſe, and land to land.

Dowries are given by the Indians, as Saul enjoined David,Cuſt. 16. 1. Sam. 18.

The meaning of the Author is, that the Parents among the Indians, ſell or ſet what price they liſt upon their daughters, as from this quotation the Author would inſinuate to have bin a cuſtome among the Iſraelites.

The word Dowry, comes from the latine Dos, and that from the Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or the Indeclinable 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , all meaning a gift or donation, and all from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to Give.

In the firſt ages ſome men took wives where they liſt, as Gen. 6. 2. and Iudges 21. v. 21. others had them of the gift of the Parents, as Gen. 24. v. 5. and as Hamor ſaid to Iacob of Dinah, The ſoul of my Son longeth for your Daughter, I pray you give him to wife, Gen. 34. v. 8. others bought their wives, as Jacob did Rachel, Gen. 29. 18. and Hos. 3. v. 2. and ſo it was alſo among the heathens.

In the firſt ages alſo, Riches and ſubſtance conſiſted moſt in flocks, and ſtock of Cattell, as we may read at large in Gen. of the Patriarchs, and after of Iob, and ſuch was the practiſe of the antient heathen, as Pauſanias in Meſieri, and thoſe cattle firſt for uſe in ſacrifices, after for foode and meate for men.

We reade in Herodotus, Thucidides and others, that it was a common practiſe in ancient time, for rovers at Sea, to land upon Maritime parts, and to ſteale, take, and carry away Virgins, and young maides, when they were playing in the fields (as Pluto did Proſerpina) and to ſell them for cattell, and to ſteale cattle alſo, and with them to buy maides to ſell againe, as Laërtes (Ʋlyſſes Father) bought Euryclea for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the price of 20 oxen, Homer, Odyſſ. lib. 1. And in Homers Hymne of Venus, ſhee tells Anchiſes how ſhe was taken and carried away.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 —

Which is thus tranſlated into the latine, Ʋirgines bene d • tatae ludebamus, a company of us maidens of good portions were playing, that is which would ſell for good ſtore of cattle, of which name of Alpheſiboeus oxen finding, wee may read more in Servius upon Virg. his 5. and 7. Aeglogues. and Strabo lib. 15. ſpeaks of Virgins among the Indians 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 bought with a paire of oxen, a common practiſe among them▪

Againe Ariſtotle and Thucidides both tell us, that in ancient times husbands bought their wives, which ſheweth that in their times, It was not ſo, but that then parents gave portions with their daughters, yet wee read of Lycurgus (the great lawgiver of Lacedemon) that hee would have wives bring no portions, leſt the greatneſſe of the portion ſhould make them inſolent, and ſo I ſuppoſe it wittily meant by Seneca, where he ſaies, Inſolens malum eſt beata uxor, which is clearly adapted to that of Syracides cap. 25. a woman that nouriſheth her husband is full of reproach; and Iuvenal Sat. 6. lib 2. Intolerabilius nihil eſt quam faemina dives.

Tacitus of the Cuſtomes of the Germans, ſaies, Dotem non uxor marito ſed maritus uxori dat, by which he meanes the purchaſe of a wife, and notes it for a difference from the uſe among the Romans, Antiquitus, in old time (ſaies one) the women (munera quaſi dotem à maritis acceperunt) had gifts from their husbands, as (or in manner of) a Dowrie, which is but a fain: expreſſion & reſemblance; for I ſuppoſe thoſe were but love tokens, complements and earneſts of affection, dona nuptialia, as Cicero pro Cluentio, I dare not adventure to call them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 with Pauſanius in his Laconicks, which I tranſlate revelatoria as beſtowed for putting off the vaile, or when the vaile was firſt put off, which was a yellow vaile (Flammeum, as Pliny calls it, lib. 21. ca. 8.) ca •• over the face, whereupon ſome Critiques bring nuptiae from nubo, (becauſe then the Covering is caſt off) but I dare adventure to ſay they are ſuch as Homer Odyſſ. 8. ſpeaks of, when Vulcan had taken Mars in bed with Venus, he chained them together, with a curious chaine which he made on purpoſe, and would not looſen nor ſet them at liberty, till— 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Hee were promiſed that her Father ſhould reſtore him all his love-tokens and gifts that he beſtowed on her when he was a Suter to her, and ſo the Father having thoſe gifts in his power, may not be improperly ſaid to have ſold his daughter.

But now to preſſe the argument nearer, from the Grounds of Reaſon and Religion, None will deny that as a daughter is a charge and burthen to her parent for her diet, apparell, and maintenance while unmarried (as Paul ſais, hee is worſe than an infidell that provides not for his Family) ſo beeing married, ſhe becomes a charge to her husband, which the parent hath removed from himſelfe, beſides alſo the probable conſequent and concomitant charge of children, and for theſe reaſons Ʋlpian (one of the Fathers of the Civile Law) ſaith, Dos eſt proprium filiae patrimonium, & Paternum eſt officium dotare filiam, and this Dowry or Portion, is the juſt motion for a ſet Iointure to be made to the wife, and this the Civile Law calls donatio propter nuptias, and as the Greekes call a Dowry, or Portion, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , becauſe the woman brings it, So they call the Ioincture 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which is a bringing to meete it, a quid pro quo, or a retaliation; for as the Civilian ſaies, Dos & Donatio propter nuptias muſt paribus paſſibus ambulare, go and march evenly and together, thus Dos or Dowry purely and candidly taken is (quod à parente propter vinculum & onera matrimonii datur) that which the parent gives to knit the knot, and beare a part of the charge in marriage, and of this wee have plentifull confirmation, both in ſacred and prophane ſtory.

When Leah brought Iacob a ſixt Sonne, ſhe ſayd, Now • ath God endowed me with a good Dowry, Gen. 30. v. 20. That is, although my Father Laban gave Iacob nothing in portion with me, yet this my fruitfulneſſe is enough to content Iacob, who ſhall not (as David ſaid afterwards) be aſhamed when he ſpeaketh with his enemies in the gate: And that the uſe and practiſe was ſuch, for parents to give portions to their daughters, may be evinced cap. 31. v. 14, 15. Where Rachel expoſtulates thus againſt her Father; Is there any more portions? hath he not ſold us? That is, our Father, who according to common uſe and cuſtome of other pareuts, ſhould have given us portions, hath ſold us, that is, hath paid, or given us to Iacob for his wages; though it pleaſed God to provide that Iacob ſhould have a portion with his wives, by the profit of his ſubtile, naturall, and philoſophicall experiment and concluſion, v. 37, 38, 39.

Again, Exod. 22. v. 17. If a man entice a maid to lye with her, and her father will not let him marry her, he ſhall pay according to the Dowry of Virgins: That is, ſhe ſhall have a Dowry or Portion ſuitable to his quality whoſe daughter ſhe is, as the ability of the young mans parents may bear it. So Deut. 22. v. 28, 29.

We read that Pharaoh King of Egypt gave Gezer to his daughter Salomon's wife in dotem, or in nomine dotis, as Hierom and Vatablus (pro muneribus ſaies Paguinus) and ſo might be ſtill Dos profectitia (in the Civillians terms) from a parent; this place to my ſenſe is unfitly with us tranſlated a Preſent; for though the word might be excuſed towards the glory and majeſty of Solomon (though Sonne in Law to Pharaoh) yet it is too ſtooping, low, and unſeemly from a Father to his own Daughter, ſince the word Preſent, imports alwaies on offering from an Inferiour to a Superiour.

And to return again to the name and ſignification of the word Dowry. In the 2 Mach. 1. 14. mention is made of Antiochus, that went to receive money in the name of a Dowry; which Hiſtory though it be, as Iunius ſaith, Fabulous, and is Apocrypha, yet the receiving of Dowry, or Portion by a man with his wife, is Canonicall enough to our purpoſe.

Homer Il. 6. ſh • w, that Hector called his wife Andromeda, Polydra, becauſe ſhe brought him a great portion; and in his firſt of his Odyſſes, he uſeth the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for a portion with a daughter; and Plato lib. 6. And Laws give rules for portions and ſo lemnizations of Marriages; and Themiſtocles (who is alſo very ancient) ſaid, Malo ſponſam piam carente dote optima, quam dotem optimam carente ſponſa pia: And among the Romans, Dos magna parentum virtus. Probamque pauperiem ſine dote quaero, &—decies centena dediſſet—huic puero, all Horace. Vxor ſine dote veniet, Terent. Nihil eſt quod dem, Euclio to Megadorus in Plaut. Aulularia, and there a little after, Conveniſse dotis mea afferret filia, at laſt we agreed he ſhould take my daughter with any portion; and ipſe filiae nubili dotem conficere non poteſt, Tully ad Atticum, and Caeſar Com. 6. ſayes of the Gaules, Viri quantum pecuniae ab uxore dotis nomine accipiunt, tantum, &c.

Now whether Dowry be meant in the Authors quotation under the firſt or ſecond ſence, I cannot finde what either Saul gave for Portion, or David for Joincture; but to attain the meaning of the place as near as I can, I offer thus,

It is certain, that ever after the women of Iſrael ſang Davids victory over Goliah, with an higher note and pitch of honour ten to one than Sauls, Saul ſought his life, and ſo Sauls propoſition, as it was but a trap for David (thinking David could never have paid the price of ſo dangerous a purchaſe) ſo Saul knew alſo that if David quit himſelf, and eſcaped, he ſhould have his daughter in marriage, and ma •• ying the Kings Daughter he ſhould want no portion to himſelfe, nor meanes of Joincture for his wife, for by his office of command in the Army, as Chap. 18. v. 5. 13. 17. and the profits of his ſpoiles and victories; and this expoſition, I think fits well, both to get David a portion with his wife, and to enable him to make her a Joincture.

I hope I have ſufficiently proved the antiquity of the giving of portions by Parents to their children in the time of the Patriarchs, and under, and from the time of giving the Law. So as I ſuppoſe the Author cannot maintaine his pretended cuſtome of the Iſraelites to ſell their daughters, after giving and knowledge of the Lawes for Dowries, and long before the carrying away of the Tenne Tribes, and contrary to all Laws of religion and nature.

I have alſo ſufficiently maintained mine aſſertions by ſome of the moſt ancient prophane writers of beſt Teſt, and credit, and what Saul did in the height of his malice. If the Author be deſirous the bloody and Idolatrous Americans may have leave to derive it ex traduce (for it is but a Crumme of the maine impure maſſe of mans nature) I hinder not, I ſhall onely conclude, that as I may not deny but that in ſome parts of America (as in the Iſland of Mocha, in the province of Chile) Proci (as one ſaies) ſponſas ſuas à patentibus mercari ſolent, & bovem & oves, &c. pro filiabus reddere; Suitors buy other mens daughters for wives: So I may further admit it a cuſtome like to be much in uſe among ſuch barbarons, wandring, flitting, running, roming, & removing people, and quit the Author from proof of uſuality & cuſtome. I demand but to finde one Parallele among all the Americans, agreeing to the quotation, that a Weſt Indian Potentate, Sachim, Weroance, or Caſique, ſhould, or uſeth to beſtow a daughter in marriage under the termes of ſuch a promiſe, with condition of Price, as Saul did (though the Americans have a number of ſtrange foules) is rara avis, ſuch a black Swan as I believe all America cannot ſhew or afford.

The husband hath power over the adulterous wife, and toCuſt. 17. turne her away, and they have other cauſes of divorce, as was in Iſrael, Math. 8. 19.

I could here mention the Athenian, Arabian, Perſian, and Egyptian Law, and the Lawes of other Nations, for puniſhment of Adultery with death, and other ſhamefull ſeparations, and I believe none of them were derived from the Iewes. In the meane time I note the Quotation is miſprinted, and ſhould be Math. 5. 32. & 19. 9. where our Saviour ſaith, Whoſoever putteth away his wife, except it be for fornication, &c. and declares no other cauſe of divorce, & ſo no other cauſe was allowed among the Iſraelites, and de facto ad jus non valet, &c. from fact to right is no good argument; the lewd practice of the Barbarous Americans, is a Lawleſſe Law, and no juſt cauſe of divorce.

They nurſe their own children, even the Queenes in Peru, Cuſt. 18. So did the Mothers in Iſrael.

I believe it of the ordinary ſort of people in America but from a particular inſtance, avouched or mentioned by this or that Author, of this or that ſeverall and particular province or people, we muſt not faſten a beliefe or argument of a generall nationall practice; In Gen. 24. 29. Rebecca went and her nurſe, and in Sam. 2. 4. & 4. M • phiboſheths nurſe fled away with him. It may be objected, theſe were dry nurſes, (as we call them) or ſome women or maides that took care of them, but it is cleare that of the 2. K. 11. 2. where Iehoſhebah ſtole away Ioaſh and his nurſe, Joaſh being than but infantulus lactans, as ſome of the Fathers call him, a ſucking child.

And although the Author quotes the Queens of Peru, yet I agree with him, that he did not like to quote, Eſay 49. v. 23. Queenes ſhall be thy nurſes, yet according to Nature (ſimply conſidered) I dare believe as far as any; Tacitus ſaies, ſua quemque mater uberibus alit, every mother ſuckles her own child, and what is common in nature to all, cannot be termed a particular cuſtome to any.

Againe it is the uſuall practice with us (except onely for perſons of delicate, tender, and eaſie lives, and education, and curioſity of dreſſe and attire) to commit their children to be nurſed by others, ſo the barbarous people being empty of much of that cumber, acquainted and bred up in hardſhip and nakedneſſe, are evermore prepared, and ready to performe that office with the leaſt trouble and perplex.

The Husbands come not at their wives, untill theirCuſt. 19. children be weaned, ſuch an uſe is read Hos. 1. 8.

Though this be no true Hiſtory, but an allegoricall viſion (according to the beſt divines) yet It may well be admitted, that for a woman that ſuckles her own child, to company with her husband, and ſo prooving, or becoming with child againe before the former be weaned, it muſt needs vitiate and corrupt the milke, beſides the ſpoiling and exhauſting the ſpring thereof, and thereby deprave and deteriorate the humours, health, and conſtitution of the child, and for that reaſon, abſtinence or continence of the husband from the wife (untill the child be weaned) renders it more ſound, ſtrong, and firme; In new Spaine (as ſome write) the children ſuck 12 yeares. I believe the Author is not willing I ſhould believe this of the Iſraelites, yet in other places of America, the husband lies not with his wife for two yeares after her delivery; ſo alſo they write of the Floridans, but in the tenth Cuſtome the Author hath diſcovered a remedium amoris, a ſpeedy and ſufficient meanes to quench the husbands heate when maides and Virgins deſire the honour to be deflowred, and are moreover proſtitute for many yeares after, even untill they be married, as is the common report of ſundry Authors, touching the Americans; but the weaning of the child generally follows the quality of the mother, the condition of her health and affaires.

Among the Indians they puniſh by beating and whiping, Cuſt. 20. Their Princes. &c. So do all people in the world. And the * Sachims put offenders to death with their own hands, and ſometimes ſecretly ſend an executioner. Marke 6. 27. & Cor. 2, 11. 25.

The inſtance of the Tyrannous and cruell act of an heathen Prince in Mar. 6. for a fowle end, I may not admit to derive from the line of a Iewiſh cuſtome or Law, and ſo to make the Iewes patrons of all the parallele actions and cuſtomes of the Americans; Beſides the puting of Iohn Baptiſt to death, was the act of a Roman Governour in Judea, and but a Deputy though a King, and one that commanded that execution, not by cuſtome or Law, but of will and luſt, and ſo Herod the Great dealt with his deareſt Mariamne, and alſo took off his Sonnes head in priſon, becauſe hee did but a little overhaſtily ſeeme to think of a lawfull ſucceſſion when his father lay a dying. And ſo alſo afterwards was Iames the Apoſtle killed by the command of Agrippa Major, Acts 12. 1. 2.

But the Author doth not illuſtrate out of the Scripture, of any executed by the Princes own hands.

Nor doe wee read in the Hiſtories of the Weſt Indians, any ſuch formalities of queſtion, and Impriſonment; but as we ſay, a word and a blow, preſent death to the ſuppoſed enemy or offendor.

The Quotation out of the Corinthians is very good evidence againſt the Author; for mention is there made of Stoning, and fortie ſtripes ſave one, both whith Paul underwent, and were cuſtomary puniſhments among the Iewes; but the Author quotes no ſuch cuſtome among the Iewes.

As for the Lex talionis cited by the Author out of Lerius, Cuſt. 21. with eye for eye, wound for wound, death for death.

Firſt, it is confined to Braſile by the Author out of Lerius.

Againe, it is well known how the Divines expound that of Deut. 21. v. 19. That talio not to be underſtood Identitatis, as Goodwyn, or aequalitatis, as Weembs, but ſimilitudinis, as both of them and others; and five conſiderations are to be had of the wrong, maine, or injury (which diverſity and diſtinctions, I hope the Americans never trouble themſelves withall) and accordingly to ſet and eſtimate the mulct.

When the Master of the family dies, hee is buried in the • uſt. 22. middle of the houſe, with his Iewells and other things he delighted in, and Ioſephus tells us of much treaſure laid up in Davids grave. Ant. l. 7. c. 12.

I deny not the cuſtome of many parts of America therein, but for the Iewes to be buried in the midſt of the houſe, I finde no mention in Scripture; • and for the inſtance in David, I may ſuppoſe Ioſephus miſlead in his Hiſtory, and Intelligence, therefore let us conſider,

Firſt, who may bee thought to have buried that treaſure.

Secondly, to what purpoſe.

If any treaſure were hidden or laid up cloſe, It will be conceived, that either David commanded it, or Solomon, and wee may rather think David than Solomon could ſpare it in overplus, or redundance, above the treaſures, which by the Scriptures record he left to Solomon for accompliſhment of the great deſignes, according to the vaſt dimenſions of the knowledge and wiſdome of Solomons heart, as Syracides ſaies of him, ch. 27. Thou wert filled with underſtanding as with a flood, and thy mind covered the whole Earth. And if any aske how David could be ſo gathered and ſtored of wealth, It is anſwered, that the fountaines of his treaſure were the good husbandry of his Cattle, Corne, Vines and Olives, 1. Chr. 27. and tributes from conquered Nations, and the ſpoiles of his many victories, and preſents from confederate Princes and States, by all which he heaped what he could, having no divining ſpirit of Solomons future ſupplies from Ophir.

But I cannot imagine what either preſident, example, dictate, or reaſon, ſhould move David to bury any treaſure in his own ſepulchre, or monument, as if he meant to count his Gold with Iobs complement, Thou art my Confidence, or ſhould dedicate it to Pluto, the God of Darkneſſe, there to reſt and ruſt uſeleſſe, and without imployment, as it is recorded of Ioram, that he lived without being deſired, when Gold animates all the world to Action, and (as the wiſe man ſaies) Money anſwers to all.

Againe, If David had deſigned it to ſerve future purpoſes of Solomon, yet to bury, or command it to be buried in his Sepulchre, and thereby to ſeeme to be willing to carry it with him as far as he could, muſt have fallen under ſome ſiniſter interpretation, to the blemiſh of the honour of his piety.

Nor can wee Imagine that though the Poets feign Pluto, the Devill, to be the God of riches, and that Spirits, Fairyes and Hobgoblins doe haunt graves and Sepulchres, therefore as Gryphons are feigned to keepe the mountaines of Gold; So David hoped that the ſimplicity of men would be afrayd to deale with (much more to offer violence to) the monument of his treaſure, for feare of fiends or Spirits that might haunt and keepe it, though he knew Solomons wiſedome, (when he ſhould have occaſion to uſe it, and he muſt of all men be moſt privy and knowing thereof) could eaſily conjure thoſe Ignes fatui, and take and enjoy thoſe treaſures to himſelf.

Againe, If David cauſed any treaſure to be buried for Selomons private ſupplies, and which he would have kept very cloſe and ſecret, then we may not imagine it to be buryed in the midſt of his houſe, but rather in ſome ſpare outroome, or place, or part, and whither it might be carried and conveyed, and where buried, with the leaſt noiſe, notice, diſcovery or ſuſpition; and they that doe make a deſcription of the City of Hieruſalem, as Adrichoimimus and others, doe place the Sepulchre of David, and the Kings of Iuda, in the South-Weſt angle, and Corner of the City, near unto the wall, and far from the Kings palace, as may bee gathered out of Nehem. 3. & Niceph Eccl. Hiſtor. lib. 8.

Nor can I imagine that the treaſure was buried by Solomon (though Ioſephus ſaies it) in Davids Sepulchre, for Solomon knew as much in Religion, and could as well diſtinguiſh of godly and ungodly, and ſuperſtitious acts, as David (though he cannot be excuſed from the great errours of his life, by the ſeducement of Idolatrous wives and concubines, whom his affections Idolized▪) yet the beſt divines, both ancient and modern, make little doubt of his Salvation, onely the Papiſts (who me thinks ſhould be the better perſwaded of him, for his complements, and courting both of his Idols wives, and of his wives Idols) are of another mind, and yet (which is very ſtrange) though they know ſo many waies to be ſaved, yet they cannot find the way to be ſure of it.

Now after this ſhort wry ſtep out of the way, I return, and ſay, that beſides the great uſes which Sodomon had of treaſure, for the glut of himſelf in all worldly pleaſures and delights (as he confeſſeth of himſelf in the Second Chapter of his retractations) in the flower and ſtrength of his age, and yeares, and when his ſtirring blood boyled towards action, and that he heard his Glory and Wiſdome cryed up for the None-ſuch and wonder of the world, which invited continuall concourſe to his Court; And leſſe can I imagine that any treaſure was left by Solomon in Davids Monument, for if Solomon were really neceſſitated to lay great taxes upon his people, which yet I doe not reade in ſcripture clearly expreſſed and charged upon him, otherwiſe than by Ieroboams expoſtulation to Rehoboam the Sonne of Solomon, in the beginning of his reign; For I paſſe over the tributes laid upon the Hittites, Amorites, Perizzites, Hivites, and Iebuſites, which were not of Iſrael, 2. Chr. 7. 8. and if Solomon had bin in ſuch want, hee might lawfully have relieved himſelf, and juſtified his ſupplie, out of the great magazine of the Monument, which if amaſſed by David, it was not to bar or baniſh his Son from the uſe of it, if by Solomon himſelf, ſure he might be bold with his own.

Beſides alſo the conſiderations of Engagements towards the warres, and inſurrections of ſundry Princes againſt him, ſome in envie to his glory, others weary of the yoke of homage, ſervice, awe, ta • es and tributes to him (when his Sun was now grown low and in his weſt) all which found him work enough for the vent of his treaſure; And becauſe alſo the Scripture is ſilent and ſpeakes nothing of Davids monument, but often after him of the Sepulchres of the Kings of Iudah, for theſe reaſons I cannot ſubſcribe to Ioſephus, that Hyrcanus or Herod took any treaſure out of Davids monument, no more than I doe believe Ioſephus for Solomons magicall tricks of enchantments, & conjuration, and caſting out of Decills at the Noſe, by the ſmell of a root; Beſides alſo that I finde confeſſed by Ioſephus, lib. 12. Ant. ca. 13. that what he writes of the Iudgement and death of Antiochus Epiphanes, others held and maintained the reaſons of Polybius therein to be of greater truth and conſequence than thoſe of Ioſephus, againſt whom Ioſephus confeſſeth that he would not argue, and indeed he was like to get little by the argument with a man who lived and flouriſhed before Ioſephus, about two hundred yeares, and within twenty yeares of the action, and is otherwiſe generally held, a man of grave and faithfull relation; and Beroaldus (a late proteſtant writer, and Chronologer, whom Zanchius eſpecially approves) doth often check at Ioſephus, and findes faults with his frequent errours, De. mundo ca. 3. pa. 33. and ſometimes Falſities, and lib. 3. cap. 8. he ſaies, Ioſepho plus aequo noſtri deferunt, wee give too much credit to Ioſephus, and inſtances in a particular, wherein he ſaies, Ioſephus was parum cautus, immò egregiè mend • x & impudens; and Calviſius a late Learned Chronologer, ſaies of Joſephus, that he doth ſometimes vacillare; and Capellus a later, ſaies of him, that he is ſometimes fabuloſae & ſubleſtae fidei, a fabulous Author, and worthy but of a meane beliefe; and our Sandys in his travailes, lib. 3. ſaies of Joſephus, a man not allwaies to be believed.

Againe, if David or Solomon had buried up treaſure in a monument or Sepulchre (of which maſſe we muſt needs ſuppoſe Gold the chief Ingredient, and that this lay entombed in a dead ſleep untill Rehoboams time, when Shiſhag King of Egypt came up againſt Jeruſalem, and carried away all the Golden ſhields) what inforcement lay upon Rehoboam to recrute them with ſhields of braſſe? who might (and that lawfully) have repaired the loſſe in the ſame metall without the leaſt ſacrilege or violation to the Manes or memory of David or Solomon, neither of which may be intended to diſherit the right heires therof, & to ſacrifiſe that to oblivion which they had gathered with ſo great care, and undoubtedly meant ſhould be kept and uſed for the ſinewes and ſupportation of the State and Kingdome.

I read in the 1. Mach. 1. v. 24. that about A. M. 3782. when Antiochus entred Hieruſalem, beſides the ſpoile of the Temple, he took alſo the ſecret treaſures that he found, Theſauros abſconditos', reconditos, occultos, as they are ſeverally rendred by ſeverall learned men, and in the next verſe, It is ſaid, And when he carried all away; by the words ſecret treaſures found out, It ſhewes there was a narrow ſearch, which ſurely could not be in the middle of the Kings palace, nor be meant of his grave or monument, both which were known, open, and unconcealed, but rather ſome more occult and obſcure place; and from this expreſſion in the Macch. of a thing done about 170 yeares before Chriſt, and about 230 yeares before Joſephus flouriſhed (who was borne 40 or 50 yeares after Chriſt, and may be thought to have written when he was about 40 or 50 yeares old) and which ſtory was (at it ought to be) compiled by ſome of the prime Rabbines before Joſephus, he might either (per incuriam, or from other reaſon) fall a rifling of Davids monument, when he was to ſet down Hyrcanus his compoſition with Antiochus Eupator when he hired him (with a preſent out of the Temple) to raiſe his ſiege before Jeruſalem, and depart.

It is alſo conſiderable, that neither Joſephus, nor any other Hiſtorian, ſaies that Antiochus pillaged the Monument of David, and I can hardly afford Antiochus ſo charitable a cenſure, as that he (who knew not whether hee ſhould ever play another game for that Reſt) would ever ſpare any of that which came to his view, diſcovery or knowledge, eſpecially riches and treaſure which I may call private, and prophane, and not of the Temple, whereof we may hope he had more than ordinary reverence and veneration, for the glory, magnificence, and Majeſty of the houſe of God, to whoſe power it was dedicated, and of whoſe power, mercies, and Judgements, hee had h • ard ſo great fame and report, which he either believed or feared, and therefore I believe he left little of ſecret treaſures, or thoſe in Davids Monument (to ſpeake the Language of Joſephus, if any were) for Hyrcanus to glean • out afterwards, for it is ſaid Antiochus carried all away.

In Strabo I read of a golden bed, and a golden bathing tub, and other houſhold-ſtuff of Gold found in Cyrus Monument in Paſargada, when Alexander rifled it, but Curtius tells of nothing but a rotten target, and two Scythyan bowes, and a ſword, found in it.

In Albania they uſed to bury a mans wealth with him, ſaies Purchas, Aſia. cap. 1. So alſo ca. 19. So alſo in Tartary ca. 13. And I ſuppoſe that among the heathen people, what with the opinion of the Elyſian fiels with ſome of them, what of the tranſmigration of ſouls after death, with others, what with the ſtaggering opinions of the immortality of the ſoul, with others, and with moſt an opinion of ſome work for the ſoul with the body after death (as in the Eaſt Indies they uſe to bury a new pair of ſhoes in the grave, for the deceaſed to travaile his long journey withall) for theſe fancies and phenomenes in their braine, they uſe to bury ſome of their choiceſt riches and delights with them, as the Grecians doe at this day their richeſt apparell, lib. 1. Sandys trav. When I had begun to dig into Davids Sepulchre, ſo many plentifull ſprings of matter opened and brake out upon me, as made mine invention thus to overflow in this diſcourſe, which yet I hope ſhall not nauſeate, as unpleaſant or unprofitable to reade.

The Indians are much given to weeping, eſpecially theirCuſt. 23. women, at burialls, this was in faſhion among the Jewes, Ier. 19. 17.

I may anſwer, what Nation is there in the World, to whom this is not familiar? Is not the loſſe of a friend grievous? Is not the laſt leave of him much more? Is not the expreſſion of ſorrow, the laſt tribute which nature can pay in affection to the memory of the deceaſed? Is not that affection the more inflamed at burialls by a common ſympathy in ſorrowes of the aſſembly? Are not women the moſt uſuall miniſters and attendants in ſikneſſe? And they that dreſſe the body to the grave? And are thereby moſt frequent at burialls? Are teares any thing elſe than a naturall exhalation, and ebullition (of affection grieved) from compreſſion of the heart, and that chiefly in the tender conſtitution of women, who receive a quicker impreſſion of paſſion, and retaine it longer through debility of repercuſſion? So that of that Paralelle, I may ſay with our Saviour, What went you out to ſee, a reede ſhaken with the wind?

Balſamum was peculiar to the Jewiſh Country, andCust. 24. thought to be loſt long agoe ſaith Pliny, and is now found againe in America.

It is true that Balſamum was a peculiar native of Jud • a, and eſpecially Jericho, and Joſephus ſaies the plants thereof were firſt ſent to Solomon by the Queene of Saba, which is in Arabia Faelix, on the Eaſt ſide of the Red Sea (as Ethiopia is on the Weſt): and extendeth to the South Sea all along by the entrance into the Red Sea. It was after tranſplanted out of Judaea to Memphis, now Caire in Egypt, by Cleopatra, to whom Herod the great ſent it when he ſided with Marke Anthony againſt Auguſtus.

It is now found in New-Spaine, and at Tolu in Cartagen • , both in America, and of more Southerly, and ſeverall latitudes differing from Judaea.

Trogus lib. 36▪ ſaies of Balſamum (in Judaea) in eis tantum regionitus gignitur. Pliny ſaies, lib. 12. ca. 25. Balſamum uni Iúdaeae conceſſum, and lib. 16. cap. 32. faſtidit alibi naſci, Balſam growes onely in Iudaea, and likes no place elſe; but wee ſee that confuted, though Pliny knew not what became of it, and thought it could not be found out of Iudaea, but ſure the Balſam trees of America come of no Iewiſh parents, and if they did, it were but a wooden help to the argument.

Their • Princes, or Governours, called Sachims or Sagamos, Cuſt. 25. are no other than Heads of Families, as Numbers 7. 2.

The Sachims or Sagamos here mentioned, are the ſame with the Paraquouſii in Florida, the We • oances in Virginia, the Caſiqui in Braſile. Peru, Cuba, Spaniola (other parts of America) and are all their Kings, and Rulers, and the ſame in native ſignification with reges, principes or duces, Kings, Princes or Governours, and not chiefe of families, as Valois, Burbon, Plantagenet, Ormond, Towmond, Oneale, &c. not that I deny they may have right of Inheritance and ſucceſſion in the governments, from the family of which they are.

The Indians have • oſts and Meſſengers that were ſwift ofCuſt. 26 foot, ſo were among the Iewes, 2. Sam. 18. 24. 26. 27.

So have the French, Engliſh, Iriſh, and all others, and ſo had the antients their foot-Poſts, and their veredarii, or Pegaſarii, their horſe-Poſts; In America they muſt have foot-Poſts, for they had no horſes, and the people there muſt needs bee of great ſpeed, beeing alwaies almoſt naked, and ſo void of the cumber and loade of cloathes, and continually practiſed in the exerciſes of hunting, fiſhing, and fighting.

Now I have paſſed over the firſt part or branch of the Second Conjecture, from the liſt of Common and prophane Cuſtomes, and am come to the Second branch or part of the Second Conjecture, concerning

Sacred Rights and Cuſtomes.

Circumciſion primas tenet, is the leader of that liſt, whichS • . Cuſt. 1. Acoſta lib. 1. cap. 23. de nov • orbe, expreſly denies to be in uſe among the Americans, who have, as he ſaith, • raeputia Integra, the foreskin on, and whole, and Emmanel de Morëas (who labours all he can to apparell the Americans in the Iewiſh cut and cuſtoms) yet he ſaies they would never be drawn to weare Circumciſion.

I deny not but P. Martyr and others, make mention of Circumciſion uſed in ſome places, but not generally, and ſo not nationall (as the Authors words cap. 4. pag. 9. and which I chiefly oppoſe) Nay Io. d • Laët. Ind. occ. lib. 4. cap. 15. pag. 218. ſaies of the Americans in Florida, nullus morbus eis familiarior quam lues venerea▪ no diſeaſe ſo common among them as the French Pox, and lib. de • r. gent▪ pag. 145. ſaies of the Americans, Hae gentes proclives, &c. are all very leacherous, and almoſt all troubled with the French Pox, which frets and eates off the foreskin (a ſecret the Author touched tenderly) and Benzo lib. 1. ca. 18 ſaies, In parteolis & viridibus caenobiorum, &c. they plant great ſtore of Guya • um all about their Cloyſters and religious houſes, becauſe of men and women, becauſe they are ſo much infected with the Pox, which is vernacula & endemialis to the Americans, as Renodaeus in his Saſſafras. And Sandys trav. lib. 4. reports that certaine Merchants having contracted to ſerve the French army at the ſiege of Naples, with a quantity of Tunny ſiſh, and not able to performe it, but hearing of a late▪ Battle in Barbary went thither and ſupplied the quantity with mans fleſh ſo dreſt, which proved ſo over high afeeding, that their bodies brake out into foul ulces, and thence is called the Neopolitan diſeaſe, and Sandys conceives that Man-fleſh eating breeds it the more among the Americans.

As for the Authors great Huge Grotius whom Samuel Mareſius alwaies Magnus ille vir, and might be called Huge, Great, both for his name and learning, and whom Io. de Laët calleth alwaies Clariſſimus vir, yet aliquando—magnus d • rmitat Homerus, both Mareſius and Io. de Laët doe prove he may be ſomtime foild and found deſective both in judgement and integrity.

I know that Circumciſion might be derived from Abraham to the Arabians, and from them to the Ethiopians and Egyptians, and Herod. lib. 2. ſaies, the Phenicians learned of the Egyptians to Circumciſe, but ſome write that the Egyptian prieſts onely were circumciſed, and that none were admitted to the learning of the Egyptians unleſſe they were circumciſed, and ſome report that Pythagorus circumciſed himſelf that he might be their ſcholar, and at this day Circumciſion is uſed among the Turks, Mengrelians, F • z, Guiney, the Philipinaes, Benin, Zocotora, and the want of this abſolute generall and conſtant character of propriety to the Americans, whom the Author labours to deduce from the Iewes to whom Circumciſion was ſingularly fixt Ne • recutitorum • ugis inguina I • deorum. Mart. weighs down 1000 other petit, and inconſiderable cocurrent teſtimonies; and where they are circumciſed, ſaies Linſchot they were taught by their prieſts from the Devills mouth.

The Indians worſhip that God who they ſay created theSa. Cuſt▪ 2. Sun, and the Moon, and all inviſible things, who gives▪ alſo all that is Good.

In nova Francia they neither know God, nor acknowledge any Divine power under the name of Religion, but tell ſome ſleight fables of the Creator of all. Io. de Laët Ind. occid. lib. 2. cap. 12. pag. 47.

The Souriquois in New France have no worſhip of God, or forme of religion, pag. 53.

The Attigonantes in new France have no Law, Government, or Religion, and worſhip the Devill. pag. 50.

They of Terra nova have no Religion or Government, and are rather beaſts than men. pa. 34.

Richerius (who went out of France with one Nich. Duran • ius a Knight of Malta ſurnamed Villagognon, in his epiſtle pag. 264. of Calvins Epiſtles) ſpeaks of the Americans, where he converſed, and ſaies, bonum a mal • non ſecernunt, &c. they know no difference betwixt Good and evill, and ſuch things as other heathen by the light of nature call vitious, or not fit to be done, they account lawfull; they little differ from beaſts, nor doe they know there is a God.

In nova Belgia no ſenſe of Religion, nor worſhip of God, pag. 75.

In Virginia their onely Religion is to worſhip every thing they are afraid of. pag. 82. They ſuperſtitiouſly worſhip many Gods. pag. 72. They have little knowledge of one God. pa. 92.

In Caiana (which is in Guiana) they have no religion, but worſhip the Sun and the Moon. pag. 621. So alſo in Florida. 218. So in the Cannares in Peru. pag. 414. So alſo the Perſians and Maſſagetes▪

In Peru every one worſhiped what he liſt, plants, woods, rivers, wild beaſts, what he loved or feared moſt, afeerward they worſhiped the Sun, and built temples, and had prieſts and ſacrifices. pag. 398. 399. So alſo Benzo.

In Mexico they had 2000 Gods, as Gomara ſaies, and Purchas Amer. 2.

The Braſilians acknowledge no God▪ true nor falſe. Iar. pag. 302. So alſo P. Maffeius lib. 2. cap. 46. and ſo alſo Io. de Laët Ind. occid. pag. 543.

And now although the Author ſaies the Indians, And as he would carry all America before him with a word, yet I hope I have gotten the greateſt part of America on my ſide, as Mexico, Peru, and Braſile. I plead not to circumſcribe the pleaſure of God who ſheds the raies of his light where hee liſt.

They knew of that Flood which drowned all the world, and Sa. Cuſt. 3. that it was ſent for the Sin of man, eſpecially for unlawfull luſt, and that there ſhall never be ſuch a deluge againe.

In Peru, ſaies Aco • la, lib. 1. Nov. orb. cap. 25. they talke much of the Flood, but whether Noab's or ſome other is not cleare, Nonnulla de Noe & diluvio à patribus, &c. ſaies Iarricus of the Bra • ilians, pag. 302. and P. Maffeius lib. 2. cap. 46. So alſo Benzo, but all their diſcourſe of the Flood is ſo full of fables, as it is liker a dreame than any thing elſe, ſaies De Laët de orig. g. pag: 115. yet I am willing enough to liſten to their traditions (ex traduce from their fathers) and will gaine by the bargain, inſinuating that they were originalls from the Plantation by ſome of Sems poſterity out of the Ark, as I have before ſhewed; and ſo they derive the fame of the Flood.

It is affirmed by them, that fire ſhall come down and burneSa. Cuſt. 4. all.

Ioſephus lib. 1. cap. 3. of Antiq. ſaies that Adam underſtanding by a propheticall ſpirit that the world ſhould be drowned, and after burnt, cauſed two great and high pillars to be erected, the one of Stone, the other of Brick, and upon each of them cauſed to be engraven the arts & ſciences then found out, and diſcovered, to the end that the ſtone Pillar might preſerve from water, and the brick pillar from fire.

Againe it is agreed by all the antient fathers, that Pythagoras and Plato travailed into Egypt, there to learne Antiquities, and Plato (in his Timaeus) brings in an Egyptian Prieſt (who in his diſcourſe with Solon of the world, mentioning what novices in knowlege and learning the Grecians were) tells them that all the world ſhall be diſſolved by fire (which is the opinion of all the Platonicks) So▪ Numenius the Pythagorean, So Ovid Metam. 1.

Eſſe quoque id fa • is reminiſciur affore tempus Que mare, quo coelum, correptaque regio coeli Ardeat, & mundi moles operoſa laboret. And hee remembers that the day muſt come, That ſhall Seas, Earth, and Aire to cinders doome, And all the world ſhall burn, and ſorely be In travaile of its great Cataſtrophe.

And Lucan ſaies, Communis mundo ſupereſt rogus—and Seneca ad Martiam, Fa • um ignibus vaſtis torrebit, incende • que mortalia, & omnis materia uno igne conflagrabit, all the world ſhall make but one pile, in which all mortality ſhall burne, and one fire conſume all; And the Sybills ſpeak as much, as they are cited by Lactantius, and Auguſtine. So wee ſee the generall conflagration of all by fire might eaſily be conveyed by Sems off-ſpring, and traduction from Adam

They believe the immortality of the ſoul, and joy or tormentSa. Cuſt. 5. after death, they which doe no harme ſhall into the firſt, they which kill, lie, or ſteale, into the laſt.

So Champlaine ſaies of the people of New-France, Jo. de Laët Ind. occid. pag. 48. and of Virginia pag. 93. So thoſe of Caiana in Guiana pa. 642. and in Peru pa. 398. 399. So in Braſile 543. But Nic. Duran. An. 1636▪ pag. 149. ſaies, of the people of • oioba, De altera vita nulla apud eos mentis, & obſtupeſ • unt quum de mo • tuorum reſurrectione dicentem audiunt, they never talk of another life, and ſtand amazed to heare any diſcourſe of the reſurrection of the dead, and believe nothing of joy or torment after death; and ſo ſaies P. Maffeius lib. 2. cap. 46. of the Braſilians, and ſo Iarricus, and of all matters of Religion, and the knowledge of God, all the Americans both South and North of Panama, have onely a ſleight touch and • aſ • , being all Idolaters, as I • . de La. de orig. g. pa. 159. living rather like beaſts than men, as Acoſta in ſundry places, and as Richerius in Calvins epiſtles pag. 264. as aforeſaid.

The Americans have in ſome parts an exact forme of King,Sa. Cuſt. 6. Prieſt and Prophet, as was in Canaan.

For this William Key is onely cited, as at other times often, as the Clavis or key to unlock the myſteries of the Americans, and to regulate the inequalities of the Parallele.

What is uſed in ſome parts of America, muſt not be ſaid to be the uſe of America, no more than the cuſtome of Gavelkind in Kent may be ſaid to be the cuſtome of all England. I doe believe ſome parts have Kings, and ſome or moſt of them Prieſts, but I doe not believe that their Kings were Prieſts, no more than that the Bra • enes or Prieſts in the Eaſt-Indies were their Kings.

Wee reade in Plutarch that Numa the ſecond King of the Romans was alſo at the ſame time the firſt Pontifex Maximus, and wrote twelve books of the office of Prieſts, and after it became a faſhion of the Roman Emperours (by Imitation from Auguſtus) to have the chiefe authority over all the ſervice of the Gods, and to be called Pontifices Maximi, high Prieſts, as the Royality in Lacedemonia had predominancy both in War and Sacrifices, as Ariſtot. Pol. 5 cap. 10.

Rex Anius, rex idem hominum Phaebi que Sacerdos. Virg. Aen. 3.

Anius was both a King and Phaebus Prieſt.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Plato in Pol. none was permitted among the Egyptians to raigne, that was not Prieſt; the Greeks alſo had their Kings, who were alſo their Prieſts, the office of the King was primum ut ſacrorum & ſacrificiorum principa • um haberet, Dion. Halicar. lib. 2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ▪ Plut. de •• . & Oſyr. and as we may reade more at large in Cic. de Divinat. lib. 1. and the Caliphs of the Saracens were both Kings and Prieſts, as Paul. Aemil. Hiſtor. Gall. lib. 4. 5. But in America their Prieſts are their wizzards or witches, as Whitea • re tells in Purchas cap. 6. of Amer. as in Virginia, Florida, Nova Francia, and among the Souriquoſians, and Attigonantes, in Mexico, Peru, Braſile, as P. Maffeius, Iarricus, de Laët, Purchas, &c. and their prophets are no other than witches conſulting with the Devill for weather or war, or things loſt or ſtolen, as Muſorum, & Collymarum incolae colloquiis daemoniorum familiari • er utebantur, thoſe Inhabitants doe familiarly converſe with evill Spirits. Ind. oc • i. pa. 381. and of this we may reade plentifully in Purchas his America.

Pr • eſts are in ſome things among them (as with the Hebrewes)Sa. Cuſt. 7. Phyſicians, and not habited as other men, &c.

In Florida their Phyſicians (as among other ſavage people) are Magitians and Prieſts, as Purch. Amer. ca. 7. and Benzo lib. 1. ca. 26. Iidem ſunt & medici & ſacerdotes, their Phyſicians and Prieſts are all one, and their Prieſts being wizzards, and having conference with the Devill, are their beſt doctors.

And for Habite or apparrell of Prieſts, as there is a naturall awe and reverence of a deity, or ſupreame power that guides and governes all: So thoſe perſons that profeſſe and inſtruct in the knowledge, feare, and myſteries of that power, and are thought to converſe more familiarly with God or that divine power, in thoughts, ſtudies, and integrity of life, they are had in extraordinary eſteeme and veneration, and from thence are by a like naturall policy, reaſon▪ and reverence, diſtinguiſhed in habite and apparrell from other ſorts▪ ranks and profeſſions of men, and is every where a received cuſtome.

Their Temples are built foure ſquare, and jumptuous, as wereSa. Cuſt. 8. thoſe of the Iewes, Ez. 40. 47.

There is no doubt but their temples were built of a figure and form eaſieſt for apprehenſion and workmanſhip, and ſtrongeſt for duration and continuance, and ſuch is the ſquare figure; as the Cube denotes firmneſſe and ſtability; And for ſumptuouſneſſe, wee know that honour, feare▪ and reverence, invite coſt, and there is uſually more of the hand where there is leſſe of the heart, and a beliefe in opere operato is an eaſie religion; But God is a ſpirit, &c.

Theis Prieſts have their chambers in the Temple, as theSa. Cust. 9. manner was in Iſrael. 1. K. 6. 7.

It may be conceived that at the laying of the foundation of a Temple the places for the lodgings of the Prieſts and daily miniſters thereunto were alſo contrived, and ſet out, & the whole fabrique of the Temple, and lodgings & chambers for Prieſts and officers were erected together; for the ſervices to be performed in the Temple, required neceſſarily the cohabitation of all the miniſters that officiated thereunto, as in our Cathedralls the Biſhops, Deanes, and Prebends, and other functions and offices have their lodgings near the Church, which being conſidered from the grounds of beſt reaſon and diſcretion, needs no illuſtration.

They had places therein which none might enter but theirSa. Cuſt. 10. Prieſts. Heb. 9. 6, 7.

This is a neceſſary conſequent of the laſt, eſpecially among Idolaters and barbarous people, where the Devill hath taught the Prieſts how to cheate and abuſe the people with variety of I • gling tricks and inpoſtures, by anſwers and ſeeming miracles, ſecretly, cloſely, and cunningly contrived, as the falſe door to the vault under the table in the Temple of Bell, and a painted tongue of Iron in the mouth of an Image among the Papiſts, and upon a demand to the Image, a Prieſt ſpake through the head by the mouth of it, while a load-ſtone applied cunningly behind, gave the tongue a motion as if it had ſpoken, and many more ſuch impoſtures of the Papiſts might be ſet forth and declared.

In their worſhip of Viracocchie, &c. they open their hands and make a kiſſing ſound, as Iob. 31. v. 27.Sa. Cuſt. 11.

This Viracocchie is the Great God of Peru, of whom wee may reade at large in Acoſta and others.

In the text quoted wee finde no mention of any ſound made of the kiſſing of the hand, no more than in kiſſing of it wee uſe to doe, which would be accounted a rudeneſſe and ill manners to • ſe in England any ſuch popyſmata, or (as Zen • phon de re equeſtri ſaies, excitare cloſmo equos) any ſuch popping or ſmacking. Beſides wee ſee all that chapter of Job is • ull of Rhetoricall and Allegoricall divinity, per manum opera, per os locutio, ſo manum ad • s porrigere, eſt voci ſuae in opere c • ncordare, ſaies Gregory, action is meant by the hand, ſpeech by the mouth: So to reach the hand to the mouth is to doe as a man ſpeakes.

They had almoſt continuall fire before their Idols, and tookeSa. Cuſt. 12, 13, 14. care leſt the fire ſhould die, they call that the divine Earth, as in Levit. 6. 9.

The Heathen had their Veſtall fire preſerved by Virgins▪ at the deſtruction of Troy they brought the uſe of it to Rome, and there alſo Numa inſtituted it, and had Prieſts belonging to it, Veſtales virgines ignem foci publici ſempiternum cuſtodiunto. Tully de leg. 3. and there was a neceſſity of the continuance of that fire, becauſe of the continuall ſacrifices.

But I demand whether the Americans kindle, preſerve▪ and rekindle their fire as the Grecians and Romans did▪ who (if it hapned to goe out) they kindled it againe by the Sun-beames, reverberated from a concave veſſell, upon ſome dry and conbuſtible matter, in imitation of the firſt fire that came down from Heaven upon the Altar, Levit. 9. 24. and continued thereabout 1000 yeares, of which fire the report might come from the Iewes to the Egyptians, from them to the Grecians.

In their neceſſities they alwaies ſacrifiſed and burned incenſe,S • . Cuſt. 15, 16. and then grew hopefull and confident, &c. they burnt incenſe, had their cenſ • rs, and Cake-oblations. Ier. 7. 18.

If neceſſity were the onely cauſe of their ſacrifices, this ſeemes to quench their former fire, and if thoſe ſacrifices where the cauſe of their confidence, that were but brutiſh▪ ſo beaſts and birds crave meate when they are hungry, and ſo man praies when he is in trouble, • s David ſaies▪ when he flew them they ſought him, and having ſacrifiſed, as the Papiſts when their beades are over, then (like boyes that have ſaid their leſſon) they goe and play, as one ſaies truly of the Roman ſacrifices, Ʋbi quod diis t • ibutum erat confl • graſſent ad • pulas ipſi & • onvivia converteban • ur, when they have burnt up their oblations, and the Americans • umed up their moſt excellent incenſe of fragrant Gummes▪ as Anime, (opal, &c.) then they fall to frolique and feaſting among themſelves.

The firſt fruits of their Corne, &c. they offred, and what theySa. Cuſt. 17. got by hunting and fiſhing.

The Tartars and Cathaians offer to their Idolls the firſt fruits of their milke, and the firſt morcell • of their meat, and the firſt draught of their drink at meales. So Purchas. The ancient Romans non guſtabant vina aut novas fruges priuſquam ſacerdotes primitias libaſſent, ſaies Plin. lib. 18. cap. 2. the ancient Romans taſted no wine or new fruits before the Prieſt had ſacrifiſed of the firſt in oblation; but the Author doth not prove any cuſtome▪ or command to the Iſraelites to offer the firſt fruits of Hunting or fiſhing.

In Mexico and other places they immolate the bodies of men,Sa. Cuſt. 18. and (as the Iewes of old did eate of their beaſts ſacrifiſed) they feede on mans-fleſh ſo offered.

I expected that the Author would have attempted to prove that the Iewes ſacrifiſed the bodies of men, but failing he makes but a crooked parallele,

It is confeſſed that in the Iſlands of the Gulphe of Hondutas, in Co • umel and Jucatan, and in ſome parts of the province of Mexico, they offer their Sonnes and Daughters in ſacrifice to Devills, and I hope the Author, (if happily (after the common reading) he ſuppoſes that the King of Moab ſacrifiſed his eldeſt Sonne upon the wall, which the marginall note▪ and ſome learned Authors think to have bin the King of Edoms Son, taken by a ſalley or ambuſh, but David ſeemes to croſſe that againe, ſaying, they (that is the own parents) offered their (that is their own Sonns and Daughters unto Devills) in the receſſe of thoughts and bottom of beſt reaſon, It cannot be otherwiſe, for no ſacrifice can be ſo pleaſing to the Devill (who was their God) as that wherewith the true God is moſt diſpleaſed, and as the killing of a man (who is the image of God, and made for Gods glory, and the benefit of ſociety) is an offence which even nature abhorres, and of high provocation to God, much more for a parent to kill the own child, which God hath given him for a bleſſing, and not onely by that unnaturall act to deſtroy that which ſhould be dear to it, but in ſcorne and defiance to God, to beſtow his favour upon the Devill his greateſt enemy, in a moſt tranſcendent obedience of Impiety, muſt needs be moſt welcome & acceptable to the Devill) and I hope I ſay the Author believes no ſuch cuſtome among the Iewes or Iſraelites.

Homer in the 22th of his Ilyads, repreſents Achilles kiling twelve young men of the Trojans, and ſacrificing them at the funerall of his friend Patroclus. So after Polyxena was offered to paci • ie Achilles Ghoſt; So there were men ſlaine offred to Diana Taurica▪ as Lucan. 1.

Et Taur • Scythic • non mi • rior ara Dian • .

Wee reade that the Carthaginians ſacrifiſed their Sonnes and Daughters to Saturne, and Diodor. lib. 20. Antiq. ſaies, that when Carthage was diſtreſſed with a ſiege, the Prieſt told them that unhappineſſe was fallen upon them becauſe they offred up children which they bought for the ſacrifice, and not their own, whereupon they forthwith ſlew, and ſacrifiſed to Saturne 200 of the principall youths of the City; and Polyb▪ ſaies, that afterward Gelon (King of Syracuſe) upon Articles of Peace which he made with the Carthaginians, one was that they ſhould never after offer their children to Saturne. And Plau • us in his Amphitru • calls Mercurie (his counterfeit ſervant) Saturnes ſacrifice, ſaying to him Tun'me mactes carnifex niſi formam bodie dii meam perdent faxo ut bubulis copiis onu •• us ſis Saturno hoſtia; and Plutar▪ de ſuperſt. ſaies, the Galati and Scythians ſpare their own, and buy other children, and fat them up (as wee doe chickins) for ſacrifice. So Aug. lib. 7. cap. 19. de Civ. Dei. out of Caeſars Comment. lib. 6. ſaies, that the Gaules ſacrifiſed their young men to Saturne; and there is no doubt but the Barbarous and Idolatrous Americans, (without the attractive of preſident, and imitation) have matter enough in the corrupt maſſe of their own nature to be ſeduced by the grand Impoſtor to perpetrate ſo horrid impieties.

In all Peru they had but one Temple, and that was moſtSa. Cuſt. 19. ſumptuous, beſides foure other places for Devotion, as the Iewes had their Synagogues beſides their glorious temple.

The old land of Canaan had but one Temple, and that was at Jeruſalem, almoſt in the midſt of the Land, and a Temple in Peru, the midſt of America, ſeemes to reſemble America to Canaan; but the Author does not ſay that the Temple of Peru ſerved for all America; Again, as the old Land of Canaan had the two Golden Idols of the Calves, the one at Dan, the other at Beerſheba (the two extremities and outmoſt bounds of Canaan) for the whole Land to come to worſhip; So in America from Davis ſtreight on the North, to that of Magellane on the South, there was nothing but Idolatry through the whole length of that great continent and part of the world; but from Dan to Beerſheba was under one power and Iuriſdiction, and from Davis ſtreight to that of Magellane under many.

For ſumptuouſneſſe, beſides naturall arguments of honour and reverence to ſuppoſed deities, wee may adde, that they are not like to ſpare for any coſt to pleaſe the Devill, who will not ſpare to murder their own children to content him▪

The Idols of America were mi • red in a manner as Aarons Sa. Cuſt▪ 20. was.

Aarons miter was onely an Hat or Cap of linnen ſomewhat full like a Turks Turband or Tulliband, and ſat cloſe to the head like a Cap of State or Maintenance, with a bordure a little above the brow, wrought with crown work in points or diamonds, ſome of the bordure left ſo long behind as might be there tied on a knot at the nape of the neck, as the Taſſell or ends of a Cypreſſe ha • band, to keep the Miter faſt on.

E •• unic • manicas & habent redimicula mitrae. virg. Aen. 9.

Their coates have ſleeves, and their miters laces, fillets, or ſtrings, ſo alſo had the high▪ Prieſt among the Iſraelites, long and wide ſleeves to his ſtole, or long coate, which came down to his ancles; but to ſay they had it in a manner as Aarons was, is ſuch an Individu • m vagum, as the Reader can make ſmall matter of it; and I doe not ſee but a miniſter (with a linnen cap and a lace turned up (may come as neare Aarons miter, onely the Author is ready to collect every the leaſt ſhadow of Inducement that may flatter him towards his own opinion; but I demand where are the reſt of Aarons ornaments in uſe among the American Prieſts? though I muſt allow that all the world over, every ſeverall function & trade have their ſeverall habit & accoutrements proper and peculiar to them, and common reaſon may inſtruct ſeverall people and nations the invention and uſe of the ſame things proper to the ſame offices and occaſions.

A yeare of Iubile they did obſerve, as Iſrael did.Sa. Cuſt. 21.

I demand how the Americans obſerved it, what enlargement and liberty of ſervants? what ceaſing from plowing and ſowing? what profit of ſelf-ſowne crops? what redemption and return to poſſeſſions, &c. and the like according to the Leviticall Law? The Iewes had it every 50th yeare; Purchas out of Gomara ſpeakes of ſome parts of America, that though they ſeeme to have ſome ſuch pingue otium (as ſcholars call a full playing day) yet it is with them but every fourth yeare; and this hoc aliquid nihil eſt, It cannot derive from the Iewes Iubile, & to fall from 50 to every fourth.

Lerius tells a ſtory much like that of Bell and the Dragon.Sa. Cuſt. 22.

I believe he tells it, and may tell many more ſuch Apocryphalls, which yet may be true of ſuch ignorant and blind Idolaters; but ſhall every fable of the Americans, holding analogy with ſome tales of the Talmud, be an evidence to convince the Americans to be of the race of the Iewes? ſo ſhall wee all at laſt be of one Petigre; beſides, to tell a tale like another, i • out of the rank and c • aſſis of Rites and Cuſtomes.

In their Idol-ſervices they dance and ſing, almoſt as Miriam, Sa. Cuſt▪ 23. Exod. 15. 20.

Theſe are geſtures and behaviours onely to expreſſe how they deſire to make their Gods believe they rejoice in their ſervice, and further joy in their hopes of a bleſſing upon themſelves, and their affaires.

In the place quoted it is ſaid, Miriam the Propheteſſe, which ſhewes that what ſhee did in acclamation and joy of that miraculous victory, and deliverance of the Iſraelites from Pharaoh, ſhe did it by a propheticall motion, as David danced before the Ark, not ad petulantiam carnis, but jucunditatem Calvin. ſpiritus, not to tickle the fleſh, but to raviſh the ſpirit with pleaſure and delights to Godward.

They have hopes of their bodies reſurrection, and for thatSa. Cuſt. 24. cauſe are carefull to bury their dead.

Of this I have partly ſpoken in Sac. Cuſt. 5. And doe add, that it had bin better they could have bin proved to live well and civilly, otherwiſe I may ſay that ſome of them believe no Reſurrection, others know nothing of a reſurrection, and none of them truly and rightly, and as they ought to believe; and without ſuch beliefe, I believe little of their hopes from their buriall of the dead, which I value at little more rate than a meere common care of preſervation from infection by a putrifyed and corrupt aire ariſing from the ſtench of dead and diſeaſed bodies.

The Indians make account the world ſhall end, but not beforeSa. Cuſt. 25. a great drought, &c. and therefore they yell and cry at the ſad and bideous ſight of Eclypſes.

In ſome part the Americans talke of an end of the world, in others nothing at all, And that it ſhall not end till after a great drought, I have onely once read a far glimering and obſcure words, and rather taught them by the Spaniards ſince their conqueſt.

The yelling and crying ſhewes they rather feare than hope for a Reſurrection, and truly I think ſo of them, for —Deus eſt animus— as the heathen Poet ſaid, every one hath a God within himſelf (the Conſcience) which Tertullian calls Praejudicium Iudicii, another Paedagogium animae, another naturale Iudicatorium, another the Natures Conſiſtory, another Gods deputy, another Antidated day of Iudgement, another a Domeſtique doomeſday which with Juvenall —Surd • verb • r • L • dit and makes that—ta • ita ſudant praecordia cu • pa every one is able to read the hand writing upon the wall againſt himſelf, which makes his knees (as • elſhazzar) ſmite one againſt another.

The third Conjecture is from languages, words and ſpeech.

Acoſta in his proeme to his book de procuranda Iudaeorum ſalute, ſaies of the Americans, Innumer • b • les ſunt barbarorum gentes ut caelo, loco, ſtitu, • abitu, ita ingenio, moribus, inſtitutis la • iſſimè diſſidentes, the barbarous people of America are innumerable, and as in aire, ſituation and habit, ſo in diſpoſition, manners, and cuſtomes they differ exceedingly, and lib. 5. cap. 2. ferunt, &c. they ſay that at the Confuſion of tongues there were 72 languages, but the Americans have 700 and more, ſo as ſcarce any champion or plaine country a little broader than ordinary, but hath a ſeverall language, and of the Tap • ians (in the province of Braſile) there are 76 Nations, and almoſt every one of them hath a ſeverall Language. Io. D • Laët▪ Ind. occid. pag. 548. Again, quot populi, • ot linguae. Io▪ de Laët de orig. pa. 55. and ſuum cuiq, praefecturae Idioma. pag. 92. and Rich •• ius in Calvins epiſtles ſaies, maxime impedit Idiomatum diverſ •• as, the diverſity of their language is a maine hindrance to us, and becauſe I perceive the Author a litttle willing to nible at words, and to put them upon the rack (to confeſſe to his deſire) I ſay with de Laët de orig. Gent. pag. 24. Si cui place at otio ſuo • buti, If a man have a minde▪ to trifle away time, he may now and then hit upon ſome words among them that may agree in ſound and ſence with ſome of ours in Europe; as the Prieſt, chief or leader of every company among the Samoeds was called Papa. Purchas▪ Aſia ca. 17. and in the Braſilian tongue betwixt the River of Amazons and Orenoque Papa is a father. de orig. gent. pag. 182. and in New-Spaine the chiefe Prieſt was called Papa, as Purchas de▪ America cap. 2.

In the province of Cuſco they call their Siſters Nanna, which among the Engliſh is the moſt common name for women, and ſo we are like to be of kindred to the Americans, but as Io. de Laët. de orig. gent. pag. 35. Si literas mutare, If wee fall a changing of letters, tranſpoſing of Syllables, adding and ſubtracting, wee may eaſily wreſt ſome of them to our phancy as wee liſt.

And Io. de Laet his obſervations out of Sagardus prove them all to be various, diverſe, and differing from one another in the ſeverall parts of America, and in none of them any affinity at all with the, nay they have not ſo much as any trace or glimpſe of Letters or writing (as the Hebrews had in perfect method) and all their languages being no other then medleys and confuſions from their originall after the Flood.

The fourth Conjecture is the Anthro • o • hagie or man-devouring of the Americans.

I ſuppoſe it improper to make that an attribute or cuſtome of the lewes, which was onely an act of Exigence, and neceſſity of famine for want of food, as at the ſiege of Samaria, 2. K. v. 25. 29. and when Titus • lay before Hieruſalem; but the barbarous cuſtome of the Americans is a nationall helluoniſme innatured by a fierce malice and fewde, whetted and edged on with (the ſweeteſt ſawce to an angry ſtomack) Revenge, and ſo becomes an habituall practiſe and delight in eating of mans fleſh as Acoſta ſaith, h • manis carnibus pro ſumnis deliciis veſcuntur, & Iarricus ſaies▪ opta • iſſimae Braſiliis epulae ſunt carnes humanae, Mans fleſh is their daintieſt diſh, for they fat up young captives as wee doe capons for the palate, and in Scythia and other northern parts both of Aſia and Europe, as alſo in the Iſlands Sumatra, Bornea, and moſt of the Eaſt Indian Iſlands, and in the Southern part of Afrique, the people are Man-eaters. Hierome in his ſecond book againſt Jovinian ſaies, that when he was a young man and in France, he ſaw Scots (a people of Britany, without indigitation, I ſhould have thought he meant the Scyths or Scythians) eate mans-fleſh, and that the Maſſagetes and Derbices, when their parents and kindred grow old, they cut their throates and eate, as better than ſuffer the wormes to eate them And

Carnibus • umanis veſci licet—ſaies Juveal. The people that have not yet recieved the Goſpel, are Iewes.Conject. 5.

It is a received opinion, and truth taught and evidenced by the ſcriptures, and confirmed or ſubſcribed unto by the Fathers, that before the day of Judgement the Goſpell of Ieſus Chriſt ſhall be preached and publiſhed all the world over, and that the Iewes ſhall be called and converted.

This word Calling or Converſion, muſt not carry the ſenſe of a poſitive ſaving faith to all, that is, that generally all the Iewes ſhall be converted and ſaved, but onely a clear convincing manifeſtation of the errour of their expected Meſſias, and other ſuperſtitious and deteſtable opinions, and an enlightning and inſtruction in the myſtery of Chriſt his Incarnation, life, paſſion, death, reſurrection, aſcen • ion and comming to Iudgement, and that the uſe and application thereof by faith to ſalvation is not (in the ſecret counſell of Gods Decree) beſtowed generally upon all, but onely upon the elect Arminians or Iewes, otherwiſe the Iewes who (conſidered in their Nation) deſerved the worſe, ſhould have a privilege of favour above all the world beſide; for the knowledge of Chriſt in the Goſpel is ſufficient, but not efficient to the ſalvation of all.

Againe, to have it granted, that the people who have not yet received the Goſpel, are Iewes, were a cunning petitio principii, making the medium of the Syllogiſme. But they Americans are the people which have not yet received the Goſpel; Ergo the Americans are the Iewes.

But let Brerewoods enquiries cap. 12. be well read, conſulted, and weighed, where he makes a computation of Idolaters all the known world over, and wee ſhall finde vaſt parts thereof, and many whole Nations entirely and pure Idolaters, and ſuch as never yet received the Goſpel.

Beſides thoſe of the great and unknown region of Beach, and the South Continent beyond the Cape of Good Hope, and ſtreights of Magellane, which he (moſt learnedly and Philoſophically in his 14 Chapter) collects to be as large as all Europe, Aſia and Afrique, and all which is probably (if peopled) Inhabited with Idolaters, yet of ſuch peopling I ſhould much doubt and haeſitate, if I thought any of the Iewes were there, becauſe the diſcoveries, plantations, and goſpelling of thoſe people, is a work of longer requiſite time (not that I offer▪ to circumſcribe the power of God) than may be effected before the end of the world, wherein (If I adhere to Napiers modeſt, grave, ſolid, and deep propoſitions and conſiderations upon the Revelations) I hope my ſober embracement ſhall be no juſt reproach unto me.

Againe, the manner how the Iewes ſhall be enlightned, inſtructed, called, and converted, is further to be conſidered, for we are not to conceive that at the neare approach of the end of the world, all the Iewes collecttivè from their ſeverall diſperſions and ſeparations, all the world over, ſhall be amaſſed together into one body of people, or place, and ſo united ſemel and ſimul, but that (though they be like • ain for killing their elder brother, made vagabonds all the world over) ſparſim and diſjunctivè they ſhall be enlightned and converted as aforeſaid, in every one of thoſe parts and corners of the earth where they dwell and inhabit, in diſtinct degrees, ſeries, and ſucceſſion of time, and ſome centuries of years before the end of the world; for as Acoſta de Proc. Ind. Sal. lib. 1. cap. 2. Familiare eſt propheticis oraculi • ut tempora etiam ſejunctiſſima uno velut aſpectu ſubjiciuntur oculis, deque ijs univerſis pronuntient quae per partes implenda ſunt. It is familiar in propheticall ſpeeches to ſet before us at once the occurrences of things far diſtant from one another; and to ſpeake of things generally and in groſſe, which are to be accompliſhed in parts, and by retaile.

The ſixt Conjecture is foom the Calamities of the Weſt-Indians,Conject. 6. and the analogy and proportion thereof menaced to the Iews.

It cannot be denied (to paſſe by all other arguments or quotations) but that the guilt of the crucifying of our Saviour, hath entayled upon the Jews an ocean of miſeries and infelicities ever ſince▪ and rendred them deſpicable to all men, and made them drink the dregs of the bittereſt cup of all manner of cruelties, and that in ſundry parts of the world, yet all this is no evidence that becauſe the Americans have ſuffred ſo much, by and under the Spaniards, therefore they are the race of the Iewes, we know the Spaniard is his craftsmaſter in Cruelty, he cut off by the hand of the D. of Alva in 6 yeares 18000 by the hangman, beſides other murders and maſſacres, and the Netherlands coſt him 100 millions of money, and the lives of 400000 Chriſtians, Raleighs Preface. But the Spaniard having diſcoverd and taſted of the wealth of America, and finding that without a totall ſubjugation of them, and utter deſtruction of the Natives (who were as impatient to be overmaſtred and enſlaved to forraine uſurpation) they could not aſſure themſelves of thoſe Riches, and Wealth of America, which to hold and enjoy,

Per fas atque nefas, infernum Acheronta movebunt, They'l venture ſoules and bodies, all they have, What they have got that they may keep and ſave,

And being ſtill whetted and ſharpned on with Goldhunger, their ſword devoured many Myriades of the Americans, by ſundry unheard-of and unparelled murders and maſſacres, as wee may read at large in Barth. de Las. Caſas and others, It may be the Spaniard perceiving ſome few apiſh imitations of the Iewiſh cuſtomes among the Americans taught them by the Devill, the Spaniard, by the ſame Satans ſuggeſtions taught them alſo to derive themſelves from the Iewes, that the Spaniard might have the better warrant to execute all cruelties in accompliſhment of the curſe upon them.

But (to ſpeak yet more cloſe and home) If the Americans come of the 10 Tribes carried away by Salmanaſſer (which anſwers to the aime of the Author) and we grant them once ſetled in America, the Author ſhall be much poſed by any Hiſtory to ſhip them back againe to be engaged in the crucifying of Chriſt, and after to retranſport them into America; and if the crucifying of our Saviour entailed the great curſe, It muſt bee intended moſt probably towards them, and their poſterity that were actors and engaged therein; and now there is work for the Author to prove that the Iewes often paſſed and repaſſed betwixt Iudaea and America, otherwiſe the Americans though derived from Salmanaſſers Iſraelites, yet are not ſo nearly concerned in the cauſe and Curſe.

I come now to obſerve upon the Conjectures, and from all the Cuſtomes both Common and Sacred diviſim and junctim as followeth.

Whoſoever reads the ſtories of the Weſt Indians or (our abbreviatorObſerv. 1 of them) induſtrious Purchas, ſhall finde moſt of all the commonly called rights or cuſtomes (peculiarly aſſigned by this treatiſe to the Americans) to be in uſe among other Nations, wherin beſides what I have quoted out of Purchas, I have alſo further illuſtrated from other Authors and reading.

And for the Americans to be derived from the Iewes, and toObſerv. 2 retaine nothing of Iudaiſme, or of their certaine Rights and Cuſtomes, or the knowledge of Chriſt (having once had it) and if they were tranſplanted ſince his death, caret exemplo, ſaies Acoſta lib. 1. cap. 13. and further thus, how comes it to paſſe (ſaies he) that the Hebrewes boaſt ſo much of their race and antiquity, and are ſo ſedulous and ſtrict conſervers thereof in other parts of the world, and yet in the Weſt Indies their race, ceremonies, Meſſias, and Iudaiſme, are all cleane and quite loſt? and after, quid opus eſt, &c. what need wee ſay more of what they ſay more, all which are Inania veritatis, & vanitatis pleniſſima, empty of all truth, and full of all vanity, and many learned men ſay the Americans cannot make out the mention or memory of their Nation for above 400 yeares.

I inſiſt alwaies the more upon Acoſta, becauſe I finde none equall to him in eſteeme and reputation, for experience, learning, Iudgement, and ſincerity.

Brerewood Enquiries cap. 14. ſaies that Europe, Afrique, Aſia, Obſerv. 3 and America are in Proportion as 1. 3. 4. 7. that is dividing the world into fifteene parts, Europe is 1. Afrique 3. Aſia 4. America 7. and notwithſtanding the greatneſſe of America, and extent thereof, and all that is ſaid of the multitude of people, diverſity of Nations, variety of manners and language, yet whatſoever the Author can gather to be an uſe or Cuſtome in this or that peculiar part and place, he too looſely and largely a •• ignes, attributes, and aſcribes to the whole Nation by the great gr •• pe, latitude and extent of the words the Americans, the Indians, They, &c.

Againe, he often makes that a Cuſtome among the Americans,Obſerv. 4 which is drawn from the reaſon of nature, and neceſſity, and is common to all, as to dance, laugh and ſing in matters of joy, to cry, howle and weep in accidents and objects of heavineſſe and ſorrow, and many ſuch like, which granted (as is gathered and applied) will make all the world Iewes, or that thoſe are no diſtinct characters of the Iewes which are uſed by all the world beſides.

Againe, the 12th of the common Cuſtomes was indeed no CuſtomeObſerv. 5 of the Hebrewes, for every Cuſtome imports an act reſulting not from the Law of Nature and neceſſity, but from a liberty at firſt to will or nill to doe it, and if the Hebrew women had a naturall facility of child bearing, that was no Cuſtome which was out of the power of the will; and Balſamum (which is a naturall product of the temperament and conſtitution of the ſoile & clymate) is as improperly liſted among the Cuſtomes of Iudaea or America; and the 25th and 26th are no Cuſtomes, but common reſults of reaſon to all the world.

So alſo the 3, 4, 5, 22, 24, 25, of the Sacred, have very little taſt or reliſh of the propriety of Cuſtome.

Againe, the Author picks up ſome properties of the Americans, Obſerv. 6▪ and puts them upon the rack to confeſſe themſelves Cuſtomes, which for brevity I omit; but what was hatefull and abhorred of the Iewes, and forbidden of God to be uſed, and yet in uſe among the Americans, he paſſeth over, as Inceſt, Sodomy, Witches, Wizardes, for all which they are branded of all Authors, as P. Maffeius ſaies, augurijs & ariolis • d inſaniam, they are ſtarck mad in love with their wiches and wizards, beſides their Idolatries which are nationall, and epidemicall.

Againe, we reade of the uncleane and forbidden creatures,Obſerv. 7 Levit. 11. and the Iſraelites were not to eate of any creeping foure-footed creature, yet the Americans eate Crocodiles, Lagartos, Iguanaes all America over; In New-France ſnayles, dogs, their coates of beaſts skins, all Carion▪ Deſcr▪ Ind. occid. pag. 46.

The Attig onantes eate Dogs for dainties, and fatted beares, pa. 50. In Florida immundiſſimis rebus utuntur, they eate the moſt unclean things that are▪

The Iſraelites might not eate any thing that died alone, orObſerv. 8 was torne with beaſts, as Levit. 17. 15. Nor of an oxe that had killed a man, as Exod. 21. v. 28. The Braſilians are neither troubled with curioſity nor conſcience, but eate all manner of beaſts howſoever ſlaine, and all manner of Carion, ſnakes, toades, glowwormes, and all inſects, lib. 15. ca. 2. 3.

The Iſraelites might eate no blood; the Americans beſmeareObſerv. 9 and beſlaver their Idols mouths with the blood of their ſacrifiſes, and ſuck the blood of their enemies.

The Iſraelites might not take an whore in marriage, Levit. 21.Obſerv. 10 v. 7. In America they take no other, for virginity is a thing not praiſe-worthy (as the Authors words are) and the young women are common proſtitutes for many yeares untill they marry.Obſerv. 11

The Iſraelites had the puniſhments of ſtoning, ſtrangling, fighting with beaſts, whipping with forty ſtripes ſave one, &c. and many other ſuch, which I forbeare, and of which not one word is collected and proved by the Author to be in uſe among the Americans.

I might alſo inſtance in the Sabbath of the Iewes, of the whichObſerv. 12 not one word all America over, nor of their feaſt of Paſſover, Pentecoſt, Tabernacles, &c. And Acoſta ſaies, lib. 5. ca. 9. that the beſt governed Provinces of America had moſt ſtore of deviliſh ſuperſtitions; yet lib. 6. ca. 12. he ſaies that the Devill (to the end to draw the more worſhip to himſelf) played the ape, and imitated God in teaching them a number of Ceremonies agreeable to thoſe uſed in the true worſhip and ſervice of the true God.

By what I have ſaid, I conclude, that to much of what the Author hath ſaid, I might ſafely anſwer with the three children in Daniel, Wee are not carefull to anſwer thee O King.

But to all I declare, that the collections of the alleged probabilities are in themſelves • aint and lanquid, and confronted (as I conceive and hope) with ſo juſt and clear oppoſitions, as they vaniſh and diſſolve, eſpecially being halting and lame in the principall and mainepillars and properties that ſhould have ſupported them; for as de Laët▪ de orig. gent. pag. 35. niſi mores in omnibus • ut ſaltem in pleriſ que & praecipuis, &c. unleſſe the manners and cuſtomes agree in all, at leaſt in moſt, and moſt materiall, I think but ſleightly of the inſtances and paralleles; for had the Author had more for him than againſt him, and eſpecially of the chiefeſt, I ſhould charitably have greeted him with Horace—ubi plura nitent—non ego paucis Offendor maculis——

Of the ſecond part of the treatiſe, namely the origine and plantacion of the Americans, I choſe rather to ſpeak before in the firſt part, and firſt to derive and give then a beeing, when and from whence, and after to examine them by their Cuſtomes, whereby to ſhew the way, and after to ſtear and conduct the opinion and judgement.

In the third part of the treatiſe begining thus, The humble deſires, &c. five reaſons or motives are premiſed for Plantation out of Bodine his Method of Hiſtory, as followeth. 1 Expulſion 2 Supernumerarineſſe of Inhabitants 3 Want of meanes and livelihood 4 Deſire of enlargement 5. Favour to Priſoners.

I conceive the Author wiſheth that ampliation of the Goſpel had led the Van, and to that end he ſeems to cite the ſenſe of the Novangles. Now to ſpeak freely and cheerfully, I like not the word Novangles; for though the contraction of the word in the Latin by Honor Regius be harmleſs, yet the word Novangles in Engliſh is too proſtitute and ſubject (by unhappy cadence and partition) to the abuſe of the Authors meaning, and to be exchanged, and ſpoken Newfangles, the letter v lawfully borrowing the pronunciation of a conſonant; but I proceed.

By Expulſion, I ſuppoſe an actuall baniſhment, or proſcription coercive from the ſupreme power, or voluntary in fear of it.

But to ſpeak my ſenſe ſhortly (and I hope ſurely) I ſuppoſe the 3d and 4th motives in eſpeciall to have been, are, and ever ſhall be, the perfect Pole, and Loadſtar of direction in all Plantations.

—namque i • e per omnes Et terras tractuſque maris— Nor Seas, nor Earth can hold Where there's deſire of Gold.

Want and Wealth perrumpere ama • ſaxa—will break through ſtone walls. And I think I may anſwer for Bodine, that he willingly omitted ampliation, or propagation of the Goſpel, as a meer fucus and complement, and no reality of motive from the mind of the Planters; and we know God loves Adverbs better than Adjectives; but when, and whereſoever a Plantation is made, I am prone enough to beleeve, that all Opinioniſts, and Inconformiſts to Church Government in Adiaphorals and indifferencies, do naturally drain, and deſcend into places ſo planted by their own gravity of ſelf-opinion, which is nothing elſe but nolumus hunc regnare ſuper nos, we will be maſters of our own conſciences, and hope to raiſe a Government to our ſelves, which to our aiery, ſublime, and ſanctified ſpirits is no great difficulty, every one of us being able to make a better Pope, or Archpraeſul, than any other (that is not of us) a common Deacon: But they gather none of this counſell or encouragement out of Calvin (moſt juſtly for learning, candour, judgment, incomparable) his, or B • zaes, or Zanchius modeſt Epiſtles, and the Rule of the Canon Law is grave, and to be approved, which ſaies, Things of themſelves indifferent, do i • ſome ſort alter their nature when they are either commanded or forbidden by a lawfull Magiſtrate or Authority, and may not be omitted at every mans pleaſure, contrary to the Law when commanded, nor committed when prohibited. And as Calvin ſaies in his Epiſtle, Edicta principum & magiſtratuum jus ſuum habent, & quamvis acerba ſunt, contemni illa f • s non eſt, nec eſſe privatorum abuſus corrigere, Proclamations of Princes and Magiſtrates have their right, and are not to be contemned, though they be ſharp and ſevere, and private men have no power of reformation of publique abuſes.

And to acquit my ſelfe from the ſuſpected infirmity of a cauſeleſſe prejudicatory jealouſy herein, and to be truly eſteemed to behold things as I doe in reality and exiſtence (and not in fancie) I doe but fairly demand the name of any one Orthodox Proteſtant, conformable, and moderate Miniſter (for of them I intend my ſpeech onely) either removed or removing into a forrein Plantation, unleſſe it be ſome unbeneficed or underbeneficed man, who (not animated with a ſpirit of ſeparation) goes for novelty or advantage in attendance, and as Chaplaine to ſome Perſon or Party of quality and power.

And when I conſider what I have read, that one Mr▪ Winſlow hath abundantly written, to anſwer and avoyd this matter of accuſation; it doth evidence to mee that abundance of like opinions novanglicè ſuch aſſertions as mine have been offered.

And I am confident, that not 4. of 40▪ unbiaſſed men will differ from me herein.

Leriu • tells ut that Villagagnon travelled upon a diſcontent with his eſtate, and though he pretended to go for Gods worſhip and glory, it plainly after appeared what Proſelyte he proved.

Not but that I may alſo aver and avow, that many Lay men depart alſo from us, whereof I knew ſome (that refuſed to kneele at prayers, or ſtand at the Creed) that went into New England, where what monſtrous births of opinions (figured forth with a finger from heaven, by that monſtrous birth of children whereof Mrs. Hutchinſon was delivered, and Mrs. Dyers monſtrous child alſo) the ſpirituall fornication of theſe times hath produced, are to be read at large in the Riſe, Reign, and Ruin of the Antinomians in New England.

And the obſervations of Honor Regius (upon occurrences there) relate of Mr. Cotten (a man & Miniſter of prime note, and ſmooth and venerable carriage and eſteem, but ſince, as he ſaies, a great father, fautor, and foſterer of ſtrange opinions) that in Horrendos errores lapſus eſt, he fell into horrible errors of opinion and judgement, and more in pertinacity of defence.

I am no Champion for ſuperrogatory and unneceſſary rules, redundancies, forms, dreſſes, and impoſitions in Church▪ Government; but I heartily wiſh, that the Luminaria magna, the great Lights and leading ſtars of the firſt magnitude, the Biſhops, had not been over-ſevere in introducing antiquated, or impoſing new Ceremonies, but had rather unſtitched, let fall, and diſcontinued ſome of uſe, but ſuperfluous, and not onely unprofitably redundant, but ſcandalous, & offenſive to weak capacities, whoſe judgements could not concoct ſome ſo hard, other ſo fulſome matter, though perhaps palliated under the amiable and lovely names of order and decency.

Again, for them that will teare authority in peeces, I will mind them of what I read of Luther (a man of as much animoſity as ever was) who though he confeſſed that he hated Images with his heart, yet he abhorred and dehorted from inſurrection, and putting them down without authority; and as Aug. ſaies, Aras eorum deſtruetis cum acceperitis poteſtatem, ubi non data poteſtas non facimus, ubi data non praetermittimus, prius agimus ut Idola in cordibus confringamus; ſpeaking of Altars in his Tract de verb. Dom. in 2 Math. To. 10. Serm. 6. You may deſtroy their Altars when you have leave or authority, while we have no leave, we do it not; when we have, we preſently do it; in the mean time we firſt labour to break down the Idols in their hearts. I could cite here much other pertinent matter out of Hieron. Socrates, Euſebius, and Aug. Ep. 118. ad Ian. He that will execute Phinehas zeal upon Cozby, &c. muſt be ſure to have Phinehas warrant, Privata authoritate publicum negotium geſſiſſe capitale eſto. Platon de Leg.

In pag. 55. the Author gives a little touch upon the jus and right of entring into, and ſetling in anothers land or dominion, wherein Acoſta hath learnedly and elaborately handled that queſtion, and Barthol. de las Caſas, and ſundry Civilians have travailed excellently herein; but I fear there is ever more of an inordinate deſire of enlargement of wealth and dominion, than any warrant of Law or Religion to attain, and conſequently of force to maintain a poſſeſſion, and to that end- qui minor eſt armis- is the ratio ultima, the ever finall reſult and reſolution, and the ergo of the Syllogiſme.

I know there are many Meanders and windings in this queſtion of Plantation, and ſetling in anothers land; and if the Commandement Exod. 22. v. 21. Thou ſhalt not oppreſſe a ſtranger, much leſſe ſhalt thou (being a ſtranger) preſume to oppreſſe another at his own home; and the counſell of not removing a Land-mark be well conſidered, we may find argument to help us; I doe but now peepe into this queſtion, and may happily hereafter adventure to tread the maze of it; in the mean time we are not to forget what we have ſometimes ſuffered by the natives in the Weſt-Indies, for our invaſion and uſurpation upon them, and we are now become ſtaffeholders of a firſt precurious intereſt, and begin to preſcribe in intruſion, and an unprovoked conqueſt.

In the purchaſe from the King of Paſpebay (mentioned by the Author) the beſt warrant ariſeth from the circumſtances of his, and his peoples treacheries, which ſubdued him to compliance for fear of our revenge, though we were firſt over-bold, and buſie with him without a right.

The cautions and directions which the Author gives for ſetling and ſecuring Plantations, are eſpecially worthy of embracement and approbation; to which I adde, breviter per exemplum, example is the ſhorteſt and ſureſt maſter.

—non ſic inflectere ſenſus Humanos edicta valent quam vita regentis. Laws and Edicts we do find do not bind, Nor doe bow the hearts of man, As the great ones lives we ſee powerfull be, And their good example can.

I wiſh an increaſe of all happineſs to the ſucceſſeſſes mentioned in the tenth Chapter, if the foundation be layd upon pious principles, I may promiſe more in the building and progreſſe; but I fear too much of Bol • ons white devil of ſpirituall pride, and the ſacred hunger of Gold (which the Americans call the Chriſtians God) and too much meum and tuum have over-leavened the whole lump, and been the prime authors and actors in our plantations.

About 40 years ſince I adventured for the diſcovery of the North-weſt paſſage, to contract our travailes and returns to, and from the Eaſt Indies; and I confeſs that I embrace the innocence of ſuch action to the fair advantage of trading, or to a plantation in an unhabited land, with better thoughts than to invade or exterminate natives, and by means (too commonly coarſe and cruell) to get and to keep dominion.

I confeſſe again, that what the Author ſeems to commend in the Americans pag. 125. Deſire of publique meetings, and to blame the diviſions and ſeparations that are in England, Cy ••• ius aurem vellit, is to my ſenſe an evidence of condemnation to the Plantation in New-England, which is ſeparated in Civill and Eccleſiaſticall government from us, whereas b • i • g of us, and going out of us, and warranting themſelves ſub au piciis, under the grace and favour of the Kings of England (as the Author mentions pag. 78.) I ſuppoſe it more Chriſtian and comely, that theIudg 9. 14, 15. plantation there ſhould have paralleled with our Church and Government, and not rend and tear from us by every bramblebrained noveli • t in ſuperficiall ceremonies and indifferencies when I hope (though I confeſſe mixt with ſome fear as Phaebus ſaid to Phäeton for the warrant of his affection, —do pignora certa timendo) wee all hold, and retain the ſheat Ancour of our Salvation in the right uſe of the word and Sacraments, and faith in Chriſt, and ſuch departure I dare call an Irreligio • ity, I doe not a rebellion, and dare ſay with the Prophet to Naaman, Goe in peace; and I read with fear and reverence that of Calvin, Quicunque ſeſe ſeparant & abſcindunt à caetu fidelium iidem ſeſe à regno caelorum abjiciunt

In the 125th page, the Author moſt juſtly reprehends the depainted, bedawbed, (well might debawded) and debauched immodeſty of women; then he proceeds to commend the Indians to wear their hair comely as the Engliſh doe, I am loth to underſtand the Author that thoſe of New-England wear their hair like thoſe of Old-England, who drown themſelves in their dangling dreſſes and treſſes, as aſhamed to own their own faces, —& erectos ad ſidera tollere • ultus, their hair all powdered, whether to confute our Saviour when he ſaid, no man can make one hair white or black, or to give a ſent that may predominate to bad and offenſive exhalations; and now that I have got hold of their locks, I ſhall not let goe till I have viewed and ſurveyed them a little more.

Thei • breeches with two waſts, the one reverſed at the knees as big as the other, and in all points now better furniſhed, and decending into the top of a boot, dignum patella operculum, a ful and fowl cover for ſuch a diſh; the ſpurs jingling as the womens feet, Eſay 3. long necked, roweled not for neceſſity & uſe in riding, but (by the impediment of thoſe, and diſtention of the boot tops) to traverſe the men into a pace and poſture of gentle and deliberate going and walking, and thereby to help to diſſemble ſome infirmities, which by Venery, and miſriding, and miſwalking they have contracted, and which eaſily diſcover'd, but for their counterfit pace which theſe ſtradling ſpurs and boot tops have taught them; if I erre in my calculation I ſubmit mine ignorance to be corrected by thoſe of more, but worſe knowledg and experience.

And for their eare-wigle toes I confeſſe the faſhion and the reaſon thereof ſuch as my narrowneſſe could never yet fadome or comprehend; I read the faſhion of piqued or pointed toedſhooes in antient uſe among us in England, and a law made therin to limit them, and becauſe the point or pike end was ſubject to ſink and fall, therfore they were reined up from the to • to the Leg above the Calfe, which from leather grew to ſilk, and from ſilk ribond to ſilver chaines, &c. till at laſt the ridiculous exceſſe thereof was reſtrained, and ſoon after the folly of the deviſe reſolved it ſelf into its diſſolution.

I am not a little amaſed to conſider the ſtory of Monterinos, & what he relates of the report and diſcourſe of the Weſt Indians, as he travailed to Quito, but doth not mention the expreſs place; Io. de Laët▪ Ind. occid. lib. 10. cap. 6. ſaies the people of the Province of Quito are mendaces, vani, nec ad civilia inſtituta ſe traduci patiuntur, Sacra Chriſtiana aegrè & penè coacti amplectuntur, they are liars, vaine, and will not be brought under any civile diſcipline, and very hardly drawn to embrace any ſacred or holy duties.

If the Author ſcruple what I have ſaid, or offer any thing omitted by me to be ſpoken unto, I am ready to give a modeſt anſwer and reaſon, in the mean time as I conceive he expected to prevaile moſt by the power of his paralleles, and coherence of Cuſtomes. So when upon examination I found ſo great diverſity, diſparity, contrariety and diſcord betwixt the ancient Iewiſh rights, and the Cuſtomes of America, I reſolved little to touch the hiſtoricall part of the treatiſe, but chiefly to bend my ſelf to confute the wrong Petigree of the Americans, and to oppoſe and withſtand a blind obedience and conſent to weak, incertain, and fallacious conjectures, for as Scaliger ſaies, de rebus Sinarum Plenum aleae eſt de iis aliquid ſtatuere quae nobis per caliginem duntaxat nota ſunt, It is but hap-hazard to aſſert any thing poſitively in matters that we can behold but through a miſt and darkneſſe; and although in matters of Sacred knowledge wee may not offer to plumbe or ſound the Abyſſe thereof, for as the Chriſtian Prudentius ſaies,

—neſcire velle quae magiſter maximus docere non vult eſt erudita inſcitia. T'is a learned ignorance to nill to know What our great maſter does not will to ſhow.

Yet in theſe obſcure and ſublunary queſtions that reach not to the Caelum empyreum, wee may not be denied by any law of diſcourſe, conference, argumentation, or reaſon, to threſh upon the Subject in queſtion, and to winnow and fan out the pureſt, cleareſt and the beſt grain of our private ſence and opinion, and to offer and expoſe it to the view and teſt of others, and that liberty according to the law of reaſon (as a reaſonable creature) I have aſſumed and practiſed.

Iam nos ecce manum ferula ſubduximus—

When I had taken mine hand from the loome, and was ready to fold up this frolique and • urtivity, of minutes, there came unto mine hands a ſmall book entitled, the Hope of Iſrael, written by one Manaſſeh Ben Iſrael a Iew, ſhewing the place of the ten Tribes, &c. which he makes to be behind the Mountains Cordillerae on the South ſide of the ridge of the hills Andes in Peru, in So. lat. about 4 gr. and long. about 320 gr. and though I have often travailed over thoſe parts on dry foot, yet I could never find the leaſt track or trace of any matter that might invite my ſenſe and opinion to concur with him.

I find Manaſſeh Ben Iſrael a perfect Talmudiſt, and Rabbinicall doctour; In pag. 11. he confeſſes from Montecinus mouth that Francis the Indian was a kind of Talmudiſt alſo, for if Montecinus preſſed him too much, he would make him tell him lies, which is a good ſtaggering introduction to invite a mans belief of the conſequent ſtory.

Then he goes on and tells us ſome ravelled diſcourſe till he come to Sect. 2. pag. 17. and there he reports of the plantation of the Weſt Indies, & pag. 20. he ſaies the Spaniards are not altogether miſtaken to make the Indians to come of the ten Tribes, which words not altogether inſinuates ſome miſtaking, or a miſtaking in part though not altogether.

As for his diſcourſe of Arſareth I remit both the Author and the Iewe to Brerewoods 13. chap. of Enquiries, and I ſay with Iunius, whether Eretz in the originall be the ſame with Ararat in America, viderin • docti, let learned men that undertake it look to it, for he determines not.

As for Manaſſehs argument a Simili (as he calls it) Sect 6. Compariſon of Americans with Iewiſh Cuſtomes, beſi • ds that all people in the world may agree in many Cuſtomes (which I may rather call dictates of Nature) I have already given a full anſwer to them, onely I would know his authority, to prove a jubile of fifty yeares among the Americans, and when began, the ceremonies of the performance and obſervation, for to my ſence the incivilities and incultneſſe of the Americans ſeemes not capable of the rites and properties thereof.

Manaſſeh goes on with ſundry other imperfect relations, to induce an opinion of the Americans derivation from the Iſraelites, but all to little purpoſe, and confeſſeth that Grotius and de Lae • differ from him in judgement, but he modeſtly confeſſeth he wil not ſtand to confute them, which is bonum ſignum à mala cauſa, for he knowes it muſt be done by lying down and not otherwiſe.

In Sect. 17. he ſpeakes of the Iew Solomon Molho, who was burnt alive at Mantua, by the command of the Emperour Cha. 5. becauſe he practiſed to draw the Pope, C • a. 5. and Fra. the firſt of France to Iudaiize, but Iunius ſaies he feigned himſelf Solomon the Son of David, and was executed for a notorious counterfeit.

Then he proceeds to tell a number of ſtrange ſtories, till hee comes to the greateſt wonder of all, which is the Sabbaticall river, Sec. 20. where he drowns himſelf in diving for it, which river is ſaies Iunius (ut inquiunt Judae • rum fabulae) trans montes Caſpios, &c. (as the Iewiſh tales tell us) beyond the Caſpian Mountaines, where there is a large Kingdom divided from other people by the Sabbaticall river, and there Iunius further taxes the falſhood of that chapter of the Hiſtory of Eſdras, to the fourth verſe, and Frier Luis de Ʋrreta in his Hiſtory of E • hiopia, ſaies of that Sabbathicall river, that • s Chimera ſin fundamento, Imagines de Rabbinos, a groundleſſe Chimera, and phancy of the Rabbins. And there he tells a ſtrange fiction and fabulous report of a Iew that fill'd his budget with the ſand of that river, and Sandys tra. lib. • . ſaies that the Iewes ſay that the ten Tribes are in Jndia about the Sabbaticall River.

I could here cite many others who de • ide that wateriſh fiction, and ſome think it is as likely to be the via lactea in the aire, yet Manaſſeh believes it, as he believes that which his Father told him of the hour-glaſſe of the Sabbaticall river ſands which ran all the week, and ſtood ſtill all the Sabbath, which I am willing to believe for company, if he never turned it; and as ſimply and plainly pag. 54. whatſoever it be, ſaies he, it is ſome where, and pag. 56. he ſaies theſe things he gathered concerning the ten Tribes who wee believe ſtill keep the Iewiſh rites.

I confeſſe I finde him a man of ſo ſharpe an appetite, and ſtrong and eaſie and Oſtrich concoction; as I cannot ſit at table any longer with him, and therefore I now riſe and offer others every one to ſeed according to his own phancie.

Having thus travailed into the Weſt Indies, I am brought into remembrance of ſome time ſpent formerly in the canvaſſe and diſcuſſe of a queſtion in the Eaſt Indies, which I now offer.

Arguments to prove the Iſland which we call Seylam to have been Prolomes Taprobane, and our Sumatra to have been his aurea Cherſoneſus, contrary to the opiniou of moſt modern Geographers.

P • ol. lib. 7. cap. 4. Tab. 12. of Aſia, ſaies that the Iſland Taprobane 1. From the Name. was antiently called Simonds Iſle▪ after Salice, and the Inhabitants Salae, which in ſound alludes to our Seylam.

The firſt Iſland of any notable bigneſſe which Ptol. placed2. Si • e and Latitude. South of India, and intra Gangem, within Ganges, was his Taprobane, and his Aurea Cherſoneſus extra Gangem, without Ganges, as is the now Sumatra.

2 Ptolomey gave the North promontory of Taprobane 12. gr. 30 min. of North lat. the North cape of Seylam agreeth truly therwith, the North cape of Ptol. his aurea Cherſoneſus had 5 gr. of North lat. agreeable to the North cape of Sumatra.

3 Ptolomey placed South upon the Eaſt Sea, betwixt the mouths of Indus and Ganges, So ſtands Seylam.

4 Ab Eöo mari incipit prae • enta Indiae, ſaies Soli • us of Taprobane, it begins in the Eaſt Sea, and ſtreches in a direct South and North line upon or towards India.

5 Pro certo credimus Taprobanam in alto vers. meridiem ante Indiam jacere. Strabo▪ lib. 2. we are certainly perſwaded that Taprobane lies▪ juſt before India to the South (that is length-wiſe) ſo doth Seylam.

6 Taprobana inſ •• a mul • o longius verſ • s merid. quam ſit Jndia ſita, oppoſita Egyptiorum inſulis cum quibus habet temperiem, & Cinnamomiferae regioni, the Iſland Taprobane extends South towards Jndia, oppoſite (that is right Eaſtward) to ſome of the Egyptian Iſlands, and of the ſame temper with them, and the Cinamome region, S • ra. lib. 2.

Ptol. his promontorium Aromata is now Cap • Guarda • uy by S • cotora at the mouth of the Red Sea, and is due Eaſt of Ptolomeys Cynamome region, which is the North part of the now Kingdom of Magadoxon Afrique.

Pliny ſaies lib. 6. cap 22. Taprobane lies medio in curſu ſolis occurente, that is, as the Sun meets us in the 12 a clock line. So ſtands Seylam North and South.

8 Ante Taprobonam multitudo Inſularum jacet, ſaies Pliny, ſo the Maldiners and a flock of 7 or 8000 Iſlands before Seilam.

9 Againe the words of Ptol. in his Geograph. cap. 14. are conſiderable, Meridianus qui eſt per Indi fluminis principia paulo occident • i • r eſt boreali Taprobanes promontorio, which ſhewes that this Taprobane cannot be our Sumatra, for the head of Jndus ariſing out of the hills betwixt Imaus and Cauſaſus (now Nungraco • and Delanguer) cannot be ſaid to be paul • but Permultum, very much more Weſt than Sumatra, near about 20 gr. and Seylam very little, if not in the ſame longit.

10 Again the Equinoct. cuts through the midſt of Ptol. his Aurea Cherſon • ſus, and ſo it doth Sumatra. Solinus.

11 Againe there is a ſmall Iſland near Sumatra called Andramania, which is as much as aurea Inſula, participating of the name and nature of Ptol. his aurea Cherſoneſus, or Chryſe, which contributes alſo with me.

Solinus and Pliny, make Taprobane 7000 furlongs long, which3. Bigneſs. is about 800 engliſh miles, but by the face of the ſhoar, ſhort and ſhallow (as Linſ • hot lib. 1. cap. 13. among others hath obſerved) it ſeemes the rage of the Sea hath devoured a great part thereof: So as now it is not above 250 Engliſh miles long, and about 140 broad.

Ptol. his Taprobane abounded with Gold, pretious ſtones, &c.4. Commodities. Linſchot ſaies ſo of Seylam the beſt in all the Eaſt, and fiſhing for pearles, and mines of rich mettalls, and ſtore of Elephants the beſt of all India, as S • rabo, Solinus, Pliny.

Warrs, Conqueſts, and time (which is the greateſt Conquerour)5. Names. devours all men▪ Townes, Cities, Countries. So alſo it defaces, blots out, and corrupt names; I ſhall eſſay to ſcoure, refreſh and renew ſome places long diſguiſed and obſcured, that may be be called in to ſupport mine aſſertion, and I ſhall exemplifie a little among our ſelves to uſher in ſome after inſtances in Seylam and Sumatra.

Ptol. his Eblana is our Dublin in Ireland, his Itaena aeſtuarium our Eden in Cumberland, his Garienis Fluvius our river Yare, his Garieni • oſtium our Yarnemouth, his Camalodunum our Maldon in Eſſex, his Sabrina our Severne▪ I might be infinite herein near and far off, but I premiſe but theſe few.

In India near to Taprobane Ptol. had the great emporium or trade Town of Colchi our Cochin, he had there near, the South Promontory Comaria, our now Cape Como • y, and more Eaſt, Promontorium Colligicum our now Cape C • ël, he had the great emporium Malanga upon the Indian ſhoar, & we Malacca though otherwiſe placed beyond Ganges Gulph, or bay, near Sumatra, or the Aurea Cherſoneſus, which errour was crowded in by firſt making Sumatra to be Taprobane, and then Malacca to be near it as Malanga was to Seylam the true Taprobane; And to enter into Tabrobane Ptol. had there Nagadiba our Negubo in Seylam, he had Galiba our Chilaban, if nimbly and ſwiftly ſpoken.

Again Ptol. his Aurea Cherſoneſus had the Town Palandra, which alludes to Palimban now in Sumatra, and agrees in ſite, he had the Town Samarada in the North-eaſt corner of his Aurea Cherſoneſus which I preſume may be that which firſt denominated that Iſland to be Sumatra

It may be objected that Ptol. his Aurea Cherſoneſus was a pe • inſula, but almoſt an Iſland, it is anſwered that it is evident enough that the ſtore of ſlands which lye betwixt Sumatra and the Continent, and which the Sea hath not yet devoured and ſwallowed, though rent and torn from terra firma, doe clearly ſatisfie that the Sea hath cut off the neck of the land where Sumatra or the Aurea Cherſoneſus, and the continent were once joyned together.

Now for a concluſion, I will animadvert upon the ſtory which Solinus and Pliny report after ehis manner.

A ſervant of Annius Plocomus who was Cuſtomer • or the red Sea, in the raign of Claudius, was carried with North-weſt winds from the Coaſt of Arabia beſides Carmania, in 15 daies to Taprobane, which could not poſſibly be performed if Sumatra were Taprobane, for from Babelmandel (the mouth of the red Sea) and ſo over to Carmania (now Narſingua in a right line to the next and moſt Weſtern cape of Sumatra (eſteemed the then Taprobane) is about 2400 miles (as miles anſwer to a degree in that latitude) ſo as he muſt have ſailed every of thoſe fifteen daies above 160 miles, and this I calculate in right lines, whereas it is without diſpute that he was driven to and fro in a crooked, winding, and unſteady courſe, and ſometimes by▪ ſide, croſſe, contrary winds.

This ſhort diſcourſe of Taprobane I wrote many yeares ſince, as alſo a far longer o • Solomons Ophir, which I now intended to offer to view, but after much fruitleſſe ſearch for thoſe papers, I conclude them lent or loſt, but to whom, or where I know not, I well remember the Springs head of that diſcourſe roſe from Ophir and Havilah the Sonns of Ioctan, Gen. 10. 29. and Gen. 2. 11, 12. and the ſtream after continued and ran untill it branched into two, whereof the one emptyed it ſelf into the Aurea Cherſoneſus before mentioned, the other at Sofala in Mozambique in Afrique (for the compaſſe of my reſolution had variation) and mine opinion and judgement fluctuated betwixt thoſe two, but in that Sea of matter I ſhall now ſaile no further, and therefore here

Ancora de prora jacitur— FINIS.