I Have heard of one that has made himſelf a Cuckold,—that has pick'd his own pocket,—and 'tis poſſible, a man may Deſign upon himſelf, and Intercept his own Letters. The Miſcariage, I confeſſe, is a little odd; where the Courted party,—the Contriver,—and the Intercepter, are all One, and the ſame Perſon. (The Plot is Borrowed from the Story of Narciſſus;) but by what Enemy both to the Author, and Reader, this Diſcourſe is made Publique, were an Enquiry fitter for Authority, than a Private hand. Since ſo it is, let's make the beſt of a bad Market: what the Compoſer has ſold Cheap,—We have Bought Dear, and Both muſt Loſe by the Bargain. Without further Prologue—Here's SIR POLITIQVE himſelf, and wee'll take the meaſure of the man from his Titlepage.

A LETTER INTERCEPTED,—Printed for the Uſe and Benefit of the Ingenuous Reader—in which the Two Different Forms of MONARCHY, and POPVLAR GOVERNMENT, are briefly controverted.— (The Commonwealth Party are adviſed not to Buy this, by N. D. Gent.)

EX UNGUE LEONEM. The VOICE is JACOB'S, but the HANDS are ESAU'S. Popular Arguments are of late become ſuch a Drugg, the Author dares not own his Inclination, for fear the Pamphlet ſhould not off: but rather chuſes, under the colour of a Philoſophical Debate, to advance a Seditious Deſign; and inſtead of delivering a ſober Opinion, to excite a turbulent Faction. This will appear in it's due place; but in the Front, 'twas not ſo proper to diſcloſe himſelf. The Title is but a more formal kind of Bo-peep,—a couſenage of the Reader into a Two▪penny expenſe, upon a thing not worth Three▪ha'-pence.

In the next page, you'll find him more compoſed, and Magisterial. He complements himſelf,—Kiſſes his own Fair Hand,—Promiſes us an Honeſt, Plain, Rational Diſcourſe, not clogg'd with Maxims, or Examples;—and then he falls to work upon the Queſtion:—

Pag. 2. Whether Monarchy, or the Popular form of Government, be in Reaſon, more Safe, and Profitable for the People?]

Ibid. He proceeds thence, to Diſtinguiſh Monarchy, into Abſolute, and Mixt or Regulated. (tho', by his Favour, Mixt, implies a contradiction.)

Ibid. The Abſolute (he ſayes) is abſolutely Unlawfull; and diſconſonant both to the Laws of God, and Nature, &c.]

If either One, or the Other: How comes it then, Ior. 27.that God himſelf, stiles NEBVCHADNEZZAR (the King of Babylon) HIS SERVANT: upon the moſt expreſs, and ſevere penalties imaginable, commanding an Obedience to him? What means the Prophet David when he ſayes,—The Lord keep me from doing that 1 Sam. 24. thing unto my Maſter, THE LORDS ANNOINTED? That Tyrants Life, which purſued his, was then at his Mercy; and a Phanatique Counſel, at his Elbow, adviſing him, to emprove the Providential Opportunity of taking it away; (but our Commonwealth's-men are wiſer, poſſibly, and honeſter, than David.) This might ſuffice; but He goes on, and ſo ſhall I, to bear him Company.—

It is againſt the Moral Law, (he tells us) for me to diſpoſe of my own life; ſince that Law, which Commands Pag. 2.me, not to kill; does certainly require me▪ not to kill my ſelf; and the Law of Nature and Nations, does warrant any man to kill, rather than to be kill'd. But He, that willingly and of Choyce, lives under a Monarchy abſolute, muſt, and doth ſubmit all that he hath, Life not excepted, to be at the will of the Monarch, &c.]

What pains this worthy Gentleman takes, to prove himſelf as good a Stateſ-man, as he is a Caſuist▪ Is not my Life as well expoſed to any Government? ſince whereſoever you place the Rule, the laſt appeal lies There; and There's the Power of Life, and Death, by the Agreement of all Nations. Again, An abſolute Monarch muſt be wicked, to deſtroy a Loyal Subject: and if a Limited, will be ſo Impious too, their's no Relief, but Flight. The right of ſelf preſervation, which our Author Intimates; concerns but Individuals, at Liberty;—Grotius his Diſſociatam Multitudinem. There Every man is every Bodies enemy: but when we come to find, that very end of ſafety, better ſecured by ſocial Compact; aud by reducing all theſe ſeveral, and Diſagreeing Particulars, under the Regiment of ſome certain Laws; directing to the Common benefit of All: In this Caſe; we part with our Original Right, for the obtaining of a Nobler Good;—Society, and Order, without which, there's no Peace. I might here mind our Prevaricating Author, of a Morality which he forgets, and that's Obedience, Rebellion is a Blacker Crime, than Murther; for it is That, and More; but I would firſt convince him, that Killing is not alwaies Murther, and that in many caſes, a man muſt rather chuſe to be Killed, than Kill. The Law ſtrikes with the Sword of Juſtice; and ſure it is not Murther, by a Legal proceſſe, to deſtroy a Malefactor. 'Twere That at leaſt in me, to Kill the Judge, to prevent his condemning me. (But I ſuppoſe, our Author ſpeaks his Interest, rather than his Opinion.) In fine, I cannot juſtifie the Commiſſion of a ſin, to ſave my Life. To draw my Sword againſt my Prince, although to ſave my ſelf, in me, is Treaſon: but if I loſe my Life, by not oppoſing Him, 'tis He alone that's Criminal, I am Innocent. Nor does the Choice alter the Caſe one jot. If I may Obey an Abſolute Monarch, I am as Free to chuſe One, where I am at Liberty to chuſe the Form I would be govern'd by. It is the Ruler's part, not to Command amiſſe, and 'tis the Subjects Duty to Obey; (modo nihil Imperet, Naturali Juri, aut Divinis praeceptis Contrarium) and at the worſt; refuſe, without Reſiſting.

Pag. 3. Nay, but our Author tells us;—A Free People, that have it in their Choyce and Power (as Englund now) to do otherwiſe, and ſhall ſubmit their Lives to the will, and Diſpoſe of an abſolute Monarch, are moſt evidently thereby, in danger of becoming guilty of ſelf-Murther.]

Go thy waies N. D. for a profound Head piece! —They are in more danger of ſelf-murther, in ſubmitting to a Limited Monarch: that is, of Hanging themſelves, if the King ſhould come. Was there ever a more exorbitant Tyrant than Cromwell? Our Freemen were content enough with him. Come;—out w' it, Our modeller would ſpeak, if he had a ſpoon, but the man is modeſt; I'll do't for him. 'Tis This, he would be at.

That we are now at Liberty to chuſe our Government; and that the King would play the Tyrant, ſhould he return. If his own Head does not ſit ſure, he may thank himſelf. I would fain learn, from whence we date our Freedom. Who has ABSOLVED US, of our OATHS, and DVTIES of ALLEGEANCE? Did we not ſwear to the Late King, and to his Heirs? And can a Government be Altered, but by Conſent of all the Parties to it? This is too much ſaid, upon a Subject not properly my Buſineſs. I'll proceed, and wait upon him to his next Enquiry; and that's concerning Regulated Monarchy; but ſo Embroyled, 'tis infinitely harder to Underſtand, than to confute. Of Regulated Monarchies, Ours here in England is beholden to him, he likes That beſt, and gives his Reaſon, Thus.—The Excellency of that Monarchy, WAS, that the Monarch Pag. 3. without his Counſel could do no conſiderable thing.]

By his fair Leave, the Excellency of the GOVERNMENT, he would have ſaid: for 'tis the Imperfection of the Monarchy. But why WAS? Is it not, de Jure, ſtill the ſame?

Ibid. He proſecutes this Trayn of Errors, yet with more; All things were to be done in conjunction with his Counſel; either that Grand one, his Parliament, conſiſting of Nobles, and Commons; or his Leſſer Counſel, conſiſting of Nobles chiefly, &c.]

Our Author, I perceive, is willing to confound Counſel, and Authority: Whereas, to repreſent, is one thing; 'tis another thing to Judge. It is the Counſell's duty to propoſe, and Adviſe, according to their Reaſon, but ſtill it is the Monarch's part to Act according to his own: without that Freedom, the Prince is bound to Act in many Caſes againſt his Conſcience; and his Aſsiſtants are become his Governours. Not to inſiſt upon the Gentleman's miſtake, in aſſerting All things to be done in conjunction with his Counſel. This is too evident, to need a refutation. He ſpends his Two next Pages, in dilating upon the Deſire of Abſolute Pag. 4. Power in the Monarch; and the Reſerves, or Acquiſitions of the People; where he Daſhes the Kings Prerogative, and the Privileges of Parliament, the One againſt the Other. Whereas the King hath ſome Prerogatives without a Parliament, but the Parliament hath not ſo much as any Being, without the King: (he being an eſſential of it.)

To paſſe over his Falſe-fires, I ſhall come now to his main ſtrength: And thus it runs—

Pag. 5. The Monarch cannot Rationally be thought to have other Buſineſs, or Study, than to confirm, and eſtabliſh the Monarchy to himſelf.

To this: Firſt, Hee's Entitled to the Government: (That, pro conceſſo) Next; hee's Entruſted, in Order to the Publique Welfare, to Uphold it; and That, not only in the Form, but to Himſelf: 'Twere to Betray his Truſt, ſhould he do Leſſe.

As to the Appetite of Rule, which (as our Popular Champion will have it) tranſports the Monarch, into a dangerous elevation above the People▪ —That Reſtleſs impotency, is much more Hazzardous, in any other Government, than in that of Monarchy. For, the Monarch's upper most already: and rationally, Ambition ſeeks rather to Raiſe it ſelf Above all Others, than when 'tis at that Height, ſtill to exceed it ſelf. 'Tis but a Glorious Envy, which aſpires till it be higheſt, and there determines.

As there is leſſe temptation from without, ſo muſt the inclination, be much calmer. Greatneſſe is native, and familiar to the Monarch: or; in caſe any eagerneſs of Spirit ſhould enſtame him; It ſpends ſelf upon his Neighbours liberties, rather than upon his Peoples: and 'tis extent of Empire abroad, not enlargement of Prerogative at home▪ he covets.

This is not to exempt the Perſon of a Prince, from the ſrailties of a Man▪ he may be vitious. But that too with leſſe miſchief to the Publique than to Himſelf. He ha's no private Ayms, but what proceed from Principles nearer ally'd to Kindneſſe, then to Malice.

Now, to examine the likely Incidences to popular Government, and to proceed upon his Poſtulatum, that in all men there's an in bred appetency of Power. That granted, what can we expect from Perſons of mean Fortunes, and extraction, (inveſted with a title to Dominion) but Bondage, and Oppreſsion? The ſhort is, there are many men,—earneſtly intent upon the ſame end; ſpurr'd on by keen and craving Deſires, to make themſelves Rich, Great; and theſe deſign to rayſe their Fortunes, and Reputations upon the Publique stock of blood and treaſure. At laſt, when they have skrewed themſelves up to that pitch of Power, by force, and craft, where divine providence, by birth, had placed the ſingle Perſon:—when after a ſharp, long, and chargeable conteſt, they have brought us within view but of the counterfeit of what we quietly enjoy'd before: Ready to ſeize the ſum of their own wiſhes; and the dear-purchas'd Fruit of all their Labours:—they find that point, which ſupports Soveraignty, too narrow for them all;—too large for any one of them;—and, as they climb'd together, ſo they fall;—cruſh'd by thoſe Hands, and Principles that rais'd them. We need not look far Back for inſtances, what ha's obſtructed our long-look'd-for Settlement, but Competitours for a perſonal rule; even among the Salus-populi-men themſelves? 'Tis nobler at the worſt, to yeeld our ſelves a prey to a ſingle Lyon, than to a Herd of Wolves: and that's the Difference, upon experiment, betwixt the tyranny of one, and of a hundred? (—old Oliver, and the Rump.) Methinks 'tis a ſtrange Confidence, to Argue for a Cauſe, confuted by the loſſe of ſo many Lives and Millions. For theſe twelve years laſt paſt, we have been Slaves to Tyrants; Divided, in deſign to ſupplant one another, but ſtill united, to deſtroy the Nation, under the gay amuſement of a Free-ſtate. But I grow tedious.

The next thing I take notice of, is very remarkable, Page 6: (i. e.) Our Author's in the right—he ſaies that From the Soveraignty, there lies no appeal. But then he follows; that where a People will be ruled by a King, they must give that King abſolute Power to Govern.]

No need of that ſure neither,—the Soveraignty is in the King, tho' in a Limited Monarchy: which, ſo attemper'd; as that the People may not Rule in any Caſe, nor the King, (ſingly by himſelf) in All; ſecures all Intereſts. I muſt fix one note here, before I paſſe.

Page 7. Although our Author tells us, that Abſolute Monarchy is Unlawful; and Regulated, Dangerous: nevertheleſſe, he rather adviſes the former, than the latter;—That, which he terms Diſconſonant to the Laws of God, than the Other, which he pronounces only Dangerous, Nota. as related to the civil Good, and Utility of the People.

This is the Method of the whole Party; they decry, firſt, the Form it ſelf, as being too Tyrannical; yet they condemn, the Limited of Inſufficience, as to the Exerciſe of Government; and the Abſolute, of Exorbitancy, as to the end of it. One has too much Liberty, the Other, too Little. What is't they offer in Exchange? a Free-State;—of a Model, ten times more Arbitrary, and Pernicious. When they have ſpent their Powder upon the Government; (for 'tis but Powder) their Shot is ſtill directed to the Perſon. Hinc ille Lacrymae. How have they courted the General, (whoſe Honeſty, is as Invincible as his courage) to Accept of what theſe Paper-Kites ſo much diſclaim againſt? Our Grave, Philoſophiſing Monſieur, he makes one too, and tells us,—that Providence hath caſt the Lot upon the Peoples Ibid. ſide, and the Monarch has loſt; if the people will exclude him.—

Alas Good man! the Congregation's Holy, every one of them—Pretious Beagles! to aſcribe that to Providence, which they owe to Perjury, and Sacrilege. Where's your Preſcription? where's your Title? Enform the People, by what Power they are Abſolved from all their tyes of Conſcience, Honour, Thankfulneſſe, and Piety. Shew them the Laws their Fathers Purchaſed with their Bloods. Preach to them out of Magna Charta. There's the Foundation of the Peoples Freedoms. But Ibid.Sir I ask you pardon; The King's a Woolf you ſay, and all th' abjuring Saints are Lambs, I warrant ye. But by your leave once more; you are abſolutely of Opinion then, not to admit the King by any manner of means?—Indeed you ſhould do well, not to Anticipate the Parliament, it ſpoyls the project, to play the Tyrant, while you argue for the People. Pray let the King come in, if the next Parliament pleaſes.—

I muſt be now a little ſerious; for your next Paragraph Ibid.has a ſpice of Conſcience ••• (the word I mean) you would perſwade the world, that if the King comes in; 'tis neither Faith, nor Honor, nor Humanity, nor all together, can tye up his Revenge. (None ſo bold as blind Bayard; does it hit you or not?) It would become you now to tell the People, where ere he brake his Faith; Nay, I'll content my ſelf, if you'll ſhew me, where ever your Phanatiques kept an Oath, or Promiſe, if they might gain (the leaſt) by Breaking of it. The Converſation of the Perſon you inveigh againſt, is beyond all Exception, Honorable: and 'tis in vain to miſenform, againſt an evident and contrary aſsurance. Many of thoſe very men that ſought against him, will witneſſe for him: both for his Courage, and his Clemency. His Prudence, and his Piety, are manifeſt, in This: that in deſpight of all Diſtreſses, and Temptations, he ſtands Firm, to his Temper, and to his Conſcience. A Better Friend, there lives not; nor a Better Nature. And this is He, at laſt, our Guilty Pamphleter beſtows his Gall upon. I am no ſtickler for Prerogative; my Patience, will hold out till the next Seſsion: but to ſee Majeſty Invaded by a Private Hand,—the people Poyſon'd, by the ſame Inſtruments that deſtroyed the Prince,—all I can ſay, is, we're tame Fools, to ſuffer it. But though his paſsion may be Troubleſome, our Author gives us ſome Diverſion in his Argument, and (Kinder ſtill) he proves beſt company at laſt. Kingly Government, if not abſolute, (he ſaies) is Page 8. Lame; If abſolute,—Deſtructive to the people. Very good: Help the Defect, (if that be all) of the One: or at leaſt, do not Impoſe upon us, in another ſhape, the poſſible Miſchiefs of the Other—Pray what's the Difference, as to our Security; the Supreme Authority under a Popular Form, or the ſame power under a Monarchique? You'll have your Popular Aſſembly, the Judge Unqueſtionable of all Expediences, and Dangers: why not a Single perſon as well? You ſay, He may abuſe Ibid. that power; and I ſay▪ ſo may They. For inſtance, ſuppoſe they judge it fit to change the very Form, what Hinders them? or if they rather chuſe, to entayl the Government upon their own Families, and to perpetuate themſelves, what Remedy? It any, they're not Abſolute: if none, we're worſe Here, than Before. The King cannot Betray the People's Truſt; theſe may.

Pag 9. What ſignifies your telling us, that the King abſolute, is not bound to the Laws he ſhall make? and, by and by,—that contrary to the Monarchy, this, (meaning Ibid.Democracy) makes not any one Law, to which every individual perſon in the Aſſembly, is not ſubject? (the whole Aſſembly indeed, as it is the Soveraign power, is unqueſtionable, you ſay.) 'Tis not the Perſons, but the Power, we're to conſider, Conjunctim, they're as litttle ſubject as the ſingle Tyrant; and poſſibly, they'll ne're diſ-joyn, they that can make what Laws they pleaſe, will doubtleſſe make this one of the number,—that their own Members ſhall be only tryable by their Peers: and by that device, they make themſelves both Partyes and Judges.

To grant more than is needful; — be it — that in a State of Quiet, and Univerſal liberty, ſuch a Form might be admitted, as our Contriver thrusts upon us; but to attempt to force a Government, that excludes nineteen parts of twenty of the people, from the exerciſe of it; and this, upon a Nation pre-engaged by Oath, and (by a ſad experience) intereſſed againſt it.—How practicable, or how prudent, ſuch a Propoſal may appear to others, I cannot ſay: To me, it wears the Face of a Deſign, promoted by a factious, guilty Party, to ſacrifice the Nation, to their private intereſts, and deſpayres.

And yet ſuch is the charity of our Author, he reckons Ibid. all the miſcarriages of theſe late years in Government, but as foul way upon a Journey: and bids us not conclude againſt our Inne at Night becauſe the Paſſage was dirty. (This is according to his wonted tenderneſs.)

Now to my Phanſy, it looks rather thus. We have been hitherto miſled; our very Guides have robb'd us, and yet they bid us follow them ſtill, they'll bring us into Paradiſe at laſt,—whither they'll carry us, we know not;—wee're in the Bryars at preſent:—we know the way home again;—what have we then to do, but to return?

P. 10. Our Authors little Reaſonings concerning Trade, are trivial; I ſhall refer him to the Merchants for his Anſwer. They are the fitteſt Judges in the Caſe. They have try'd war, and peace, Monarchy, and Popular Government; let them ſay which they like beſt.—His Pen begins to run a little muddy; and what I do not underſtand, I'm not oblig'd to anſwer. Something he talks of Peace abroad, and of the Motives to it; which he pronounces to be Advantage; and no Body denies it.

P. 11. This does not hinder,—becauſe the Reaſons of the Peace betwixt the Crowns of France and Spain, might properly reſult from a Particular Conveniency of State betwixt them; that therefore the effects of that Agreement cannot referr to Ʋs. They're more at Leiſure now: nay there's a high neceſſity incumbent upon them, to ſend abroad thoſe Forces, which otherwiſe would be both Expenſive, and Dangerous, at Home, (not to preſſe other arguments, of themſelves obvious, to haſten our Compoſure, even for that very Cauſe; that they're Agreed.)

I preſume not to direct, as our Imperious Commonwealths-man does; but as one Private Perſon, I pretend to Reaſon the Opinions of another, ſubmitting ſtill my Judgment to any Legal Determination, or Rational Conviction.

Touching the King of Spain's Deſign to Propagate the Romiſh Ibid.Religion;—we're the ſecurer for that very deſigu, if wee unite upon the Baſis of the Engliſh Law: The meer Antiperiſtaſis preferves us: whereas, If we compell that Perſon, who by divine Aſſignment, and Civil Right, is our undoubted Soveraign; to employ Foreign Succours to recover his Dominions; It may be feared, (and 'tis but Reaſon) that Spain will Article for ſome conceſſions, in Favour of the Catholiques, more than otherwiſe would, poſſibly, be granted to them: where the Fault lies, in caſe of this extremity, let the People Judge.—

'Bleſſe us,—what a Fit of Piety has taken our Friend, now of a ſodain! he calls in the Miniſters, for his Compurgators, and deſires them to declare—what Government. P. 12.(hee'l feed their Flocks in the mean while.) Indeed, theſe Pulpit-Politiques are not amiſſe. The Prieſts ſhall tell us what Government fits their Reformation. Pray Sir, let me help you out;—a Cloſs upon the Covenant, does your Buſineſſe: 'tis but to tell the people, that in the Holy Tongue, KING, ſignifies COMMONWEALTH, and the work is done.

The Gentleman, begins now to Rumble, and Talke Idle; and, in effect, he's drawing home. But firſt he recommends Pag. 12.the Nurcery and Education of his Brat-project, even unto any Kinde and Powerful hand that will promote it. From Ibid. Pag. 13. hence he paſſes into a Quaint Reſemblance of the ſtate of the Nation, to a man in a Feavour, and the People in Groſſe, to a Reſtive Horſe with a Galled Back: and ſo commiting the iſſue to the Lord; the man Departs.

His thoughts, and mine do not agree; what ere the matter is. His Conceit is this, The Nation's mad; and Prompted by falſe appetite, covets things Miſchievous; (that is, Monarchy) the Wiſe and Charitable Phyſitian, (that is, the Commonwealths-man,) hee forces upon it what he knows to be more proper for the Cure, (and this is a Free-State)—Now here's our difference.

I'm of opinion, that the Phyſitians are mad; the Nation ſober, we've try'd their Phyſick, for ſome dozen years together; and every day we're worſe then other upon it; although we finde upon Experiment, that they preſcribe us Poiſon, inſtead of Remedies, and that they are but Mountebanks; they Live by Killing us. Our Former Diet agreed much better with our Conſtitution, we have no way left, but to fall to That again.

But to conclude;—his conceit of a Jadiſh People, with a Gall'd Back, That's his Maſter-piece. He tells us, it will neither ſuffer a Rider, nor a Dreſſing, till it be overcome by force, and then a Child may up, and Ride it.

Theſe are ſomewhat broad ſignes. Now by your favour, Sir, the Faults not in the Horſe; but rather in the Rider, and the Saddle; the Nation ha's been Ridden theſe 12. years together, at Switch and Spur, and in a Commonwealth-Saddle; That must needs pinch the Back of a Monarchical people.—Nor will it be yet ſo Tame, as you imagine, Change but the SADDLE, and the RIDER, and you ſhall ſee the Nation will do well, without a Horſleech.