I Am that unhappie King of England your Succeſſor, the undoubted Heire of Sixty two Monarchs whoſe Scepters ſometimes ſway'd theſe Nations, and who my Selfe have (now theſe twenty yeares and upwards) worne the Kingly Diadem.

As though thou indeed hadſt worne the kingly Diadem? Why thou haſt no Head at all whereon to put it, Man.

But I had one (oh my Griefe) and very lately, though my Subjects have rebelliouſly taken it from me.

Have thy Subjects then thus cruelly handled thee, oh the hatred of both God and Men! How I pray you came theſe things to paſſe? And what wickedneſs hadſt thou done ſo execrable which hath tranſported thy Subjects to that Madneſs.

That Sir, I am totally ignorant of; but this I dare with confidence affirme, That I have violated no mans Bed, have not offerd force unto any on's Daughter, driven no man from his houſe or Lands; of all which, yet Henry the Eight my Predeceſſor is held guilty through the totall univerſe. Let theſe ſay who have brought me hither whether in any thing I have bely'd the Truth? then paus'd a while as though to heare what they would ſay, whileſt the Soldiers (with their looks caſt downe) conſented by their Silence to theſe verities. And moſt true it is (indeed) what hath been ſaid; for never King ſince the worlds Creation was more wicked then that Henry I ſpeake of, as who (councell'd by one CROMVVELL of thoſe Times) either violated all Divine and humane Lawes, or gave the example to his ſucceſſors of doing ſo. But as for Charles who is ſo lately deceaſed (only abſtracting from the Blot of Heriſie) no King ever (not only of his time) nor Private man was either naturally more equitable, more holy, or endow'd with greater Vertues, who (not finding what he ſaid oppoſed) in this maner follow'd on his Narration; I was criminated for defending with Armes what peaceably (but in vaine) J had endeavoured) thoſe very Lawes the which my Anceſtors had left to me, and which Sixteen and upwards of yeares, I had uncontroledly Rul'd by and Reign'd. Hereupon were there Iudges appointed (by an uſurped authority of Parliament) who ſhould ſit and determine of my Head, witneſſes againſt me ſworne and examined, who had conſpired to take away my Life; The day ſet downe and forces brought the wch ſhould carry me to be arraigned before their Dire Tribunall, and though I call'd both God and men to witneſs their violation (in this proceeding) of the Lawes, and that no Power on earth was capable of judging me; as alſo that I tooke not up Armes, before that Armes had firſt been actually taken againſt me; yet Iudgement or rather the ſhadow thereof) was given by which J ſuffered the decollation of my Head.

Oh wickedneſs, even ſear'd to impudence, and of which as ages paſt are wholly ignorant, ſo thoſe to come will hardly ever give credit to. Wee have heard perhaps of Kings and Potentates, who have ſuddenly been oppreſſed by the Fury of a Raging and incenſed multitude; But that any one (a Prince of ſuch High majeſty) ſhould be brought to death by the cruelty of his Subjects (all of one and the ſelfeſame Religion) under the colour ev'n it ſelfe of juſtice, and be obtruncated by the publique Hangman, (but eſpecially not found guilty of any crime, unleſſe propugning his Paternall Rights.) Since Kings had being was yet never heard of. For (that Mary Queen of Scots that Neice of mine, was moſt cruelly and inhumanely Beheaded) that Elizabeth my unhappie daughter Queene of England (and in hatred of Religion not the unnaturalneſs of her Subjects brought to paſſe; and therefore all men have that Izabell or rather Jezabell in veneration, as though indeed a Martyr.

Leaſt I ſhould ſeeme too much to ſtand upon my innocence, I confeſſe I was to blame (although not charg'd therewith) when I aſſented unto Straffords dying (not leaſt guilty on my knowledge of his Charge) through the lenitie of my Nature (though unwillingly) wherefore reſpecting that ſtrict Father of juſtice (whoſe dominion is juſter over Kings, then that of Kings over other mortals) I cannot waile my Blood ſo ſpilt unworthily, who (Pilate like) ſubſcrib'd anothers death, having declar'd him firſt wholy innocent in my judgement.

I earneſtly (indeed dying) deſired to have been buried in the Tomb of my Father, but who ſpoyled me of my life deny'd that boone to me. Fearing I beleeve leaſt lying ſo neer them, that the voyce of my Blood would cry more loud to them. But in this they have not only been inhumane to me; Many other and moſt grievous indignities have I ſuffered in my ſhamefull way of Dying. At Weſtminſter where my Self and my Anceſtors (the Kings of this Nation) were Inaugurated, was I forc'd to heare the Sentence of my Life from the mouth of a ſilly Petty-fogger, when according to the municipall Lawes, no Noble man can be judg'd but by his Peers. At St. Iames his was I keep'd cloſe Priſoner, whileſt my Enemies did determine of my Head, wholly caſt upon their Arbitrary judging me; a Place above all others lov'd by me, through the memory of my paſt there Childhood, where my youth alſo had been harmleſly entertain'd with many innocuous and moſt innocent oblectations. The Scaffold for my death appointed, rais'd directly before the Court of my houſe, unto which that I might come with more regret and alſo ſhame, ev'n through thoſe roomes they dragg'd me, where (to honour Forraign States Embaſſadors) with Royall pompe, I uſed and Maſques to recreate them. I beheld alſo (but with what ſence of indignation?) his head cover'd, & Eyes ſternly fixed on me, Oliver Cromwell one of ordinary extraction and (abſtracting from what Fortune hath rear'd him to) much more deſpicable then the meaneſt of my Nobles (how much ſhort then of the majeſty of a King) ſitting umpire of my life and death. But though theſe things were very grievous and deplorable, yet that one was even then death it ſelfe leſſe tollerable to me, when my eares (the Blood yet ſpinning out my veynes) ſwallowed in that fatall mandate from the Cryer, that it ſhould be death to call my Son or Prince of Wales, or deſtine him to bee his Fathers ſucceſſor. And then indeed it truely appeared, as conjectured by the wiſer in the beginning, that not the King ſo much as Rule diſpleas'd the Rebels, who conſpired ſo unanimouſly my death, to the end that That aſwell as I ſhould be extirpated. Yet this one thing very much conſolates my Griefes, that (at leaſt) I have been deſtin'd to this Place, where I cannot doubt of your more courteous reception of me, as being Nephew of your Siſter the Princeſs Margaret, her I meane who marrying Iames the fourth of Scotland, bore that Mary of whom ſo lately you made mention, and ſhe Iames my late Father ſince deceaſed, unto whoſe Scepter ſhe gave both England and Scotland, unto which James, I Charles the firſt (as Heire unto my Father) have ſucceeded.

Hom, what's that J heare, and art thou that Charles then the Son of James, to whom from me by Elizabeth that Kingdome is divolved by Succeſſion? art thou I pre-thee that ſelf ſame Charles, and canſt not ſee how all theſe evils have oppreſſed thee? But it ſeems thy eyes yet very well ſee not (newly come into into this region of Darkneſs) No! hadſt thou remembred how a long while agoe I drew from out that yoake my necke which in the Church I had full 20. yeares drawne in, after firſt I was annointed King; I, and defended with both Sword & Pen too, thou wouldeſt leſſe wonder that (after 20. yeares Reigne) thy Subjects ſhould have ſo departed from thee; Thou canſt not be ignorant that amongſt all the Chriſtian Kings J was the firſt that ever arrogated the Supremacy and would be cal'ed The Head of the Church, which Titles that I might knit them to my Crowne with a knot that ſhould never be unty'd, Oh! what Blood have I not ſhed of Martyrs? This ſinne of mine ſo long ſince committed, being to be expiated by the blood of a King, both this Scepter and monſtrous Head together were at once to periſh; this was long agoe decreed by the Fates, as we may judge now 'tis come to paſſe. But more then all this J will tell you; There was a Perſon of great note during my Reigne, of whom many things thou canſt not chooſe but have heard, whoſe Name was called Thomas Moore. This man (adorned with vertues ſo tranſcendent many ages could not match his worth) from a Pleader (at the Barre) of the Law, and (having regard unto his merit and Learning) I call'd to be Lord Chancellor of England. But I ſeemed only thither to have rais'd him, that I might depreſs him from the greater Hight; For when (following the dictamen of his Conſcience) he would not owne me the Head of the Church; I commanded forthwith His to be cut off; So that whileſt Playing Caliſthenes hee fell into the hands of Alexander. Goe thou then now (Head of the Church) and complain, that by the Sentence of a pittifull Lawyer Thine is alſo cut off from thy Shoulders. Or rather ſeeſt thou not plainly in theſe Prodigies the Tenor of Gods admirable Iudgements? It was grievous to thee to be a Priſoner at St. James his; where thou haſt ſo innocently in thy youth diſported thy Selfe; but thou minds not that I formerly (by violence and Sacraledge) ſnatcht thoſe Houſes from the Church, as not long after all the Goods of the Monks, the Carthuſians, Bernardins, Ceſterſians, Canon Regulers, and ſo of all the reſt; But more eſpecially of thoſe of St. Benedict, whoſe houſes and Eſtates I confiſcated, being the moſt Splended and Opulent of all the Kingdome, by an injuſtice till that Time not ever heard of; wherfore as I (for that they own'd me not their Head) caſt in Priſon many innocent Religious, and from their Houſes made them hve unto the Gallowes, ſo then hadſt for thy Priſon (where thou ſufferedſt) a houſe that had been heretofore Religious, I hang'd up ſeverall Abbots at their doores to give a terrour (by their ſufferings) to the Monks. And what wonder, if (to the aſtoniſhment of Kings and Kingdomes) thou haſt ſuffered at the doores of thy Pallace, an ignominious and opprobrious Death? But knoweſt thou not (over and above) that this very Pallace (the Houſe of thy abode) was the dwelling place of the Biſhops of Yorke, which I extorted from Cardinall Wolſey; A man ſometimes highly advanc'd by me, whileſt ſerving my unbridled Luſt; but whom afterwards I utterly Confounded, when I judg'd it for the availe of my Avarice. Nor prophan'd I only the Epiſcopall houſes to ungodly and Nefarious uſes, but Compelled ev'm themſelves the Biſhops (from their Obedience to the Roman Sea) into an acknowledgement of my Iuriſdiction in Church affaires, unleſſe only who preſided over Rochester whom when neither with faire words nor menaces I could draw into the defection of the reſt, I beheaded to compleat my Sacraledge. Behold therefore if or not it were fatall and moſt agreeable to the Heavenly juſtice, that this Head of the Church (ſo Admentitious) ſhould have been cut off before the doores of the Biſhop? To give Promotion to the affaires of my Primacy; I made me a Vicar of one CROMVVELL of thoſe Times, a man of very meane extraction, unto whom (and hee of Lay condition) both the Biſhops and Archbiſhops were as underlings: Now another of that name (and like diſcent) Rules as abſolute over all thy Nobles, and Guides the minutes of thy Life and Death. The very ſame I made my Principall inſtrument of keeping from their meanes the Church its children, and of bringing on the Baine of that Religion ſo long practiz'd in the Times of my Anceſtors) which I would call The Reformation of the Church; I enter'd to this Kingdom (from my Father) when it was Blemiſhleſs, entire, and truly Regall; nor in any thing unto any one obnoxious, only (as fitting, in things that were Spirituall) paying ſubmiſſion to the Vicar of CHRIST. Thou received'ſt it when ſtrengthleſs and wounded, rent, and torne from the yoke of St. Peter, (ſo juſt, ſo ſweet and ſo amiable) wholy ſlav'd unto the Vicars of the People, choſe to governe by the votes of the multitude.

Too too true (by the loſſe of my Head) have I found thoſe very things which thou haſt ſaid to me, and now lately (unleſs by others allowance) that I had nothing either of Life or Kingdomes, which was not wholy in the hands of the Parliament, ſince puff'd up with fond pride and contumacy (by thy Example) I have ſwarved from the Church; yet fear'd I not the qublique Hatchet would have ſtruck me by the hands of Rebels, with ſuch pompe and ſeared impudence at my death, but much more dreaded Secret councels and impoiſonings.

But of that thou ſhouldſt the leaſt have been afraid; for the puniſhment would not have anſwered the offence. Publique ſinnes muſt have publique Expiations, nor ſought I corners in which to perpetrate my wickedneſſes, but ſinn'd boldly after once I had begun, only I drew indeed the maſque of juſtice upon the Face of my iniquities; the Supremacy (as though my due) of the Church, unto my Self I arrogated, calling a Parliament by a Decree, whereout I quite aboliſhed the Roman Seas authority; I repudiated (by pretence of Right) the woman that was my lawfull Wife; the Poſſeſſions (likewiſe wholy of the Clergie) under the ſame colour, I occaſioned to be confiſcated; whoſoever was averſe to my Supremacie (as though guilty of High Treaſon) I put to Death. Whereſote when our ſinnes (for which wee worthily are puniſhed) are couered over with the veile of juſtice, no wonder if the ſelfe ſame vizard likewiſe veile us when our ſelves at laſt we come to ſuffer.

But theſe Audacities (from their Subjects unto Kings) are the effects of moſt unheard of wickedneſſe.

I confeſſe it, but with how much greater wickedneſs are thoſe inſolencies by our ſelves deſerved? Such ſin only againſt a mortall Prince, but we Princes againſt an aeternall Deitie. But you (Sir (unleſs a mark'd out Sacrafice God ſo willing) for your ſinnes enormities) could you not have mocqu'd that arreſt of Popular judgement, by your Prerogative in diſſolving of the Parliament?

I did what I could to diſſolve it, but I pray heare what follow'd after my ſo doing. The Scottiſh men (my naturall Subjects) in hoſtile ſort invaded England with their Armies, whom oppoſing in their march at Yorke, an humble Booke came to my hands by Kymbolton, under written by certaine Noble men of my Kingdome. —

King Henry hearing Kymbolton nam'd after fetching firſt a very deepe ſigh. Oh, Katherine (ſayes he) 〈…〉 Kymbolton (that Woman of all other moſt deare to me) as excelling all her Sex in vertue, whom I Baniſh'd (Heav'n forgive me) from my Bed to make place therein for that Strumpet Anne of Bollen, afterwards publiquely beheaded (for Adultery) hath exchanged this ſo hated Life! This Divorce (againſt both heav'ns and humane Lawes (to the end that I might make it firme) made me uſurpe unto me the authority of the Church, when (unleſs with ſo horrid a Sacraledge) I could not uphold the impiety of that villany. Hence broke upon our ſelves and both our Kingdomes, the inundation of all theſe preſſing miſeries.

When (holding forth Kymboltons Booke) from this ſayes he, as by one wave of a Deluge hath alſo flow'd the totall Sea of my diſaſters; for unadviſedly (O my griefe) I condiſcended (they ſo craving) to a Treaty with the Scots, in which J bound my ſelfe firmly to make Good what in my name, ſhould (by my Delegates) be agreed upon. Theſe Deputed (O imprudent Drones or rather indeed perfidious Traytors) gave conceſſions to the inſidiating Scots to take ſtrong Holds into their hands within my Kingdom, till ſuch time as by my Kingly authority the Parliament (then diſſolved) ſhould be revoked. Writs therefore I accordingly iſſued forth, The Scots are moſt Liberally gratifi'd, nor doe they ſuffer them ſooner to leave England, then that firſt J had engaged my Princely Faith (by a writing under my Hand and Seale (this Hamilton alſo unhappily Councell'd me, that unfortunate kinſman of mine) not to anull the ſaid new Seſſions of Parliament, till ſuch time as they ſhould all thereto aſſent.

Oh, ſtupiditie or rather extreameſt Madneſs. Didſt thou not ſee when to thy ſtiffe-neck'd People thou Granted this, that thou putt'ſt a finall Period to the ſway of thy Kingly Authority? This was one and the ſelf-ſame thing, as if thou hadſt given into the hands of the Parliament thy Scepter and thy Princely Diadem; on condition not to have them again untill ſuch time as they ſhould pleaſe to reſtore them Thee; But much otherwiſe ſhould I have handled mine; Though now it is as cleere as noone day, that the meaſure of my Sins hath been made-up in Thee, by Thy unhappie Participation of my Schiſmes, and that (by blinding the eyes of thy mind (in Propitiation of the offended Dietie) Gods juſt vengeance hath brought on Thee deſtruction. — Whom God will deſtroy hee taketh away their Right underſtanding. But when once it was come to that paſſe, Thou ſhouldſt have gain'd (at leaſt) the Parliaments votes unto Thee, by giving Honours to them and other vaſt Largitions.

Even that in what I could I attempted. But much otherwiſe (God he knowes) it come about; For my Catholique Nobility and Biſhops (whoſe votes I moſt rely'd on in Parliament) were ejected by the adverſe Faction. They were both indeed very Paſſionate for my good; the Catholiques as hoping I would mitigate the aſperity of the Lawes in Force againſt them, by Queen Elizabeths and my Fathers conſtitutions; The Prelates alſo as probably expecting a conſervation of their Meanes and Benefices (then threatened in another way) From this Head of theirs (O God) how ridiculous! Having loſt thus in the Houſe of Lords (for the Lower was of little conſideration to me) more then twenty and upwards of Suffrages, who remained more indulgent and Firme to me, were intimidated (thereto Bookes caſt abroad) by the tumultuouſneſs of the Apprentices & Tradeſmen, which Seditions the adverſe party of the Parliament with all the eagerneſs that they could, fomented. At Weſtmiaſter alſo ſcandalous Bookes were written againſt me, at the pleaſure of thoſe Parliamentary Rebels, which (their Emiſſaries farre and neare diſpierſing them) by ſome Provincials (thereto courted) were Subſcribed, and exhibited ſuddenly after to the Parliament, as though (nothing on their part ſuggeſted) the whole matter had by the People been exacted.

The very ſelfe-ſame Fraud and Colluſion did I practice to the Church its ruine; For firſt of all (by writs and declamations) who were Refractory of the Clergie I indulged, in doing whereof I pretended Reformation, and not ruine which was really my Deſigne (like your Rebels, who in the beginning of their Defection even by Oath and Publique Faith oblig'd themſelves, not to attempt againſt your Perſon, Realms or Church, but to defend them with their utmoſt power) though however of ſome Defects in Church and State (by removing frō you certain evill Councellors) they ſeemed to pretend a Reformation. And leaſt any thing ſhould have the face of Oppreſſion which I did, I procured certaine Bookes to flye abroad with whoſe Sence I was very well pleaſed, which the Monks in their owne names ſhould write to me, neare according to this following Tenor. —

SInce the goodneſſe of GOD (with your Highneſſe concurrence) hath ſo wrought, that in theſe Later dayes (the Darkneſs of Times paſt diſpierſt) a new and veritable Light hath appeared unto us; We heartily and humbly make Requeſt, that you will free us from this Cloiſtered ſlaverie (the very path unto moſt certaine Perdition) and reſtore vs to our Spirituall liberty; for which doing (to expreſs our Gratitude) wee (freely and not any wayes enforced, whom nor feare nor yet colluſion Drawes thereto) Give you all our Houſes, Goods and Lands, nay Iuriſdiction to bee your owne for ever. — Theſe Bookes I diſpierc'd through all the Monaſteries, and Commanded that every one ſhould ſubſcribe them, who would not to be forthwith hang'd. But eſpecially all the Abbots & Superiors, that the reſt might by their ſuffering be intimidated; ſo that divers through the feare of death (as though really from their proper motives) were induc'd to underwrite theſe Papers.

I have ſigned alſo many things conſtrainedly, and (what is worſe) been forc'd to ſweare I did ſo willingly. But ſo farre was this my eaſineſs from availing me (eſpecially about the City of London) that (after all whatſoe're they ask'd me I had given them with a full compliance) they ſtill more and more increaſed their tumults; and obſerving all my Caſtles, Strengths and Navie, taken from me (with the totall Militia) it was then (when no meanes elſe were left me) that I betooke my ſelfe firſt unto Atmes, whereby to Guard my life, my Crowne, and my Dignity; wherefore (ſetting up my Kingly Standart) the moſt faithfull of my Subjects flie to me, whoſe numbers in ſhort time ſo increaſed that I wag'd ſeaven warre with the Parliament. During which time it was Remarkable to ſee how (more then others) the Roman Catholiques flock'd to me, and (for my good) expos'd their Lives and fortunes. Thoſe to wit who were formerly traduc'd (by the obloquies of moſt ſlanderous Calumniators) as ſuſpected to both King and Kingdomes, for refuſing of the oath of Allegeance) in which point they never yet were found defective) though falſly therefore called Recuſants, but which alſo exacted from their Conſciences an abjuration of the Popes authority, and an acknowledgment of my Spirituall Supremacy, theſe very men I ſay, though they tooke not that Oath, yet (unſworne) they never ſtucke at any thing in the wch they might be Loyall to me and faithfull. But the Covenanters (call them Proteſtants or Puritanes (what did they (though againſt their Oathes, and highly abjuring any ſuch kind of Practice) but ev'n Tooth and naile bend all their forces to deprive their King of Life and Dignity. Nor wanted theſe their Plots at laſt ſucceſs; For (money falling ſhort to pay the Soldiers (whom I therefore was conſtrained to diſmiſſe) being my Selfe of all things deſtitute to extremity) I was glad (as to my very laſt refuge) to betake my ſelfe wholly to the Scots. But (oh unheard of and moſt ſhamefull perfidiouſneſs!) thoſe ſold me to who would give moſt for me, by which meanes thus toſt from Priſon to Priſon, theſe miſeries as you ſee have overwhelmed me.

I wonder not (by the Parliaments authority and inſinuations) that ſome of thine have left thee; But how commeth it, that thy Country-men the Scots have taken Armes againſt thee, joyning with thy Enemies?

This threefold defection (by the Scots) was indeed my utter ruine and overthrow; for if only I had conteſted with the Engliſh (by the ayd of other faithful of my Subjects (more in number very many then the Rebels) aſwell in England as alſo in Ireland, I ſhould eaſily have made good my Prerogative. But the Scots (on this occaſion) fell from me. I fancying (forſooth) as Head of the Church, that it belonged moſt peculiarly unto me, that not only the ſame tenor of Faith, through the extent of my whole Dominions, but the ſame Service alſo, Rights and likewiſe Ceremonies, ſhould be uniformly in the ſame obſerved (the Archbiſhop thereto moſt of all exhorting me, whom I Reverenc'd as though indeed ſome Patriarck) I commanded the Book of Common Prayer (a Forme of thy Son Edwards firſt compoſing) and the Surplice to be uſed by the Scots, who had not any either Publique forme of worſhip, or other decency of Ornaments in their Church, but (as now it is the faſhion at Geneva) every one Babbl'd as hee pleaſes his owne impertinencies; ſtrictly threatning with Exemplary puniſhment who thereto ſhould not yeeld due obedience; which the people of Scotland obſerving, and that already it was put in practice, cryed out Popery is now violently Forced upon us. Then tumults day by day increaſed, wch the Calvaniſt Miniſters fomented, who conſulting the Puritanes of England (eſpecially Hambden the chiefe of that faction) joyntly brought in the Scots upon this Nation (then in Peace) who with their Armies invaded it. This incurſion (ſo rebellious) of thoſe Traitors (like a River when its Bankes are broken downe) overflow'd my totall Realmes with Sedition.

Is it not as cleare then (tell me Charles) as Noone day, that our 〈◊〉 affecting Church Supremacy hath confounded us 〈…〉 which now thou ſeeſt

Oh Charles, how art thou groſly deceived if thou thinkeſt J doe not ſhare in thy misfortunes? No Sin yet ever eſcap'd unpuniſh'd, nor was impunity ever allow'd to wicked perſons. And to paſſe by what now at preſent I ſuffer) what tortures did not then diſtort me, when my Executioners were thoſe three Manſpillers Avarice, Cruelty and Luſt. — And as for avarice ſo unſatiably it raigned in me, that having ſubverted 376. Religious houſes, and ſnatcht away their Lands and Goods (by an Edict to that purpoſe which I made) ſcarcely one yeare had yet been fully gone about, before I vex'd with ſuch high Taxes all my Subjects as had never been before from them exacted, by which morſell now made keene and fleſh'd (as it were) not long after (oh how rich and Opulent!) I confiſcated what remain'd o'th Church revenues, in the interim I gave hopes unto the Laytie that thoſe goods of the Church would goe ſo farre with me, as to free them for ever from exactions; a Hearing ſo gratefull to the People, that they impenſly for it favoured my abreptions? But ſo fool'd they were in theſe their expectations, that I alone a little after more oppreſs'd them, then in fifty yeares before my Predeceſſors, after I had ſpoyl'd and raz'd a thouſand Churches taken all unto my uſe that belong unto them, all their Coine, and Sacred veſſels robb'd them of, Braſſe, Lead, Shards, Seelings, nay even the very Rubbiſh ſet to ſale (with all elſe vendible) beſides two Cheſts from out the Church of Canterbury (ſo maſſie ſcarce foure men could carry one of them) ſo well cramb'd they were with Gold and pretious Stones) after all (I ſay) theſe things had been thus rob'd by me, J was reduc'd unto ſuch very great indigence, that whereas I mix'd at firſt but two of Braſs only, with ten ounces (by my Edict) of good Silver, I afterwards with two of current Silver mix'd ten ounces of adulterate Braſs; thus tortur'd (as you ſee) with endleſs Avarice; nor leſs roughly by my cruelties handled; — For full 20. yeares at leaſt together (whileſt I liv'd in the Communion of the Church) no one ever of the Kings ſhed leſs Blood, in all which time two only ſuffer'd of my Nobility; But afterwards when I fell from the Church (not more thirſty of Gold then of Blood) of all conditions, all Ages, and all Sexes I exhibited a moſt fearfull Maſſacre. And that upon no other Demerit but that onely they withſtood my voluptuouſneſſe. Foure Queens (with either Steele or Impriſonments) I tooke away which were the Conſorts of my Bed, two young Princeſſes, and alſo two Cardinals (proſcribing in his abſence, the Third) who was very neare in Blood to me ally'd. Dukes, Marqueſſes, Counts or Sons of Counts at leaſt a dozen I put publiquely to death; Barons, Knights Bannerets, or Knights to the number of 20. wanting two, Abbots and Priors 13. Prieſts and Religious 77. of leſſer ranke and of the vulgar infinit. And (whileſt belching thus on all ſides my cruelties) the faithfulleſt of my Subjects moſt feared me, as witneſs that moſt horrid Cataſtrophe of Cardinall Wolſey, of Cromwell, and the Bullens, of the Howards, of Norrice, and laſtly Compton. But as for Luſt ſo very inſatiably was I loſt in it, that divorcing my beſt and lawfull Wife, I ſaw not any thing of that Sex the which I burnt not for, nor ſcacely did I luſt that woman whom I one way or other did not violate. Was it not alſo for the puniſhment of my Sins, that your Father and your Self have raign'd in England? Who left nothing on my part unattempted, which I could thinke of to hinder your ſucceſſion, that I might fix it by a maſculine Birth unto the houſe of which my Self was diſcended? Two wives I forc'd unjuſtly from my Bed, and as many made to quit this Life; The fifth (who fell in troubleſome Labour) I commanded to be ripp'd up alive, to the end to ſave the Infant which ſhe went with, thus barbarouſly and inhumanely adding; That it was eaſier to get more wives then children. The 6.th I alſo afterwards married (whom when thinking to have ſpilt, my ſelfe J periſh'd). Yet (for all this my caring for Poſterity (during fifty yeares time of my Life) no one ever lived long of my Survivors. A Boy indeed (of Nine yeares old) ſucceeded me in the uſurped Supremacie, little knowing how to Governe himſelf, but much leſſe the helme of Church juriſdiction, who had alſo firſt departed this Life before attaining to his youthfull age. Mary alſo my legitimate Daughter (who caſt out Heriſie) enter'd afterwards to the Crowne, of whoſe Child I could have very well hoped (five yeares married to the Catholiqe King) But that God (the juſt revenger of Homicides, Rapes, Inceſts and likewiſe of Sacraledge) barr'd my ſeed from inheriting the Earth, nor in vaine are his words or to be laugh'd at (thus importing) that the dayes of the Sons ſhall be cut ſhorter for the Fathers offences, — She dying ſoone after without iſſue, this Empire was tranſlated into thy Line; But Elizabeth that illegimate Daughter of mine (begot in inceſt, and judg'd incapable of Governing by the Parliament, and my Selfe thereto aſſenting) ſtep'd however into the Kingly throne, and would be called forſooth) the head of the Church by my example, under whoſe womaniſh Popeſhip at leaſt a thouſand ſuffered death for being Prieſts. But ridiculous is that Head which hath no Tongue; and a Woman (as the Apoſtle averreth) is not allowed to ſpeake in the Church, yet is it admirable to ſee with what audacity ſhe tooke upon her to uſurpe the Church of God, who Miſſioning (with a womaniſh ſolicitude) her Miniſters for the Planting of the Goſpell, ſow'd the ſeeds (as yet we ſee here in England) of a multiplicity of ſowre-levened Heriſies. And (after 17. yeares keeping her Priſoner) ſhee had cut off the head of thy Grandmother, doing acts of moſt unparalell'd cruelty by the example of my former Tyrannies, ſhe diſcended without into —. Thus (in the firſt Generation) ended my Progenie, ſo true it is what the Kingly Prophet ſaid, That the ſeed of the wicked ſhall periſh, Pſal. 37. and accordingly in another place, Their fruits ſhall be extirpated from the Earth and their ſeed from the Sons of men. I have been admoniſhed by very wofull experience of the truth of this Prophets ſaying. So (to wit) it hath pleaſed the Almighty to laugh at the Councels of men. And this Reaſon the ſame Prophet ſuperaddeth, For they contrived Councels which they could not make good, Pſ. 29. For there is no Councell which will ſtand againſt God, Prov. 21. — as too too late (and to my coſt) I have found true, wouldſt thou yet be more confirm'd of theſe ſad verities? Unto Edward (when I dy'd) my Son, I left twelve Turors all reputed Catholiques, and (abſtracting from the Supremacy only (which I deſired he ſhould keepe in his hands) commanded he ſhould be otherwaies bred up Catholique. All Heriſies this only excepted by my Will I wholy excluded and aboliſh'd. But (as violating the Wils of my Anceſtors, and ſubverting what they built and Conſecrated, (ſo many Temples and monuments of Religion) I deſerv'd not that my owne ſhould be obſerved; Amongſt the reſt the Duke of Somerſet was one (Uncle to Edward the ſixth by the Mother) who (at my Death) I did as Guardian preferre to him. He infected (and my Son by him, with Herifie) brought in that (which moſt I Hated) of the Sacrament, which Queene Elizabeth (after both) Confirmed. A Monument I appointed for my Aſhes much more ſumptuous then ever any of my Anceſtors, and yet hitherto I have failed of the ſame; (though alone of all the Kings of Great Britaine; Three children have in order ſucceeded me; Nor need I feare (now thoſe are dead) to be forgotten, who (for my wickedneſs) ſhall aeternally be remembred. I am the marke of all mens hate of all conditions. To the Catholiques by good reaſon odious, cutting England from the Communion of their Church; abominated no leſſe worthily by the Religious, as whoſe Families I have deſtroyed and ſold their Goods. Equally execrable to the Church and Laytie; as firſt raiſing o're the whole Body of the Catholiques, that Perſecution which to this houre afflicteth them. The Heriticks ev'n to death deteſted me (ſtill purſuing them with fire and ſword) Luther call'd me a ſtall-fed Oxe, and very often a moſt inhumane Tirant; Calvin drew out the ſword of his Pen againſt my Tytle of the Head of the Church, which (ſo monſter-like) to my Self J had arrogated; and mark'd me out by the Dint of his writings, as one deſtitute of both feare and ſhame, in relation to both God and men. All the Literate will perpetually hate my memory, that I ſhould root out and totally deſtroy ſo many monuments of Antiquity and Learning, ſuch as ſcarcely in the world are to be Paralell'd. To conclude whileſt I liv'd, the moſt did hate me, every one fear'd me, and ſcarce any one lov'd me. In my Later dayes (by the Furies of my Conſcience agitated, like to Oreſtes) I would faine have incorporated with the Church all thoſe Kingdomes which I had torne from its Obedience (and in whatſoever I was able) I endeavoured a reparation of thoſe wrongs I had done my wife. This at laſt in ſome ſort I provided for, giving caution by my laſt will and Teſtament, that (if Edward my Son ſhould dye iſſueleſſe) my Daughter Mary whom I had before diſ-inherited (borne of Katherine) ſhould ſucceed me in theſe Kingdomes. Oh, how often have I talk'd with my Familiers, about this firſt (to wit) of bowing to his Holineſſe, and being receiv'd againe into his Grace and Favour? But having formerly cozen'd divers by thoſe Arts, none would truſt me (as being by all ſuſpected) whom they eluded (as though ſeeking to entrap them) Thus abandon'd and forſaken by every body, I departed out of the Communion of the Church (theſe laſt words before my Death ingeminating) All is marr'd, — All is marr'd, — Monks, — Monks, — Fryers, — Fryers, — my Buriall was juſt like that of Achab, in the ruines of a Religious houſe; for when my Body was conveyed hither (ev'n a Dunghill through over-eating and Oppletion) the Lead (in wch it was wrap'd) unhappily unſawdering, as it was ſet downe within the Ruines of this houſe, where while a Plumber (in all haſt, to helpe it) ran this way and that way for materials) his Dog lick'd up my Blood moſt greedily. A revenge for that of Prieſts and Religious which I ſhed (Oh God) how juſt and deſerv'd a one? Doſt thou not ſee Charles how in my Perſon thus ſuffering, God hath warn'd thee that I departed not unpuniſhed?

Theſe are things very grievous indeed, and which deſerve to be well ponder'd to all aeternity.

But though theſe things may ſeeme to mortals very grievous, yet (in compariſon of what I ſuffer in Hell) they are meere trifles, and not worthy to be commemorated. For (beſides what I have merited by my own) whatſoever I have ſinn'd againſt another, what innovations I have forc'd upon Religion, ſuperadd unto the increaſe of my torments; inaſmuch as (by my uſurping the Supremacy) I opened a Gap to all the miſchiefes of Hereſies. Wherefore as (ſuperadditionally) I am here tormented, by the arrivall of any new come Ghoſts, ſo is it juſt (ſince the afflicted comfort the afflicted) that thoſe very ſame, ſhould have a ſhare in my puniſhments who have maintain'd and keep'd on foot my Errours, as thou haſt done; who (though the ſcourge of heavens juſt Ire, hath theſe ten yeares through three Kingdoms cloſely follow'd thee, and that too chiefly (for thy hatred to Religion) yet haſt thou breath'd (with thy laſt Breath) a diſobedience, to the authority of the Sea of Rome (thy Biſhop ſo of London perſwading thee) nay moreover not the Primacy only which I left thee (but new Errors (introduced by Queene Elizabeth and thy Father) didſt thou ſtrive to uphold (of Prince Edward I here wittingly am ſilent) and (if other things be true which J have heard) thou ſtampd'ſt thy Coyne alſo with the inſcription of Proteſtancy.

Oh Heav'ns, that That fatall Proteſtancy had never been hatch'd at leaſt not come unto my Eares! It began (about thy time) in Germany when (the followers of Luther were called Proteſtants) whence it afterwards paſs'd into England. And as Queen Elizabeth (oh Henry) and my Father, were the firſt of all thoſe that went before them who proteſted thy Religion in theſe Kingdomes, whereupon hath come this name of Proteſtant. So (ſoon after) roſe the Puritane faction, or the Calvaniſt, who impugned both the other, and our Rituall (or Booke of Common Prayer) ſet in force with the 39. Articles. Which (ſubverting all Epiſcopall juriſdiction) doth yet glory in being called Proteſtant. Afterwards ſprings a Sect of Independents which proteſts againſt the three that went before, theſe are devided into hundreds of other ••• e • te • malion and new-broach'd Opinions, which yet all will needs be tearmed Proteſtants, and perhaps as many more there will yet riſe (from out the Hydra of this unhappie Reformation) which will alwaies be impugning one the other. Heaven grant that with the milke of my mother I had alſo ſuck'd in the Religion of my Anceſtors; for my Grandmother not only dyed Catholique, but ſhed her Blood in the defence of that Religion. But, as others may condig'nly have been puniſhed, for introducing or promoting of Errours; For vexing with much cruelty the Catholiques, and uſurping or maintaining this Supremacy, I certainly never innovated Religion, of all others have bin mildeſt unto Catholiques, nay even next of all acceded to their Tenents. In fine I have exerciz'd this Supremacy, with a moderation ſurpaſſing all the reſt, and (by reaſon I did not judge it fitting, or becomming any Lay-mans undertaking) The whole charge thereof (at leaſt the greater part) J recommended to the Arch-biſhop of Canterburie.

But haſt thou not obſerv'd that (of the whole Engliſh Epiſcopacie) only Canterbury in theſe troubles loſt his head? (both Documents of the higheſt inſtruction!) Thou, for Kings; and, that Patriarch, for Prelates; who (if their Heads they would have ſtand upon their ſhoulders) muſt not make themſelves Heads of the Church (by hereafter prejudicing the Roman Iuriſdiction) but what avail'd it thee to have approximated unto Popery, unleſſe throughly thou hadſt embrac'd that Faith; for it ſufficeth not to ſtand in the Portch, unleſs thou enter into the boſome of the Church. Moreover many (in theſe gulfes below the Earth) are much more grievouſly Tormented and vex'd, becauſe they knew but have not exerciz'd the Truth; that (in ſome things) King Agrippa was a Chriſtian, was not ſufficient to worke his Salvation; No (for that throughly hee was not converted by Paul) hee now burnes with me in aeternall flames, did I not my Self ſometimes profeſſe that Faith in all particulars (only abſlracting from the Popes Supremacy) but Sinning in that one ſole defection, I am guilty of all thoſe other Abominations. But hee that ſpar'd not Paul his incredulity (doing things of which he then was ignorant) will not ſpare this moſt execrated Head of mine, who have wittingly, nay and willingly periſhed. But how frivolous is that which thou pretendeſt to extenuate the malice of thy crime, when thou faiſt thou didſt not exercize the Supremacy, onely left it unto Canterbury to doe it. As though indeed thou hadſt not Exerciz'd that charge whereunto thou hadſt deputed another? Nay more, I hold that Strafford loſt his Head (ſo Provided by the aeternall Iuſtice) for that alſo He then carried thine (as being thy Vicar) in the Church of Ireland.

As I have not wholly been exempt from all fault, ſo having (proceeded) much more moderately in the Supremacy, and promoted more the Peace of the Church, then all theſe others (who have paſſed before me) I would faine know why I am the moſt of all puniſhed?

I feele indeed the judgements of God to have fallen very heavily upon me, for as out of one falſe Principle in Faith many abſurdities ariſe of Opinions, ſo out of one unhapple Apoſtacie from the Church, many others have followed after at the heeles, which the newer and more recent that they are, the more dangerous, and more to be took heed of. Thou began'ſt others increas'd that Sacraledge, wch when (afterwards) ſome had fully perfected, I at laſt bore the Heft of all, Thou (tearing from the Roman Obedience thy people and Biſhops of England) would'ſt be accompted (J, and wert) independent; and the Head of the reformed Church? Now a Sect of Independants hath broke out (God revenging ſo the Sin of thy Sacraledge) who regarding neither King nor Biſhops, firſt tooke off my Spirituall head, then my owne Cut and ſever'd from my ſhoulders; one Cromwell in thy time then liv'd (of thy Cabinet and moſt ſecret Councels) who perſwaded thee (a King) to ſpoyle the Church; now another of that name (and not unlike him) forc'd the People to deſtroy their King; Oh how just are the judgements of God and his wayes inſcrutable. For (if not ſooner in our ſelves) in our Poſterities, ſhall we at laſt be puniſh'd in that very kind in the which we have offended. Oh, God that whileſt I lived in this world, I had ſeriouſly pondered theſe things, at the leaſt (when ſo much leafure ſometimes ſerv'd me) in the time of my moſt tedious impriſonment! Happie man had I paus'd upon the ſeries of Gods judgements (from above ſo threatning me) in the ama • itude and bitterneſs of my Soule; I had leaſure (indeed) to dally with my Pen, and write a Booke of other things, a whole one, as my Armies how they came to be deſtroyed, of the miſeries and diſtreſſes of my Life, and the inſolencies thoſe eſpecially of the Souldiers, but never once call'd to mind thoſe very things which I ſhould moſt of all have printed on my thoughts. Oh, Juxonius (ſo I call'd the Biſhop of London) or elſe Lawd my faithful Counceller and friend, why have neither of you admoniſh'd me of theſe things, either by Letters, or Friends that did commune with me; for being three yeares a Priſoner before my Death I had time enough to think of all theſe things, But they had Eyes and they could not ſee. Oh, how Blind were all theſe that ſaw mee, and well may what followes be appli'd to us; At Length we Phrigians (but too late) grew wiſe.

This alſo I would have men duly Ponder, how the Parliament (the very name whereof's ſo Idol'd (eſpecially by the effacinated Engliſh) is devolv'd now into a Lower houſe, both the Biſhops and the Lords Ejected) in whoſe Votes was once the totall Authority, the Houſe of Commons being not any thing regarded. A juſt puniſhment indeed for their flattering me into a preſumption of being Head of the Church, who themſelves are now all trodden under foot (ſometimes ſitting as the Heads of Parliament) And this by that third Order (without order, unto which they are ſo ſhamefully ſubjected). For England (as now plainly it appeareth) from a Paradice is tranſlated into a Hell, in which no Order but perpetuall horror inhabiteth, where A man ſtrong in Armes keepes our Court and holds peaceably his uſurp'd Poſſeſsions. This third Order being growne to that height, that Kingly Government which had its Period in thy Fate, unleſs by Miracle can never hold up its Head. — Hence learne O yee Kings to bee wiſe, and take inſtructions you that Iudge the Earth.

The Souldiers (then at hand) of CROMVVELL, underſtanding this hard fate of Monarchy, which ſhould hardly ever riſe from out its Ruines tooke good heart, and (with great noiſe and laughter) ran in crouds from out the Church of Windſor, each one glad that he had lent a hand (by cutting off this head of the Church) to the execution of the Heavenly juſtice. But not knowing or leſſe (happily) Ruminating, that the Father (oft-times) burnes the Rod with the which hee doth chaſtiſe his Child.