The present state of the German and Turkish empires, and remarks thereupon as also some peculiar reflections on the interest of the Christian princes : together with memoirs of the siege of Vienna, by an eminent officer in that city ... / by D.A., M.D.

THE PRESENT STATE OF THE GERMAN and TURKISH EMPIRES, AND REMARKS thereupon: AS ALSO Some peculiar REFLECTIONS on the INTEREST of the CHRISTIAN PRINCES, Together with MEMOIRS Of the SIEGE of VIENNA, BY AN Eminent Officer in that CITY.

With Observations on all the Accounts and Journals relating thereunto: And a true Account of the further Progress and great success of the Christian Forces, in the taking of BARKAN, GRAN, &c. With an Historical PREFACE of the Rise and Growth of the Turkish Empire.

By D. A. M. D.

LONDON, Printed for D. Brown, at the Black-Swan without Temple-Barr; and T. Goodwin, at the Maidenhead, against St. Dunstans-Church in Fleetstreet, 1684.

To the Right Honourable CHARLES Earl of MIDDLETON, Secretary of State for the Affairs of SCOTLAND; and one of His MAJESTIES Most Honourable PRIVYCOƲNCIL. My Lord,

'TIS not upon the account of a common, and fashionable Custom, that makes Dedicatory Epistles as necessary to Books, as Livery to Servants, that I have adventured to present to your Honour these ensuing Papers; neither was it my design in this enterprize, to publish to the World your extraordinary Merit, since 'tis already sufficiently known both at home and abroad, by the choice His Majesty made of your Lordship to manage his more important concerns in the Imperial Seat of Germany, where your Memory is still fresh, and your Repute beyond the reach of envy: Nor did I design by this small Present to take occasion, as I might easily have done, to publish the Illustrious, both Actions, and Sufferings of your great Father, in performance of his Duty to his King and Country. My Chief inducement then to present this small Piece to your Honour, was your full knowledge of the matters it treats of: For I am fully perswaded there are but few in this Nation, if there be any, better inform'd of the present State of Europe, and especially of Germany, of its true concerns, and interests: Your abode at Vienna, and your honourable employ there, gave you a fit opportunity to dive into the depth of the most important affairs; and having added unto the Nobility of your Blood, that of the Mind, by an universal knowledge, and not ordinary Learning, I may say, My Lord, without flattery, which I hate, Cane petus et angue, above all things, that there is no Subject written of that you are wholly a Stranger to. You shall meet then with nothing in these following Discourses you are not already acquainted with; for what I say of the Othoman Emperors, you have, (no doubt) Read elsewhere more than once; and as to my reflections relating to the affairs of Germany, and other Princedoms of Europe, they cannot be unknown to your Honour, since you could not but see what so visibly flows from the premises suppos'd in this Treatise; which as I commit to your Noble Partronage and Protection, so I do freely submit to your impartial Verdict and Censure, as being willing to testify thereby to the World, with how much Esteem and Respect

I am your Honours most Humble and Obedient Servant. D. A.

THE PREFACE.

THE Turks aspiring ambition is ingeniously represented to us by a Cresent, or Half-moon in its growth, with this specious Motto, Donec totum Impleat Orbem, till it fill round its Orb, as if they pretended to the conquest of the whole world. And certainly if we reflect but a moment on the continual success they have still had against all their Enemies, whether Christians or Mahumetans, we shall have reason to say, their pretences are not intirely groundless.

They owe their first rise and aspiring to greatness, to the famous Tangropilix, their first King, who after the death of Mahomet the Persian Sultan, in the Battel of Ispaham in Persia, was, by an unanimous consent of both Armies, chose Sultan of Persia, and the Dominions belonging to that large Kingdom. So soon as he was seated in the Throne, the passage over Araxes first cleared of the Garisons that kept it, he called in his Countrymen▪ the Turks that lived then on the other side. He overthrew, in his return from his Expedition against the Arabians, Stephen the Greek Emperors Lieutenant in Media; resisted the Emperor Diogines, and left his Kingdom to his Son Axan, the second Turkish King, or the Sultan of Persia. This Prince had good success against the Emperor Diogines, whom he took Prisoner in a pitch'd Battle. As he was ready to encounter with Cultumuses, near the City of Eres, the Caliph of Babilon, a Priest of Mahomet, conjured them not to weaken the Religion of their great Prophet, by shedding each others Blood; but rather to stand to his award, which was consented to by them both, to the great damage of the poor Christians, who were on all sides invaded by the Turks and Sarrazins, their own Divisions then, as now rendering them easie to be subdued. The Sultan by their agreement was to enjoy whatever he possessed, and his Cousin to possess in himself and his posterity, whatsoever should be thence-forward Conquered on the Christians: This Ʋnion between the Sultan and his Cousin, occasioned the division of the Turkish Monarchy.

Solyman, Son to Cultumuses, Nephew to Tangropilix, made Wars against the Christians with various success: He defended obstinately what he had won from the Christians; but all this was but a preamble to the Grandour of the Turkish Empire, founded first by the renowned Othoman. This fortunate Prince, after a full Victory over his less considerable Enemies, gave a great overthrow to the Christian Princes, who had gathered their Forces together, in aim to raise the Siege of Prussia▪ The civil dissentions, and intestine embroyls amongst the Greeks, gave Othoman the opportunity to found his Empire in Phrygia and Bythinia. He was in these parts successful in all his attempts, insomuch that he mightily encreased his Dominions having by this time subdued Twenty Cities with all their Territories, and amongst the rest▪ Prussia; where, in the midst of his Victories he died and was buried. Here to this day his Tomb is to be seen. The Turks under his second Son Urkan, for his eldest Son died during his Regency, made great progress against the Christians; they ruin'd the Emperor Andronicus his Army, recovered from the Christians, by Stratagem, the City of Nice; they took in the Two famous Castles of Sestos and Abydos, standing in Europe▪ on the other side of the Hellesponte; got footing for the first time in Europe, where every day they grew more powerful by the sloth and cowardice of the Christians. Their first Landing was at the Castle of Zembenick, they forced Callipolis to a surrender, after having overthrown the Governor in a Pitch'd Battel. They continued their Warlike exploits under Amurath the first of that Name, who was in the beginning put to some trouble by the Turkish Princes in the lesser Asia, who envyed his aspiring ambition, as fearing in the currant of his Victories, he might as well overthrow them as the Christians. But having vanquished them, he turned his Arms against Europe: He seized upon the Castle of Bernutum, and overthrew the Greeks, daring to oppose him. Ʋnder his Conduct, the Christians being cut off in a dreadful Battel, Hadrianople, now called Adrianople, was taken. He dispersed the Christian Army in Servia and Bulgaria, consisting of Fifty thousand Horse and Foot.

Bajazet the first of that name succeeded, and fell heavily on Servia; took in by surrender Philadelphia, the only City the Christians had in Asia. Having subdued Servia, and the greatest part of Bossan▪ he invaded Thessalia, wasting it as he passed, with Fire and Sword, even to Thessalonica. He possessed himself of Neoplis in Greece, and Jocannia in Itolia; routed the Christians Besieging Neocopolis. He was at length defeated, and taken Prisoner by Tamarlain, who opposed him with Five hundred thousand Men Horse and Foot.

Mahomet succeeded Bajazet, according to the most credible opinion; He restored the Turkish Kingdom ruined by the Tartars; He recovered all the Dominions his Father held in the greater Asia; overthrew Musa in a Pitch'd Battel, and Commanded him, being taken, to be strangled; of whose Kingdom he took possession.

Amurath the second increased, in a no small measure, the Turkish Empire; subdued Mustapha and his rebellious Army: He fell upon Hungary with Fire and Sword; cut off the Christians in a famous Battel with Vladislavus King of Hungary, and took in, by a free surrender, the great City of Sfetigrade.

To Amarath the second, succeeded Mahomet the second, the first Emperor of the Turks, for his many Victories sirnamed the Great. He possessed himself of Constantinople after a years Siege, brought Peloponesus into subjection, seised upon Servia after the death of George Itsdespot; he invaded with success the Islands of the Egean Sea; he Attacked, and took in Sinope belonging to Usuncasanus King of Persia, as also Tripeland by surrender. He Invaded Valaetria, and ruined it all by Fire and Sword. He Invaded the Islands in the Egaeum, and Landing on the Island of Milyllene, took the strong City from whence the Island takes its name; subdued the Kingdom of Bassan, and the Island of Eubea, now called Nigroponty. He conquered Ipirus and Dalmatia after the death of the renowned Scanderbeg; he overthrew in a Pitch'd Battel Usuncassanus King of Persia; he Besieged and took the rich City of Capha, sciruate near the shore in Taurica Chersonesus, a fruitful Country belonging to the Genoeses. The Turks, under this Emperors Reign, took in by Famine rather than by Force, the famous City of Croia, and under the Leading of Achmetes, Bassa, the Islands of Zacyncthus and Cephalenia.

Mahomet being dead, Bajazet the second succeeded him: He overthrew his Brother Zemes, who had raised a powerful Army to wrestle with him for the Empire. He Stormed Kelly or Achilleia in Moldavia; took, by surrender, Tarsus in Cilicia. The Turks about this time gave a great overthrow to Pyraner King of Caramania; and some years after invaded Podolia and Russia, spoyling the Country, and Sacking several Walled Towns. Scanderbassa, Bajazet's Lieutenant in Illyria, broke in upon the fruitful Country of Friuli, belonging to the Venetians, on the Borders of Italy. Naw-Pactum, or Lepanto was surrendered to Bajazet by Treatise, all succour being dispaired. He took also by surprise the strong City of Mentom, now called Modon; upon which, several other Cities belonging to the Venetians yielded upon Composition. This mighty Emperor vanquished in Battel Selimus Governour of Trepisomd, who had conspired against him.

Selimus, Successor to Bajazet, gave no small increase to the Turkish Empire; He took in, by a furious Storm, Callamassum, a City of the Persians; he subdued the Kingdom of Alladeuctes, the City of Alleppo, the great Caire, and all other Cities in Egypt.

Soliman the Magnificent, the first of that Name, and the fourth Turkish Emperor, Governed the Turkish Empire after Selimus. He Besieged, and took in at length the City of Rhode, the City of Buda, and others in Hungaria: His Fleet under the Command of Barbarossa, burn'd Rhegium, carried away the Garison and Citizens. Himself in person made the Conquest of Strigonium, and Albarigalis, after many terrible Assaults. And by the Conduct of his Lieutenant Achmetes, he possessed himself of the Cities of Temesvar, and Polnuck in Hungaria.

Soliman being dead, upon the return of the Army from Hungaria towards Constantinople, Selimus the second of that Name, was declared Emperour. He conquered Nicosia, a City standing in a Plain and Champaign Ground, together with the whole Island of Cyprus, Tamagausta, and other places. The Turks, under this Prince, overran all Moldavia and Valachia, took in the strong Castle of Goulletta, and the new Castle built at the Commandment of Don John, in his Expedition against the Moorish Rebels; as likewise the City and Kingdom of Tunis.

After Selimus's Death, Amurath the Third of that Name, and Sixth Emperour of the Turks, took possession of the Empire. He entred into Russia, where he burn'd and destroyed two Hundred Castles, besides a great number of Towns and Villages: he made a considerable progress against the Persians, and gave them several overthrows in divers pitch'd Battles. His Forces took in Veylits the Metropolis of Croatia.

Amurath dead, Mahomet the third of that Name, and seventh Emperour of the Turks, took upon him to Govern the Turkish Empire, he Besieged, and took in, by Surrender, Agria, routed the Christian Army, defended Buda against the Christians, defeated them coming to relieve Canifiae, which was surrendered to the Turks, who immediately forrag'd the Country of Stiria. They possessed themselves likewise of Albaregalis; they spoil'd and plunder'd it, and put to the Sword all the Soldiers and Citizens.

Ʋpon the death of Mahomet the third, his Son Achmat, then but Fifteen years of Age, was by the great Bassas, and high Officers, saluted Emperour. His Forces broke violently into Valuhia a Vicegrade, in the juncture of the Hungarian Intestine troubles. Achmat ravaged Transilvania with a powerful Army, of which Bethelem Gabor was acknowledged Prince under his protection; and so it was rent from the German Empire.

The Turkish Empire was no less, but rather more illustrious under Osman the first of that Name, and the Tenth Emperour of the Turks: Ʋnder this Prince they put the Persians to flight in a great Battel, and entered into the Heart of Persia, wasting with Fire and Sword all that stood in their way. This Emperour caused a great Fleet of Galleys to put to Sea, which spoiled the Coast of Sicilia, and Landing Five Thousand Turks in the Kingdom of Naples, surprised the strong Town of Manfredonia, and then joyning with the Pyrats of Argiers, the Turks made a descent in the Island of Janisa near Majorca, possessed by the Spaniards; in which Island they got great booty. Osman in person reduced Moldavia to the obedience of the new Waywod. He entred Podolia 1621. Sack'd and Burn'd whatever he met with in his way; and made an Infinite Number of Slaves.

In the Reign of Amurath the fourth, Babylon, after a long Siege, was recovered out of the hands of the Persians, into which the Grand Signiour put a Garison of Thirty thousand Men Horse and Foot. So the Turks cleared of all their Domestik broyls, became more terrible than ever to all their Enemies, and are now the powerfullest Nation in Europe, under the command of Memet, or Mehomet the fourth of that Name, and the thirteenth Emperour of the Turks. They have under him conquered the strong City of Varadine, New-Hausel, Clovinopalis, the famous City of Candia, and the impregnable fortress of Kaminiech, which opened to 'em a passage throw all Podolia and Volhinia to the Walls of Leopolis. Out of all this, we see clearly, that the Turkish Empire is founded on the overthrow of the four great Monarchies, viz. The Assyrian, Grecian, Persian, and the Roman; The Turks being now in Possession of Babylon, Chaldea, Medea, a great part of Persia, all Greece, and Egypt, with the greatest part of Arabia, the Islands of Cyprus, Rhodes, Mityllene, Nigroponto, Kio, Candia, &c. The Empire of Trepesand, Mingrellia, Tunis, Argiers, Dalmatia; Illyria, Tribullenia, the Countrys of Transilvania, Valachia, Moldavia, and Bulgaria, the greatest part of Hungaria, and all the Sea-Coast from the confines of Epidaurus to the utmost limits of their Empire in Europe Westward, into the mouth of the Riveo Tanxais, withal that lyeth between Buda and Constantinople.

The State of the GERMAN AND Turkish Empire, AND THE Siege of Vienna, &c.

THE design of this Treatise, being only intended to comprise the State of Affairs, as they now are: What we have com • iled in the Preface serves only as a •• ort Narrative of the Advance of the Ottoman Monarchy; wherein as • t is so well known to most people, the method may seem more short, then otherwise requisite, though enough perhaps for those that have not the convenience, or leisure of perusing a larger Volume. Now since brevity is proposed, I come immediately to the matter, and say that although this Empire of the Turks be arrived to such a Bulk, and prodigious extent; I cannot think it so terrible to the World, as to discourage the uniting of the Christian Princes in the attempt of its overthrow: Nay I am so far from thinking them not enough, that provided Germany alone were not divided into so many petty Principalities, it would prove more then an equal match for the Turks. But supposing things as they are, and that the Empire of Germany is sufficiently stored with an infinite number of Warlike Men, and no want of experienced Officers; what need we have recourse to this almost impossible endeavour of ever reducing of Germany under the absolute Command of one Monarch, since it may as it now stands, be too considerable an Adventure for the whole Ottoman Forces. The Turks though very considerable, and exceeding in number, have their chiefest strength consisting in the body of their Janizaries, which do not amount to more then Forty Thousand Men. Their Spahy's or Turkish Horse, except some choice Troops are very insignificant, and much inferior to the German Cavalry in Valour and Discipline. The Tartars likewise, who commonly make a Great Figure, by their vast number in the grand Signiors Armies, are but mean Souldiers, and more terrible to the Peasants, then to regular Forces. A handful of Christians have oftentimes defeated without any considerabel loss, many Thousands of them The Germans have another considerable advantage, if they would join unanimously against the Turks, which is this. The River Danube runs Eastward into the Black Sea, not very far from Constantinople, through the grand Signiors best Territories, washing the Walls of his best Cities. This furnisheth the Germans with a great opportunity of sending easily, and with small expences and less time, all necessaries requisite for the equipping and providing for their Armies; In so much as if they undertook the Siege of Buda, or any other Ottoman Garrison situated on, or near the River; they could easily from all parts of Germany and Hungary, convey to their Forces, Guns, Powder, Shot, Hay, Oats, and whatsoever else it stood in need of; in case the Adjacent Country were ruin'd, and could afford them nothing. All this might be done without fear of any considerable dammage or danger from the Enemies, either by building Forts here and there for the security of the passage, or by furnishing the Boats with such a number of Men, as would be judged necessary for their defence: Or which would still be a surer work by attacking first the nearest Towns, standing on the River, and then going along with the Current. If the Turks had had the same advantage for the Conquest of Germany, I fear it had been long ago a Province of the Ottoman Empire: Whereas now their provisions of the Turks, must of necessity come to their Armies by Land, with great trouble, evident danger, and at vast expence. In the late Siege of Vienna, they had need of no less then all Tekely's Forces, with an Army of Tartars to secure their Convoys, which notwithstanding their best measures, were oftentimes surprised by the Christians: So that nothing can encourage the Ottomans to attack Germany, but the continual broyls and divisions, more frequent in this Age we live in, amongst Christians, then amongst the Turks, or any other Infidels. And I am fully perswaded the Grand Visier had never adventured to be siege Vienna, leaving after him, Gomorrha, Raab, Presbuy, and the Island of Schutgz; if he had not hoped, and perhaps also been well informed before hand, that the German Princes, at least the most considerable, either could not, by reason of some troublesome Neighbours, or would not send their Forces to its relief.

Upon another account too the Germans cannot but be terrible to the Turks, and fit to do great things: For they have for several years of late been in Wars with the French and with such success, that they gave them an entire overthrow at Treve, in the plain between the Sar and Mosel, and took by siege Philipsburg, the strongest hold the French had in Germany. So we may look upon them now, as Souldiers trained up and capable of great enterprises. The Duke of Lorain their General, and the rest of their Chief Officers, being all Men of great courage and conduct; whereas the Turks, since the siege of Candia, have made no considerable Wars, except for a short while against the Poles, by whom they were worsted: So it is more then probable they may be undone by the Christians, before time, and opportunity furnish them with good and experienced Officers; the most part of their prime Commanders at Candy, being either dead, or unfit for service.

But now if we reflect but a moment, how terrible the King of Poland, is of late become to the Turks, we shall easily be convinced of the Truth of what I have said. For provided he, and the Emperour, stand close to their offensive, and defensive league, what may the Christians fear, or rather what success may they not pretend to, if they resolve upon a War against the Turks? I doubt not but these two Princes, with their sole Forces, if not hindred by intestine broils, by Foreign Enemies, or by the jealousy of some Turkishly affected Christians, would in a very short time reduce all Hungary to the German Empire, which must be the first step to the Weakning of the Grand Signiors power in Europe. And as for the method of undertaking, and continuing a constant War against the Turks; this methinks, would prove absolutely the best. The Emperour, and the King of Polands being as they are now United together, must be supplied by the Christian Princes with Mony, rather then with Men, because Germany, and Poland, may furnish a number of Men sufficient, for the conquest of the whole Turkish Empire, or at least capable to hinder their further progress into Christendom. But, if any Christian Prince would send Men only and not Mony, their number must be such, as shall be judged convenient by the Emperour, lest seeing themselves too strong, they became on a suddain, Enemies.

For this reason therefore, though the French King, has ever been willing, to send into Germany twenty, or thirty thousand Men against the Turks, they were never accepted of, because of the dangerous consequences of admitting into the bowels of the Empire, such a powerful Army; which might prove more fatal to it, then the Enemy it self.

Some few thousands of the French, would do better service in this case, then a whole Army, which besides the jealousy might be occasioned, would perhaps expect too much, and not easily obey the General of the Empire. The measures the German Princes are to take must be not only to furnish their Quota (or part) in Mony, but also in Men, though not to exceed so in number, as to give cause of jealousy to the Emperour or other German Princes; and for conveniencies sake and other good reasons, are to be raised in Germany. But as for the French, if they be not for their own ends, as they are generally asserted to be, and on that account well-wishers to the Turbant, the best service they can do the Empire, is not to trouble it, or hinder the German Princes from sending the proportion of their Forces against the Turks, as may be done by keeping on their frontiers a formidable Army, which is a no less efficacious way of making War in concurrence to the Turks interest, then by an open irruption into the midst of Germany, whilst it is attack't by that powerful, and irreconcilable Enemy.

The Italian Princes, may supply the Emperour, both with Men, and Mony; incouraged by the good example of the Bishop of Rome, who is highly to be commended in regard of his Zeal towards the promoting of the Christian Interest; and the great sums of Mony he has furnisht the Emperour with in this Important conjuncture.

The Venetians are not alittle concern'd in the conservation of the Empire, and may easily supply the Emperours wants with Mony, and Men likewise, if it were not perhaps judged more expedient, they should make a puissant diversion, as they may easily do both by Sea and by Land; they alone having often for several years resisted that formidable puissance, not without considerable loss. And I am of opinion they had never a better opportunity, then in this present conjuncture. For it's certain, the Turks are exceedingly dejected by reason of their bad success at Vienna; the best of their Troops being defeated, and consequently the strength of their Expire extreamly Weakned. So that should the Venetians make use of the occasion and Invade them by Sea, and by Land in a mutual Confederacy with the Emperour of Germany, it is not to be doubted but that they would either force the Turks to a shameful, and disadvantageous Peace, or to War, which could not at length, but prove fatal to their Empire.

Now the Persian, who▪ has no greater Enemy then the Ottoman Emperour, would undoubtedly lay hold on this occasion, for the retaking of Babylon, and other his Territories possessed by the Turks. This Prince gave great marks of his Joy, when he heard of the total overthrow of the Turks at Lepanto, and resolved to invade them soon after with 200000 Men, if the Christians had not by their too ordinary divisions rendered ineffectual that great Victory. And it's not to be doubted but that so soon as the now Persian King, shall be informed of the great overthrow the Turks have received before Vienna, he will be in the same readiness, provided the Christian Princes can but agree to lend a helping hand, and being at present in peace with all his Neighbours, especially with the great Mogul, he may make a puissant Diversion. Besides it may be hoped, that the malecontents of the Turkish Empire, who are in great number, may make use of this occasion for their own safety, and wellfare, few being under their Circumstances, for as ti's well known there is no such absolute Monarch in the World, as the Grand Signior; all his Subjects being but meer Slaves their Lives and Fortunes and all they have depending on his arbitrary disposition.

Let us then look back upon the Turkish Subjects, as groaning under an unsupportable yoak, which they are ready to shake off, at the first occasion offered, which now seems to be by the unexpected Union of the Princes of Germany, and the happy conjuncture of a league, concluded between the Emperour and the King of Poland, and if more is required by the overthrow of the flower of the Turkish Forces at Vienna. Besides, why may it not be believed that it's time for the Greeks to rouse up their drowsy Spirits, and conceive some hopes again of their ancient liberty. They want not in the midst of their sufferings and slavery undaunted Men, that wait upon all occasions to draw themselves, with their Country, out of that unspeakable misery they now undergo. And since it's the cause of Christianity why should we doubt of the assistance of the Zaporazian Cossaks, always envious of the Ottoman Prosperity, or despond of Providence perhaps never offering a fairer opportunity to Christians of doing themselves and Country right by a timely piece of service? And if the Czars of Russia conceive any hopes of a revolution in the Ottoman Empire, we are not to think they will be idle, whilst the rest of the World is busy against the common Enemy; The Moscovites alone, are not an unequal match for the Turks, what then may they not pretend to, if they fall upon them in conjuction with the rest of the Christian Forces, or whilst the Turks are divided at home by intestine Broyls, and Tumults, as undoubtedly it will happen in this conjuncture; and tis already credibly reported, that there are some commotions at Constantinople, occasioned by the misfortune, and bad success of the Ottoman Army in Germany. Besides it's observable the Moscovites can raise as powerful Armies, as the Turk himself, and Men more inured to fatigue and hardship. And because of several affronts they formerly received by the arrogance, and aspiring ambition of the Turks, they are still (though at present in Peace) extreamly incensed against them, and infinitely desirous of some change of affairs in the Turkish Empire: That so they may with the greater security invade this potent Enemy.

I confess the conjunction of two Czars to make one Soveraign, seems to divide that Empire and consequently Weaken it extremely; yet if we reflect upon their method of governing we need sear no ill consequence of of such a being of two heads in one body. For that they are fully perswaded, their preservation, and sole happiness consists in their mutual agreement, and constant correspondency, which makes them go on unanimously, in all affairs of the publick concern, and suffer none in their Courts, that upon the account of their own Interest, would either sow, or spread the seed of division. It's to be supposed then, they understand so well their own concerns, as not to let pass this important occasion, to free themselves, and deliver the Christians from the Barbarous attempts of the Turks; whose overthrow may be easier then we are as yet aware of; the most part of their Inland Cities being without any considerable Fortifications, and those that are Frontiers, as New Hauset, Gran, Canise, being of no extraordinary force and their Garisons extreamly affrighted by the undertaking Genius of the King of Poland, whose heavy hand they have felt, more then once, and are like to feel as yet more hereafter: However this Prince has now an occasion, (which is thought he will not neglect,) to recover Kaminek and so free Poland from any further fear of the Turks.

Now his Troops being encouraged by the great success they have had in all their attempts against these Infidels, are the better disposed to the undertaking of greater things.

So if this War continue, as we perceive no great reason why it should not, we may live to see the Turks confined to the utmost parts of Europe on theirside, and so their Moon from being a Crescent become a Decrescent, yea and at length to diminish. Donec totum depleat Orbem, till it quited disappear: Which in all like lihood will happen, if the Chrislian Princes will either agree to further this War, or at least give no disturbance to the Emperour, and the King of Poland, who are now the chief promoters thereof: How far it is their interest we shall easily understand by a short survey of the present State of Europe, in relation to the German affairs.

And First, As to the Germans and Poles, no Man can doubt but that their greatest concern is the overthrow of the Turkish Monarchy, which has so often threatned them with a total destruction. Neither can the State of Venice subsist long if the Turks make any considerable progress in Germany And we may look upon this Commonwealth as the only Bulwark of Italy. So that if it were once subdued, the rest of Italy, Genoa, perhaps, Naples and Sicilia excepted, would easily submit to the Enemy. A less potent Prince than the Grand Signior, which was, if I be not mistaken, Charles the Eighth King of France, conquered all Italy in less than Nine months, though he quitted all again ere the year was expired. Neither are the Cities of Italy much better fortified now then they were then, and the Italians by sitting quiet at home have nothing of that Ancient Valour they were of old so renown'd for. So in all likelihood, if the Turks had taken Vienna? Italy had been but an easy conquest to them, and had not cost them much Blood. The Princes of Italy, I confess, joyning all their Forces together, can make up a formidable Army, but this Nation having not been used in these latter times to Warlike expeditions, would in all likelihood be overpowered by the Turks. Now if Italy fell into the hands of these Infidels, Spain can never be able to resist such a potent Enemy. For this Kingdom is of late become so low, that it scarce retains any marks of its antient grandeur. The Spaniards seem now both to want Men, and Mony, yea and good Counsel too: So that by the little they could formerly do against the Portuguise, and of late against the French, we may easily guess what is to be expected from them, if the Turks should happen to be their Neighbours? Though perhaps in such a conjuncture, their Liberties and Religion being at the Stake, they might do things beyond expectation

But it's more probable then the contrary, that if the Grand Visie • had taken in Vienna by storm, o • by surrender, he had first subdued and that without any opposition Styr • Carinthia and Austria; Gomorrha, Raab Presburg, the Island of Schutz coul • not hold out after the taking of Vienna as having no further Communication with Germany. The Neighbourhood of the Turks, had instantly the Princes of Germany upon a serious deliberation, what measures they were to take in such a conjuncture The Grand Signior had hindred them easily from uniting together their Forces, partly by fear, partly by fair promiles of Friendship and protection to all such as either would joyn with him, or be but lookers on. And in this case, some both Romanists and Protestants would have complied with the Infidels, because of the present danger: And who knows how by force some unthinking Protestants might be prevailed with, or allured by a specious pretence (of which sort I hope there is none however) to hope for greater freedom of Conscience under the Turks, then under the Emperor, and by that means through an inconsiderate Zeal, become their Vassals, in opposition only to Popery, against the professors whereof, perhaps they have some reason to be averse; yet should the Turk prevail, what would be the end, but in time an Establishment of Mahometanism instead of Christianity which is the consequence whereever the Turks become absolute Masters; neither can the Papists pretend to a more infallible resolution to the contrary, then the Protestants. But why do I dwell so long upon this supposition, for no Man that knows the difference will elect the former (viz. Mahometanism) and nothing but a locall necessity can force the latter (meaning Romanism.) But to return to what hath been said, to wit, that whereever the Turks are absolute Masters Mahometanism will take footing, which we see has hapned in all the Eastern Countries, for though there be as yet a handful of Christians in Asia, Anatolia, Grecia, Romania, &c. it's a thing worth observation, that in less then 200 years the Christian Religion has almost ceased in all the Eastern Countries, notwithstanding it had for more then a thousand years before been profest in these parts.

The same would be the fate of Germany, if the Turks overcame them, the third or at the utmost the fourth generation would begin to Sing the Praises of Mahomet? And look upon Christs Divinity as a Dream. Now after what hath been said, 'tis presumed none will be fond of a change, nor from their Hearts, desire the Turks Prosperity: If there be any such, let them own what name, or Religion they please but that of a Christian, which it's to be feared they cannot be; and then I have no more to say to them in that particular. But touching upon the Topick of Interest; I would fain know what their opinion is about the Turkish yoak, and that of their own Prince, as to its easiness and lightness; wherein if they do not as in Religion run from one error into another, they cannot but see the difference, and find how miserably, and in what distress the Turkish Subjects live in. Where they have neither a property in life, nor substance. Where the Arbitrary will of the Sultan and his subordinates is the only Law current. Where they are Bond-Slaves, not free born Subjects. Where that which is accounted an honour among Christians is a shame, in having their Daughters made Whores to the Seraglio; and their Sons, besides being brought up in another Religion, taught to cut their own Parents and Kindreds Throats. And since this, and a great deal more, that might be said, must be patiently suffered, I cannot think any one will be so obstinately perverse, as to think of exchanging his obedience to a Christian Prince and Religion, for that of a Pagan and Tyrant, &c.

Some perhaps will think I have run on too far in this unnecessary Paradox, and be apt to retort that though Vienna had been taken by the Turks, there was no great fear of his further progress into Germany: Because Lewis the King of France (surnarned the great) for the great things he has done already, would oppose him in such a case with a puissant Army, and force him back again to the great loss of the Turks, and his own immortal Glory.

This indeed would be great in Lewis the Great; and in Truth in such a conjuncture of affairs he would be the only Prince of Europe in a capacity to stop the progress of such a potent Enemy. But First, we may justly question whether he would in such a case be willing, or not, till such time as he were forced to it, for his own defence. For every one knows that knows any thing, that clipping the wings of the Austrian Eagle (or House of Austria) will extremely add to the splendour of the French Monarchy. Whilst then the Turks were invading Germany on the one side, would not both Self-preservation Honour and Interest invite the F • ench King to be busy on the other? A • d divide perhaps Germany with the Tu • ks, since in all likelihood he could do no better. Yea this it seems, might prove his only expedient to put himself in a condition to oppose afterwards the Turkish fury by seizing first upon the Neighbouring holds, and Cities of Germany, as not being able to defend themselves. Would not he be then strangely tempted to attack Philipsburg, Mayence, Spire, Manem, Herminstean, &c. rather then suffer such places, to fall into the hands of the Turks; or defend'em for the Germans, from whom perhaps he would scarce get thanks, and who might prove afterward his mortal Enemies. He has been hovering these many years over Millan, Genoa, Flanders, Holland, and threatning England too afar off. The good success of the Turks in Germany, would present him with the fittest occasion can be imagined, for such interprises. And if it may be feared, as things now stand, that Flanders will have much ado to escape him; in such a conjuncture, there had been no hopes of saving it from the French yoak. Flanders oweth the remainning part of its Liberties to the forces of Germany, who obliged the French, to withdraw the best part of their Troops from Flanders.

All Europe knows into what extream distress the States of Holland were brought by the French Kings first and second Campagne against the Hollanders: And had Germany been invaded by the Turks, the Lillies perhaps had ere now taken such deep roots in Holland, that it had not been easy (to say no more) to pull them out again. But as Germany was then in Peace with the Turks, the Emperour united all the German Princes together, for their common interest, and set on foot in the beginning of Winter, an Army of near 40000 Horse and Foot, under the Command of Muntecuculy, who at his first arrival besieged and took in by surrender the City of Bonn, belonging to the Bishop of Cullen. The good success whereof occasioned a great change in the affairs of Holland. For then the French thought it no longer secure for them to remain there, and deserted on a sudden the Cities they had taken in it partly by force; partly by a free surrender, so that after having caused the Citizens to redeem their Liberties with great sums of Mony the French retreated from their new conquests, which they had never done, if the forces of Germany had been diverted by a Turkish invasion.

Great Britain I grant if in Peace at home may prove alway a sufficient protection for Holland, and the Low Countries. Yet in case there had been no hopes of help, or diversion from Germany, by reason of the Turks, invading it, France by the advantage of the Neighbourhood, and so many strong Cities it possesseth, in in the Low Countries, had in all appearance swallowed up, that small remainder of the Netherlands, belonging to the Spaniards, before England could be in a readiness to relieve them. Now the Spanish Towns being once conquered, by the French, Holland would either submit to the yoak upon fair conditions, or could but make a very feeble resistance. So that their only safety in such a desperate case would be an intire submission to the King of England, and so acknowledge him as their Prince and Soveraign. Which would engage him to defend 'em with the same Zeal he would defend England it self.

Out of all this Discourse, we may gather, that although the French King were able alone to beat the Turks out of Germany, in case they had succeeded in their designs; it's not certain whether he would have been willing to do it, at least till he had been himself possest of the best part of Germany, of Flanders and Holland likewise. Which some of these People would perhaps have no less willingly bore, then the Slaveries under the Turkish yoak: So great is their Aversion to the French Subjection. But let us invert the Medal, and take another view of Germany. I assert that if Vienna had been taken, it had not been easy for the French, to hinder the Turks, from overpowering Germany, yea and France too, within a shorter time then we do perhaps imagine. How unhappy then would this dissatisfaction of the Christian Princes have proved to all the Christian World, and whitherto would they have tended? If we may guess, or following the opinion of many People it's more then probable that a Peace or a Truce had immediately ensued. Which the Turks would no doubt have willingly consented to, in order to the setling their affairs in this Imperial City, and the adjacent Countries. But how fatal this Peace had proved to all Europe, we may easily guess, if we reflect but a moment on the Turks true interest, in such a conjuncture. For then all the Ambitious and Malecontented Persons of Germany and France, had flocked to him for support and relief which he would undoubtedly have promised, and in some measure performed, being so necessary in this affair in order to his further progress. Nay rather then fail made his Application to the Protestant Princes in Germany, as being well perswaded of their aversion against Popery, with hopes to draw them to his side by promises of great advantages and a full liberty to serve God after their own manner.

But after making all the interest he could on this side, he would not forget to fortify himself on the other, by setling in Hungary and Germany, the whole strength of the Ottoman Empire. He would have easily lodged in Hungary, and the Hereditary Provinces 150000 fighting Men, who all this Winter long had not been idle, but either exacting contributions, or seizing upon paslages, fit for their designs, or building Forts, or Fortifying the Frontier Towns. And the longer this Peace had lasted, the abbler afterwards they had been either to defend themselves or attack others. But I hear some answering the Christians Princes in this conjuncture would be no less busy, then the Turks, for their own preservation, and would joyn alltogather as one Man against this common Enemy.

If we may judge of things to come, by what is past, we have no reason to think they would, though reason enough to think they should. For as the jealousy of the French King's growing Power, hinders the Union of Germany; the Neighbouring Princes, as the Palatine the Arch-bishop of Treve, the Bishop of Spicee, Mayen, &c. dare not withdraw from his interest, lest, what would undoubtedly happen, they were eaten up, before the Empire could be in a readiness to help them: Even so it would happen in the other case the German Princes Neighbours to the Turks being forced in such a situation of affairs, to comply with the Grand Signiors interest, which then would prove in some measure theirs. As for England, making a little World by it self, and fearing nothing but it self, it would not be much concerned, with what progress the Turks could make in Germany, since thereby its great trading by Sea, could suffer no diminution.

France, as I said before, would look to its own interest, and perhaps share with the Turks, by taking from the Germans, what they could not keep for themselves. And the Spaniards not being able to send an Army into the Low Countries, sufficient to defend'em from the French, perhaps more for want of Mony then Men, the Turk would have little reason to fear them, and less as yet the Italian Princes, as being neither so potent, nor so warlike, nor very well furnished with Monies to raise considerable Forces, nor very willing if they could, many of them being very indifferent, whether the Cross, or the Turbant be most prevalent provided they enjoy their petty Estates in peace and ease: Which the Grand Signior under the terms of the ordinary tribute, would easily grant'em. And foreseeing this would be the worst of it, they would not prove very jealous of the Ottoman Grandeur, but would perhaps in time make up their Peace with the Enemies to their best advantage. Let us now return to France again which gave occasion to this discourse, and examin impartially, if it be in a posture to beat the Turks (supposed already Masters of Vienna) out of Germany, in case the French thorow a disinteressed Zeal, for the good of Christendom, would undertake such an Important War.

I confess the French Empire, is grown to such a pitch that it is become terrible▪ not only to the Neighbouring Nations, but also to the Turks themselves, whom they defeated in the Battle of Raah, under the Command of the German General Montecuculy; Colligny and De la Feullad, were their immediate Leaders. Being but 4 or 5 Thousand they worsted the Turks, far superiour in number. And it's credibly believed; had the Germans charged the Enemy, at the same time that Prodigious Army of Infidels, amounting to no less then 250000 Horse and Foot, had easily been defeated; but the cold temper of Montecuculy, would not permit him to venture further. The French, since that time have been continually in action in France, Germany, Spain, Flanders or Holland, and by Sea likewise, as well as by Land; So that we may reckon them now the best trained up Souldiers Europe affords. Their main strength consists in a considerable number of old and experienced Officers, capable of any Military employment. But their present greatness, they chiefly ow to the Grand Genius of their Prince, which renders him equally fit for Politick and Warlike affairs. The never interrupted current of his Victories, seems to render all things possible to him, his numerous standing Forces, and infinite Treasures, furnish him with all conveniencies either to defend himself, or attack his Enemies. Besides he counts near twenty Millions of Souls in his Dominions, whereof five may be reckoned fighting Men, and fit to carry Arms.

Out of which, without a very visible diminution of the Number of his Subjects, he may draw into a Body Two hundred thousand good Souldiers. And I believe in this present instant he has a hundred thousand Men on foot in pay. France seems yet upon another account inexpugnable. 'Tis surrounded, on all sides by the best fortified holds in Europe: For the French excel in this age, all their Neighbours in the Art of fortifying. They threaten all Italy with Pinerol, and Casal, that they are lately possessed of. Pirpignan makes them terrible to the Spaniards, and all the World knows what strong Citys they possess now in the Low Countrys; such as Doway, Cambray, Valenciens Aire, St. Omers, Conde, Bouching, Dinant, Charle-Roy, &c. but towards Germany; especially the French seem Invincible. They are in possession of the Franch County, and of his strong Holds, as Besancone, Gray, Saling, Dole, of Alsatia, and Towns of no less renown for being well fortified. Then Brisac, Friburg in Brisgo, Stestadt, Strasburg, Marsal, Nancy, Metz, Longuy, &c. which secure the French from any foraign irruption: And may back with advantage their Armies, breaking in upon Germany.

Thus we have taken a short view of the French Puissance. Yet are not of Opinion that all this, or more would be sufficient, to stop the progress of the Turkish Forces, if their attempts had proved so successful, as to have taken Vienna. For though the French be no less Potent, then I have said before, yet I any confident they are inferiour in strength to the Turks, because the Grand Signior▪ possesseth such vast Territories, that he is able to set on foot thrice as meny men, as France: And has constantly under Pay, Fifty or Sixty thousand men more. He can put to Sea, on an urgent occasion Six hundred Sail; counting Gallys, and great Ships: Besides, what the Coast of Barbary can afford him. Egypt at any time, may furnish his Armies, with Forty thousand Men fit for Service, and inured to hardship. Babylon, and the adjacent Provinces may supply him with a greater number: It being a great mistake to say that his Territories lie waste, and are not populous. Asia Minor, or the Lesser Asia, that is now intirely in his possession, is as full of People, as ever it was. Smyrna is very populous; and Aleppo counts within its Walls Thirty thousand fighting Men. Constantinople, its advantagious situation being more convenient and suitable for so great a Monarchy, then any other City of the known World, has its Number of Inhabitants answerable to its vast extent. The Islands of the Mediterranean Sea, are as full as an Egg. And though Graecia be not near so flourishing now, as it was of old; yet 'tis like a Seminary of stout Men, for the Grand Signior's Armies. From Constantinople, to Germany, the Turkish Citys are both frequent, and populous. His Janizaries are his choicest Men, being train'd up from their tender years, in all Military Discipline; these are the support of that Monarchy, and form a Body of Foot commonly Forty thousand strong. His Horse are the Spahis, whereof he had in his Army before Vienna Fifty thousand, and more, are his Choicest Horse. He may set on foot on extraordinary occasion, Six hundred thousand fighting Men; which no two Christian Princes can do jointly, much less severally. The Grand Signior has in bulk enlarged his Empire by the Conquest of Candy, and almost all Hungary.

As for his Treasures, they are very considerable, for he is the most absolute Monarch in the World, and disposeth Soveraignly, of whatever his Subjects, or rather Slaves are possessed of. The Trading of Constantinople brings him in vast Summs of Money. He receives either a voluntary incense or real Tribute from most of the Eastern States and Princes.

The Christians, to get favour with the Grand Signior, in order to the promoting of their Trade with the Infidels, are often at exceeding great, and sometimes unwilling expences. For nothing is done at Constantinople, but by Money. And Money which is powerful every where is their Almighty. Now this Empire how can it be other then most dreadful to all Christendom, if we consider the great Magazines they have every where planted on the Frontiers of Germany, on the Confines of the Venetian Territories and all along the Mediterranean on the Coast of Barbary, &c. from whence they may draw whatever is necessary, for supplying of their Armies, either for the Besieging of Towns, or keeping the Mastery of the Field, in order to the Conquest or Desolation of the Country; and as for the Souldiers, they may be as good, (to say no more) as our best Europeans. They are naturally resolute, of an undaunted Courage, and more Zealous to fight for their Religion, then Christians themselves. Their Captains understand all the Stratagems of War, as well, if not better then the most experienced Christians. There is no War like that of Machines, as Bombs, Grenades, Red Bullets, Carcasses, &c. which they have as well as we, and can make use of 'em to the best advantage. No Men in the World, understand better, the Art of Mining, whereof they gave good proof in the famous Siege of Candia, and lately in that of Vienna. This is their most efficacious and surest Method of making strong Cities submit; they were more troublesome to the Garison of Vienna, by their Mines, then by their Cannon, though therein they did their part. Now if the Turks, so well provided both with Men and all other Necessaries for great Enterprizes, had either by Surrender or Force taken Vienna, what Confusion would the Affairs of Germany; Yea, and France too been in? For the Sea thus let in, would not have been so easily thrust back again.

Betwixt Vienna, and the Rhine; you have no City of any considerable strength; but weakly fortified, and unfit to stop a victorious Army. The Princes of Germany in this Juncture of Affairs, would be forc'd to give free passage to the Enemy, or join with him as his Friends, and Allies, which several, I doubt would not have scrupled, as having less hatred for the Turks, then the French King. Would not France then have some Reason to fear the Turbant, as being back'd by a part of Germany it self, and perhaps the strongest, who either by fear, or hopes, might all, or most, be forced or encouraged to follow the fortune of the Conquerour. Moreover the Neighbourhood of the Turks, for I see not what could hinder their progress from Vienna, to Strasburg, would soon stir up all the Malecontents of France, who are now in greater Numbers, then ever, to join with them against their Prince, wherein not only open, but secret ways would be found of betraying and lessening his Interests, and informing the Enemy of whatever would be of any consequence for his concern. Friburg in Brisgo, Brisac, Slestadt, Strasburg, and all the other strong Holds of Alsatia might indeed stay the Turkish Troops a while, but not quite stop their progress. Open force I confess would not prevail much against Strasburgh, and Brisac, but there is no City so strong, but hunger may Conquer. The Grand Signior in such a case having behind him the fertilest Countrys of Germany, could neither want Victuals, nor other Necessary Provisions for his Armies, and these being in this Conjuncture, if ever, very numerous, he could easily be Master of the Fields and Plains of Alsatia; by laying over the Rhine, a Bridge or two of Boats, and fortifying them on each side, to the best advantage. Which done, if the French would not venture a Battel, which would be of a dangerous Consequence, in this situation of Affairs, they would either retreat towards Lorrain, by Strasburg: Or the Franch County by Ensesem, or shut themselves up into the strong holds they have in these parts, in hopes to ruine, or at least to weaken the Turkish Forces, before they came to a pitcht Battel. And in this case, the strongest Citys of Alsatia, would be forced at length to surrender by Famine, how well soever they might be provided, in the beginning. For with two flying Armies, the Turks could easily stop the Narrow passages into Alsatia, from the Franch County, and from Lorrain by Mulsem. The neglect whereof, in the late Wars against the French, was the sole cause that Brisac, and all Alsatia escaped the Germans. For the Marquess of Brandenburg, against the late Duke of Lorrain's advice, having sent too few Forces to keep the upper passage, from the Franch County: Turene forced it with no great loss, and so broke into the Plains of Alsatia, resolved to fight the Germans. But the Marquess of Brandenburg, by reason of the Sweeds, at that very Nick of time Ravaging his Country, after a rude Skirmish, retreated prudently, in good order with his Baggage, Cannon, and all the German Forces, except a considerable Number of Sick-men, that were left up, and down in the Villages, as likewise at Slestadt, Colmar, and Than. Alsatia once Conquered, either by the Valour of the Turks, or by their Number, Lorrain and the Franch County would be forced to surrender, after the same manner; as the Turks might keep the Fields, with an Army strong enough to Oppose the French, and Block up, or Besiege the strong Holds with another. If these three Provinces, I mean, the Franch County, Alsatia, and Lorrain, fell into the Turks hands, as in all likelihood they would; the whole fortune of France would lie at the Stake. For in this case, it would be an absolute Necessity, to come to a General decision by the Sword, there being no strong Towns, between the Frontier Citys, and Paris. And the Turks being not only terrible in Battel, by their Number, but likewise by their Valour, and dexterity, 'tis but a Childish Vanity in the French to boast, and to say, that if they were their Neighbours, they would easily overthrow 'em and thrust 'em out of Europe. For these Infidels, would perhaps give them as much, and more ado, then now to the Germans, though 'tis probable, they might be somewhat more successful, because of their subjection to one absolute Prince; who having no Man's particular Interest, or Inclinations to manage, might dispose of his Forces, when, and in what manner, he thought fittest. Neither do I as yet see, what help in such an extream Necessity, France could expect from its Neighbours. For being hated by them all, as having at some time, or other, been troublesome to 'em all, who knows whether they would be so forward, as to lend them an helping hand against the Infidels? What the Concerns of Holland would be in the Case, cannot be judged, but at the Instant, and will be guided by the Popular Air of hatred, or love; and according to the prevalency of either its measures may be taken.

As to Great Brittain, as it fears no body, so it might not seem to have so near a Concern for the Turks Success in France. For as France is the only Kingdom in Europe it looks upon with a jealous Eye 'tis a Topick of the, Time not to be much dissatisfied with what may eclipse that Monarch's Glory and Grandure. The Spaniards, 'tis presumed, and the Italians, wou'd lend them their helping hand, because of the Profession of the same Religion: yet how far that might touch Spain I begin to doubt again, especially whether the Spanish Politicks wou'd not teach them in this Conjuncture to lay aside for a while their pretended Zeal for Religion, whenever they judge it separable from their temporal Interest: which might well happen in this Conjuncture, the Humiliation of the French, by whosoever it happens, being their greatest Advantage. As to the Italians, they could do but little with their Temporal Swords; but if promises of Myriads of Pardons, Jubilies, and Indulgencies, will stir up the rest of Christendom to its own Defence, 'twould be a happy Point gained, and they might come in for their share: but the Turks would not regard all this; and perhaps the Generality of Romanists seeing the great Success of the Ottoman Forces, would not much hearken to such Exhortations. Another thing yet would deject the French, in this suppos'd Juncture of Affairs; which is, the unheard of Cruelty of the Turks in their Conquests, their chief Policy consisting in terrifying their Enemies from a lawful Defence, by most barbarous Cruelties us'd against such as do their duty in defence of their Trust and Country. So 'tis credibly reported, that the Grand Visier had resolv'd to put to the Sword not the Garrison only of Vienna, but indifferently all, Men, Women, Young, and Old, without having regard, either to Age, or Sex. That Incomparable General Starremberg, to whom Germany, and all Christendom is so peeuliarly obliged, was to be put to death, with exquisite torments. Some of the Prisoners assured, the Grand Visier would have caused his Hands, and Feet to be cut off, and the Blood to be stopt, that so he might starve to death: Not so much thorow any particular hatred, conceived against this great Man, for I am confident he could not but have a great Esteem, and respect for him, although an Enemy, because of his good Conduct, and vigorous desence, but through a special piece of Policy, to give an example, and terrour to the rest of Germany; that the other Governours frighted by such extream Rigours, might the more easily yield up the Citys, and holds committed to their Trust. The like Rigour undoubtedly, and for the same reason, they would use in the case we have supposed. Which would prove the shortest, and most Effleacious way, to make a Considerable progress in the French Dominions; for then the Governours of strong Towns, considering what quarter, or rather what barbarous usage they were to expect, in case of resistance, would for the most part comply with the Enemy and betray their Prince, not through fear of Death that's undetermined, which would be little regarded by a generous Heart, but to shun these extream Rigours design'd in cool Blood capable to shake, I may so say, Constancy it self, and the strongest Courage.

From all this, we may conclude, that 'tis the main Interest (if we will consider things Impartially) of France, as well as Germany, Spain, and Italy, and all the other Nations, to oppose the Turks in time▪ and hinder their progress in Germany. For tho' perhaps France might at first feem greater, by the Fall of the most Illustrious House of Austria: Yet this greatness in all likelihood would not prove very lasting, because of the Turks hatred against all Christians; and more especially against the French, there being a sort of Tradition amongst these Infidels, that a French King shall destroy their Monarchy, which I would not have the French to trust to, as if it were a true Prophecy; since it may, for ought I know, be rather coyn'd in France, than in Turkey. I doubt not indeed, if that ought to make the French less interested for the rest, but that the Infidels, if they had had success in Germany, would, before all things, have ratified a solid Truce with the French, as most capable to do them mischief; but this had been but for a while, and for their own ends, to ferve first their Conquests, or put themselves into a better Posture to attacque afterwards the French.

But before I come to give you an exact and true Account of all the particulars of the Late Siege of Vienna, such as has not been as yet given to the publick. I must speak one word to the Concerns of Holland, allowing the supposition of Vienna's being taken by the Turks; the States of Holland had no doubt been under the same condition with the rest of Germany, where many of the German Princes, if not all, would have rather been induced to redeem the possession of their Territories, by paying a yearly Tribute, than run the hazard of losing all by an unequal War. The Hollanders could not expect much better Terms, for either they would have been forc'd to comply after the same manner, or undertake a War against a too powerful Enemy, and with danger of being Conquer'd. The little resistance they made against the French, in 1672. gives us not reason to expect great things from them, in such a conjuncture; their greatest Strength being by Sea, and not by Land. But I am very apt to believe they would agree with the Turk at any rate, if not lend him also a helping hand: Their own weakness, and the advantage of their Constantinopolitan Trade, engaging them to accept of any Conditions.

We have seen hitherto the disadvantages, and the fatal consequences would have attended the loss of Vienna; let us now take a short view of the great advantages and benefit gain'd by the conservation of this Imperial City, and overthrow of the Turks before it. First Italy, & especially the State of Venice, becomes freed of a too well grounded fear, of becoming a prey to the Infidels. The Kingdom of Poland may hope for the recovery of Kaminieck, and pretend to further Conquests upon the Turks, by the help of the Zaporarian Cossocks. The House of Austria, together with all Germany, are freed from a present danger of being entirely ruin'd; for the Empire in this conjuncture was hardly put to it, and in a manner betwixt the Hammer and the Anvil. The Turks did attacque the Germans on the one side, the French King threatned them on the other, and, which was worst of all, they were not in a good Correspondency together, because of the Intrigues of their Enemies, and some particular Princes private concerns. France made not indeed an open War against the Empire, but, which was rather worse than better, kept a strong Army upon the Frontiers of Germany, which held the Princes upon the Rhine, in the French Interest. Yea the rumour was, that the French King had a hand in bringing in the Turks into Germany, and that his Ambassador Monsieur De Vitry in Poland, did what lay in his power to hinder the King of Poland, from concluding an Offensive and Defensive League with the Emperour, against the Turk, their common Enemy; and seeing he could not prevail, wrought s … tly upon some of the Grande • s o • … land, to revolt against their Prince in his absence: Which are all things so far beneath the pretences of a most Christian Prince, that they must be extraordinarily well • ackt to gain a belief; especially since h • s known generosity and zeal against the Turks hath appear'd to the contrary at Candy, and before in Hungary▪ i • •• e conjuncture I spoke of elsewher • ; and therefore unless herein In … hath prevail'd, which I take not on me to judg, 'twill be a piece of injustice to believe all such reports. However, 'tis certain, as to the French themselves, that they seem to b • no less concern'd at the bad success of the Turks, than if they were really Subjects to the Grand Signior; which comes not from any kindness they have for the Turk, but out of love they bear to the honour of their own Prince; whose measures they think somewhat shorten'd by this unexpected overthrow of the▪ Ottoman Forces, as undoubtedly they are; for, whatever was that Princes aim, whether to be chosen Emperour himself, the present Emperour renouncing the Empire, as some Princes have done, in such an extreme distress; or whether he design'd in the situation of Affairs to attacque Germany, Holland, or the Low Countrys, 'tis not so well known; but 'tis certain he has met with a no small disappointment, at least for some considerable time yet, as to all these designs, if in truth they ever really were in being.

But now, as the Emperour by this great Victory, is become more considerable than he was in Germany; yea and more terrible likewise to those that would raise stirs against him there: So the number of his Friends will in all appearance encrease, with his good Fortune, and that of his Enemies decrease. He is moreover in a fitter posture now than ever, to tye the Princes of Germany together, in an Offensive and Defensive League, against the common Enemies of the Empire, whoever they be, either Turks or Christians. And the German Princes that were wavering from the Emperour's side, find it now their Interest to joyn hands with him again. will stand no longer off, but by complying prevent their being over run by the Turks, or becoming Subjects to the French Monarch. Spain and Italy were never in a condition either to resist, or oppose France, without the help of Germany, which now they may hope for, since the Turks by a special Providence of God over Chri • tendom, have got such a Wound at Vienna, as will not cure in hast. Upon this account Bon-fires are made all over Germany, and in the Low Countries, especially in token of their extream joy for this good success, for that they looked upon this great Victory as gained against the French, whom they take to be Instrumental to the present desolation of Germany, and their most dangerous Enemies, as having more reason to fear them than the Turks. The Germans have once already rescued the Low Countries from the French, and their Heavy Yoak, and if not at present, yet so soon as a firm Peace or Truce is concluded with the Grand Signiour may be in a capacity to preserve them for the time to come.

As for England, tho' it makes a world apart, and seems little concern'd either in the advantage, or disadvantage of the German Empire, yet all His Majesties Subjects that have a due Sense, and are willing to understand their own True Interest, may look upon this Victory of the Christian Forces in Germany, as indirectly levelled against their most powerful, and most dangerous Rival, the French; who in this age, under the Auspicious Reign of Lewis the Great, are come to such a pitch of Grandeur, that they have conceived some hopes to be Masters one Day of Europe, none of their Neighbours being at present (England excepted) an equal Match for 'em. The Chamber called Dela Reunion established at Metz by the French Kings Command, discovers clearly a Design of an Universal Monarchy. Whatever this Chamber declares to belong directly, or indirectly to any City, or Village possess'd by the French King, whether it be in Germany or Flanders, 'tis first required as a thing due, and in case of refusal seis'd upon instantly by force. If the French were not already in a posture to Master the most part of their Neighbours; the Reunion Chamber as they call it, had never presumed to decide Pretensions so Sovereignly in favour of the French King. For such Decrees without a Power able to put 'em in Execution, had been laught at, and look'd upon as an elevated piece of folly. Since the famous Battel of Rocroy, where the Prince of Conde gave a total overthrow to the best Troops that ever Spain set on Foot, the Spanish Monarchy hath so visibly decay'd, that there is no Nation in Europe this Day less seared by its Neighbours than Spain. Portugal alone almost overmatehed it. No wonder then, if the Spaniards be overpowered by the French, now stronger than ever. The divisions of Germany do promote exceedingly the French Interest, and render the German Princes much less terrible then they would be, if well united together, England only seems to be without the reach of the French, because of its Natural Situation, and its Invincible Strength, being not only separated from the rest of the World by the Sea; Et penitus toto divisos • orbe Britannos; but besides having within themselves all Necessaries, either for their own defence, or att • cquing others. The English are the absolute Masters of the Seas, and by reason of their daring Humour, and little valuing of their lives, the fittest Men in the World for a Sea Combat: What they can do by Land every one knows The French have all reason to be kind to 'em, for the good Service they render'd him in the late Wars against the Germans. I may say without Exaggeration, they saved together with the Scots nothing inferior to 'em in Courage, and more inur'd to Hardship, the Kingdom of France perhaps from its utter destruction: For had the Germans broke into France by Alsatia and Lorraign, the Conquest of Campagne had been an easy matter; the French Forces being too much busied in Flanders, and elsewere to come to relieve it. The Earl of Dumbarton, with the King of Englands Subjects got the honour of the first Victory, obtained against the Duke of Loraign and Caparara, not far from the Rhine in Germany, The French Cavalry was beaten back by the German, and the Cannon to the number of ten taken, which the Scots and English Foot regain'd, with their Swords in their Hands, and a great slaughter of the Enemies. Near Stratsburg they had the good luck to take from the Germans after an obstinate Combat, Ten Field-pieces, and a great many Colours. In the Battel of Colmar against the Marquess of Brandenburg, Turin gave them deservedly all the honour of the Day, and in the Action that happened after Turins Death, between the German and the French Army, they withstood with all imaginable courage, the German Cavalry, and gave time to the Army to retreat, without any considerable loss. But besides the advantage of the best Men Europe affords, England is a Rich and Plentiful Countrey, and wants not Money (by reason of its great Trading) sufficient for the maintaining of a considerable War.

Notwithstanding all this, it has reason to be Jealous of the French, and to look upon them as its most dangerous Neighbours. Englands True Interest then requires that some limits be set to the growing Puissance of the French Empire; which cannot be easily done Without the help of the Germans, against whom if the Turks had prevailed, England thorow a principle of self preservation, had been oblige • with unequal •• rces, as to the number to defend the Low Countries, and Holland from a French Invasion. The French now will be forced to take New Measures, and being somewhat affrighted at the good Success of the Germans against the Turks, will not so easily ingage in a War against the Spanish Territories, in the Low Countries, lest they should be Invaded on the other side by the Emperour in case a Peace were concluded with the Turk; which may be easily obtained by reason of the great overthrow they have got before Vienna Englands advantage then in this juncture of Affairs, consists in this, That the French hereafter shall not be in a capacity to undertake War against England; the Germans once freed from the Turks, being always in a readiness to joyn with us, and Invade France. I confess indeed the strength of Great Britain once united, is so considerable, that though France had conquered Holland, and the Spanish Low Countries, it could not for all this prevail against England, by open force. Yet in such a case the Hollanders being subject to the French, would receive so great an increase of power by Sea, that in few years the English Trade might notably decay, though perhaps the contrary might well happen, the English being attackt at Sea, for both the French and the Hollanders joyned together. But in this Neighbourhood of the French, nothing would more prejudice England than their Emissaries, and Pensioners, who would not fail to cut the Nation by their secret Intrigues, into different Factions, and so render it less capable of a vigorous Defence. For I conceive not what else could ruine Great Britain, but Great Britain it self. If then the French may now, and perhaps do cast the Apple of Discord amongst us, they would no doubt succeed better in this Design, in such a Conjuncture of Affairs: which we need not as yet fear as if it were at hand. Since in all likelyhood, the Turks will not be in a capacity to busie all Germany hereafter, if the King of Poland, and the Emperour stand to the League, concluded betwixt them, for their mutual defence, or rather we may hope that these Infidels will change now their last years Fortune, and beg humbly a Truce, which they had refused not long ago so fiercely, with the hopes of no less than the Conquest of the German Empire, which Truce or Peace could not but prove fatal to France, if the Emperour turned his Armies, which in all likelyhood he would do, against the French.

I shall now to give a full satisfaction to the Readers Curiosity, set down a true and most exact account of all the Remarkable Passages of the late Siege of Vienna which gave occasion to the foregoing Discourses. I had this Journal from an Officer of the Garison, of my old acquaintance, a very Ingenious Man, and a good Scholar, I shall but English his words.

An Impartial and true Account, of all the most considerable Passages and Actions relating to the Siege of the Imperial City VIENNA; being the Memoirs of a considerable Officer of that Garison, who was actually in Service there till the Siege was rais'd. Which he thus relates: Anno 1683.

THE Seventh of July in the Forenoon we had a hot Alarm, at the Arrival here of the Count of Stirum, who desired his Imperial Majesty to send a speedy supply of Men to the Army, as being much inferior to the Enemies in Number, and upon that account, unable to stop their progress: But our fears were exceedingly increased by the Afternoon, when the Count of Caprara came hither to inform the Emperor of the near approach of the Turks, and to desire him, without any further delay, to remove from thence with the Arch-Duke, the Enemy being not only stronger than was at first reported, but reinforc'd by a considerable number of Rebels and Tartars; and accordingly in the Evening the Emperor parted from Vienna for Clooster Newburg, intending to go from thence to Lintz. The same day the Boors came hither in great numbers, flying from all parts, by reason of the cruelties of the Turkish Army, against all such as they met with in their passage.

The day after, in the Morning arrived here our Cavalry, having left the Infantry in the Island of Schutz, after their Retreat; or rather Flight from before the Turkish Army. We were not hitherto certain whether the Turks design'd the Siege of Vienna or not: And some were of opinion there, was no such design on Foot, because of the resistance the Turks would expect to meet withal from an Imperial City, and the union of all the German Princes, which such an important occasion would in all likelihood effect. But soon after we were clear'd of this doubt, by the arrival of Count Staremberg, and General Capeliers, sent by the Duke of Lorrain, to Command in chief, with Twelve thousand Men out of the Army to strengthen the Garison.

The very next day after, the whole Turkish Army appeared within a German League of Vienna, consisting of One hundred and fifty thousand Fighting Men Horse and Foot, Commanded by the Grand Vizier in Person; with several considerable Bassa's, and the best Officers and Soldiers of the Ottoman Empire. The Consternation of the Citizens at the first sight of this prodigious Army cannot be expressed; but Count Staremberg showing a chearful countenance, and little fear of this vast multitude, did somewhat incourage the people.

The Ottomen Forces being now with in Cannon-Shot of our Out-works made a Halt for a while, to take, as it were, a view of the scituation of the place; they made several Detachments of Horse and Foot, to seize upon all the Avenues and the cheif Passages to the City. In the mean time Count Staremberg having drawn out the greatest part of the Garison, sent at the instant against some Squadrons that came too near the Out-works, about Five hundred Dragoons, who beat the Turks back, with the loss of Seven men only.

That whole Night the Enemies undertook nothing; but alighting from their Horses, remained without any noise. Our Men in the mean while lying close in the Ravelins, Redoubts, and along the Chemincovert.

At the break of day we heard the Trumpets Sound from all parts of their Camp, which occasion'd a great concourse of people towards the Walls of the City, and was looked upon by some as a forerunner of some enterprize: But all this noise was nothing else but an usual Ceremony amongst the Turks, when the Grand Vizier is to go first to his Quarters before a besieged Town; which he took the same day at the Palace of the Empress Dowager, called La Favorita. His Camp then appeared in all its glory, extended as far as Nusdorps. The Ca • riages were without number; the Cannon amounted to several Hundreds of all sorts: Their Tents were most magnificent, to the number of Thirty thousand and more.

Their first attempt was upon Leopolestadt; it was defended by a Regiment of Dragoons, and two of Foot, who did their Duty to a Miracle. The Turks were thrice beat out of it, after they had almost master'd it by their great numbers. Staremberg well knowing that Leopolestadt being an open place, could not hold out against this Power, and desirous to manage his men for more necessary occasions, ordered the Officers that Commanded there, to destroy as much as they could thereof, by firing the same, that so it might prove useless to the Turks; which they performed, notwithstanding the great oppositions of the Janizaries, of whom, but more especially of the Tartars, a great slaughter was made on that occasion.

The Troops then that had defended Leopolestadt so bravely, withdrew towards the Bridge, but were followed closely by the Enemies, and suffered some loss, because they could not easily Face about; but herein not considerable. They Retreated then into the City, carrying along with them about Five an thirty wounded Officers and Soldiers, as likewise the dead Bodies of some persons of Note, that had signalized their Courage in that Service.

Staremberg took a view of these Forces at their return, praised the Officers for their good Behaviour, with promise in time and place, to move for a proportionable Reward from his Emperial Majesty. About this time the Count Serini, having Revolted from the Emperor, and joyned himself with a Body of Eight thousand Tartars, was Attacked by General Dunwalt in the Woods not far from us, defeated, and himself taken Prisoner, besides a great number of Tarters slain on the spot. But of such things whereof I have not been Eye Witness I shall say the less; I shall chiefly concern my self in this short and plain Narrative, communicating what I have either seen, or could not but know, being at my turn an Actor in most of these our most important exploits.

Count Staremberg considering the importance of his Trust, and the fatal consequences to the whole Christian World (should Vienna be taken by the Infidels) had a watchful eye on all sides, either to take an advantage of the Enemy, or surprise them, which he did often, as well as render unsuccessful their Attacks. By this time the Citizens had recovered themselves from their first amazement, and beginning now to look the Enemies in the Face with an undaunted Courage, conceived some hopes of a good success: But nothing incouraged them more than the trust they had in their Governor the Count of Staremberg who took little rest by Day or by Night, and gave as little to the Enemies.

They first began the Siege, without keeping the ordinary forms, as not knowing yet how strong our Garison was. And in this method, to the number of Thirty thousand Horse and Foot, they March'd on a suddain from all sides, towards our out-works, causing the Neighbouring Valleys, and Hills, to rebound with their shouts. Which mistake of theirs being taken notice of by Staremberg, without further delay, he Commanded the whole Garison within the Walls to be in a readiness, the rest being at their Post without to receive the Enemy; which they did with great success, by the incouragement and good example of their Officers, more especially of their Governor. For the Turks were every where repulsed with great loss, which made them somewhat more sober, and less daring.

After this great Action, which happened the third day after the arrival of the Ottoman Forces before Vienna, Staremberg caus'd an exact account to be taken of all the Provisions that were in the Magazines, and was always present himself at their distribution among the Soldiers, as well as Scholars and younger Brothers that Mounted the Guard. An Oath likewise was by him Administred to them, to defend the place to the last, and never to hearken to any Proposals from the Enemy, how advantagious soever they might be. So that now the Siege went on on both sides according to the usual forms, the Enemies finding it otherwise impossible to gain the City; after the advices given by their Spies of the Strength and Resolution of the Garison and Citizens.

To annoy us with their great Artillary, which was chiefly managed by Renegadoes, they set up several Batteries, which gave us little rest either by day or night, though they had little other effect at that time, than the dismounting of two or three pieces of Cannon, and the Killing of some Centinels. The Turks made three considerable Attacks near the Scotembourg Gate and the Red Tower, but were as often beat off, with the loss of more than Six thousand men slain on the place; besides Prisoners, among whom some were of considerable quallity.

In regard this Action resulted so much to the honour of our Party, I will give you a particular account thereof. The Turks having with their Cannon demolished some considerable parts of the Fortifications towards the Scots Gate and the Red Tower, did the day before prepare for a general Attack on that side, Lying quiet for the space of Six hours, in which time they drew their Cannon and Gabions nearer. But Staremberg mistrusting this unexpected calm, judg'd aright, That it was a mark of some great actions designed by the Turks: And therefore Commanded out towards that side One thousand six hundred Men, to joyn with those that were almost at handy-blows with the Enemy. In prosecution whereof fell out this accident that gave some disturbance to the Sally out: Two of the chief Commanders quarrelled about the Post, each of them pretending to the precedency, and the greatest Honour, with the greatest danger. Staremberg soon informed of their strife, came out himself and composed the difference, giving on the side of Right the favour of his Judgement, yet not without a sharp reproof to them both for such unseasonable disputes, the example whereof would be of a dangerous consequence. The emulation about the point of Honour thus terminated, this little Army resolutely went on against the Turks, who, after Three furious Discharges of the Artillery, came on most fiercely with their Swords in their Hands to assault the Christians; who had orders to be upon their Defence only, as being far inferiour in number to those that Attacked them. During the shock, the Turks were held busy on all the other sides of the City, both by small and great Shot, and some, though inconsiderable Sallies made out. This Attack of the Turks lasted a whole hour, and notwithstanding they were forced to a Retreat, they came on again with fresh Troops, the Bassa of Mesopotamia at their Head, but were worsted both times, with the loss of this Bassa, which they say, was mightily regretted by the Turks, as being a Man of great Conduct and Valour: But the Enemy not discouraged, as yet, by this bad success, returned again about three in the Afternoon, with a greater number than before, continuing the Assault twice successively. Whereupon a new supply was likewise sent out by the Governour, who thought it a business of a main concern, that we should defend our Posts. What part I had in this last Action I shall inform you; I was that Afternoon Commanded out with Count Leslie, who was killed in that Expedition. We had a considerable loss in the beginning of this last Shock, by the temerity of some overventuring Officers: But the Turks coming on us somewhat in a confusion, and we waiting for them in a great calm, our Files being at such a reasonable distance the ground woud permit, and in good Order, they were repulsed again, with the loss of a considerable Body of Men, wherein our Soldiers Firing so punctually at Command, in short time we got the better of them, and forced them to a shameful Retreat. In this Action were killed more than Two thousand Men; and in the whole day Four thousand more; whose heaps together lay about the same place where they fought.

This Mortality being taken notice of by the Grand Vizier, and fearing lest the stink of their putrifying Bodies should infect the rest of his Army, he demanded a Cessation of Arms, whilst he gave Burial to his Dead; But the Count Staremberg's return was, That he had no need of a Truce, his Garison being all very well, and under no obligation to gratify him therein. By which means the Dead were unburied; and it was the occasion of the Camps removal from that side a little farther the following day, though they did not for this abandon their Attack.

The Count Staremberg lay close for two days after this great Action, to give some rest to his Men, and take new measures. Neither did the Enemy attempt any thing more all that time; but yet was not idle, being busy working like Moles, both with their Hands and Feet, under the Ground.

The first and only effect of their labour at this time, was the Blowing up of a Captain and near Fifty Soldiers, whereof some were only transported from that to another place, without being wounded. About Noon the same day we rendred them the like, by Springing a Mine that ruined one of their Batteries which had been the most of all troublesome to us, being so skilfully managed by an English Renegado. This done. a Sally out against the Enemy was ordered after this manner: The Trnmpets Sounded, the Drums, &c. Beat at the Scots Gate, and a considerable Party was sent out to draw the Enemy to that side, whilst by another Gate Eight hundred Foot were Marching in good Order; but withal, keeping a profound silence, till such time as they came near the Workers in the Trenches, on whom they fell so heartily, that in a quarter of an Hour, and less, they put Four hundred and more to the Sword; but being discovered by a strong Party of Spahies, or Turkish Horse, they were forced to Retreat in some disorder, but with a small loss.

The Grand Vizier in the mean time had several Ingineers at work under a Ravaline not far from the Lebel Bastion; they had advanced their Trenches towards the Ravaline in two days time in such measure, that they had made themselves a passage into the Ditch; which the Officer that Commanded taking notice of, sends instantly an Express to inform the Governor of the imminent danger he was in, without a speedy and strong supply: But before the Express came back to give an answer, the Enemy had Sprung a Mine; the effect whereof, was the overthrow of the point of the Ravaline, and the loss of about Fifteen Soldiers and a Lieutenant. The Turks making their best advantage of this disorder, without any loss of time, came on furiously with their Swords in their Hands, they were at first repulsed, and Retreated in great confusion, carrying along with them the Body of the Officer that Commanded in this Action; who (as it was known afterwards) was Son to the Bassa Governor under the Grand Signior of Grand-Caire. The Enemies, as it may be presumed, under the apprehension of this accident, and for fear our number in this interim might have been increased, would make no further attempt against the Ravaline: But their design in Retreating was only to see what would be the effect of another Mine they were to Spring near the entrance of the Ravaline, with intent, not only to hinder our men from returning into the City, but to put a stop to those that were expected to our assistance: Neither were they deceived in their expectations; for the Ravaline was intirely overturn'd into the Ditch that surrounded it, where most of those that had escaped the fury of the first Attack, found their Burial places.

I was eye-witness to this Action from a Flanking of a Bastion wherein I was on Duty; I judged the consequence of this misadventure could not but prove fatal to us, and had no good opinion at that time, of our good success in the Siege, because this ground gained upon us might facilitate the Enemies taking in of the Counterscarp, and consequently of the Ditch, which would give all imaginable conveniency to the Turks to Undermine, and Blow up our Ramparts and Bastions.

Staremberg at the first coming of the Express, had instantly ordered Five hundred choice Men, under the Conduct of good Officers, to be in a readiness; but as they were Drawing up, near the Great Church, the sad News came of this unhappy Relation: The consequence of which Staremberg however seemed not to value, prudently keeping a cheerful Countenance, as if he had feared nothing; but in the instant Commanded out Seven hundred Men more: They lost no time, but Marched altogether with that silence that was usually Commanded on such occasions, making such dispatch, that the Enemy had not got as yet leisure enough to lodge themselves on the Ravaline, but were forced to Face about upon our Men, without any great advantage from the Ground whereon they stood. They Fired briskly in the beginning, and beat us back, with a small loss on their side, and a considerable loss on ours: But having Rallied again, we entred the Ravaline▪ notwithstanding a showre of Small Shot from the Turks, and put them all to the Sword; yet all this was not enough to discourage them.

They sprang the 18th of August another Mine under the same Ravaline, and entring the Breach, Attacked those that defended it, with Twelve hundred chosen Men; who were so well received by our Soldiers, that after having lost near Three hundred Janizaries, they were forced to quit the Breach, and got no other advantage that day, than to lodge themselves at the foot of the Ravaline.

The next day about Ten a Clock in the Morning, Fifteen hundred fresh Men were sent to Relieve those that were in the Ravaline, much weakened by their continual Fatigue, having been near Eight and fourty hours upon hot Service: Their Order imported, that they should do their best at their first arrival, to dislodge the Enemy from the foot of the Ravaline; which they performed with such a resolution, and so good success, that the Turks could keep their Ground no longer▪ but Retreated back to their Trenches, after having lost near Five hundred and Sixty Men upon the place.

This business of the Ravaline had so frighted our Citizens, that some of them began to murmur, and to say, That Staremberg would sacrifice them all to the fury of the Turks; that it was full time to make some agreement with the Enemy; that if he deferred it too long, they should have no Quarter given them; that it was the Emperors interest in this juncture of Affairs (since better could not be hoped for) to consider the Garison of Vienna as able to do good service to the Empire, and save it from the Turkish fury, provided the composition were in time. These dangerous discourses coming to the knowledge of Staremberg, he was once in a mind to punish exemplaryly such as could be known to have spoken so undescreetly, or rather Seditiously: But upon second thoughts he resolved on another expedient, which was to publish an Order to this effect, That if any Citizen or Officer in the Garison, of what rank or quality soever he was, should talk of surrendring the City, or making any sort of Composition, how seemingly advantagious soever, with the Turks, he should instantly be declared a Rebel, and punished accordingly. Which did so influence the Citizens, that whatever their thoughts were, they kept their Tongues within bounds; and being incouraged by the good hopes Staremberg gave them of relief, they appeared not to be much affriad of being Stormed by the Turks, who, the Night following after their descent into the Ditch▪ had made a great Lodgement there, which they might do with the less difficulty, for that the deepness of the Ditch did secure them against the Great and Small Shot of the Besieged. Besides that, the Works they had raised were of a prodigious hight, and like Hills round the Attack of the Counterscarp, which did in a manner cover their passage into the Ditch.

Staremberg seeing he could not easily make attempts on the Enemy in this posture guarded, Commanded the Cannon to be pointed against these Works that covered the Enemies approach. Twenty of the best Cannoniers were called, and ordered to do their best endeavours to demolish these Mounts and Hills that did so much prejudice the City, and proved so infinitely advantageous to the Enemy. Our Cannon began to play at the break of day with such a fury, that before Two a Clock in the Afternoon the Hills were visibly lessened: About which time near a Q • intal of the Enemies Powder took Fire, and destroyed several Carriages and Cannoniers, and amongst others an Italian Renegado, much esteemed by the Turks for his great skill in the Art of Gunnery. The Thunder of the Cannon was continued with a like success till Night, at which time the Hills appeared to be near leveled with the Ground; yet Staremberg thought it not time to Attack the Enemy till the next Morning.

Then with Two thousand chosen Men, he attaqued them with all imaginable vigour. The manner was thus: They made their Sally out at Two different Gates, with a design to meet together towards that part where the Turks had made their great Lodgement in the Ditch; They met with great opposition on all sides; but nevertheless overthrew with the loss of some Soldiers and Officers, all that stood in their way: And the passage of the Turks into the Ditch was laid open by our Cannon, and they exposed both to our small and great Shot; yet after an hours Ingagement, the Imperialists were forced to Retreat, because they had not Pioneers enough to ruine the Enemies Works.

At the Evening a Counsel of War was held, and a second Attack resolved upon; there went out about a Thousand chosen men, the whole Garison being in a ready posture upon the Bastions, along the Ramparts, and in the great Streets, and publick places of the City; our Cannon in the mean time diverting the Enemy on all sides. They were at first fiercely beat back, almost into the City, by the Turks, the narrowness of the Ground obliging them to break their Files, whereby they could not make a considerable Front; and besides, were Charged in the Flank by a considerable number of Janizaries lying close in Ambuscade; so that this enterprize was like to prove very unsuccessful, if Staremberg himself had not rallyed our men, and set them a second time on work. In which the Enemy pursuing us, ingaged in the same narrow passages; which ours observing, and by experience taught to lay hold on every favourable occasion; they beat the Turks back again to their Redoubts and Retrenchments with a considerable Slaughter; and after having demolished some of their Works, Retreated again into the City in good Order, being followed, but to little purpose, and at a great distance, by a considerable number of Turks.

Staremberg judging it best to beat the Iron whilst it was hot, resolved to a third Attack, without giving respite to the Enemy, or to his Soldiers, who were more than ever in a humour to Fight. It was a while doubted of whether they should Sally out again, before the closing of the Day, or not; but after some small debate about this matter, it was thought more expedient to make this third Attack about midnight, or betwixt One and Two a Clock in the morning. The whole Garison then, and the Citizens were Commanded to be in readiness, and the general Officers went that Night up and down giving all necessary Orders. It was ordered that the Companies that had been already in Action, should take some refreshment, and keep the Bastions, whilst Eight hundred fresh men should Sally out, with more than Eight hundred Pioniers, to the end they might ruine the Enemies Works raised against the City.

They began their March in silence, between Eleven and Twelve a Clock at Night; Staremberg remembring them now and then of their Duty as they passed, and promising large recompences to such as should distinguish themselves most signally in the performance of their Duty. They appeared all to be of a very chearful countenance, and resolved either to dye or vanquish. They took leave of one another as they went by, and bid a last farewel to their friends, embracing and kissing such as came near them; which Staremberg expresly discountenanced, as a thing not before this instant practised in this Garison, and seeming an untimely sort of tenderness, which might take off too much of the edge of a Marshal Courage. There was a great number of Torches lighted at several Gates, designedly to amuse the Enemy, least they should know what way our men intended; but they were on a suddain freed of this doubt, by a showre of Small Shot, that came frome whence they least expected it. This entertainment in an inftant put the whole Turkish Army in a motion. The resistance in the begining of the Attack was such, that our first Files were twice broken by their Small Shot; but in an instant Rallied, Firing again so opportunely, that the Enemies were, at their turn, put into confusion. Which being observed by our Officers, they gave them not time to Rally, but followed them close, and cut in pieces all those that stood their ground, which some Companies of Janizaries did with all imaginable obstinacy, till they were broken by the Flanks and totally routed. The mean while the Pioneers were not idle, they ruined all the Enemies Works, burned their Gabions, and the greatest part of their Gallery. But all was not as yet done, the Retreat was not very easie, a great party of Turkish Horse and Foot advanced withal diligence to stop our passage into the City; which undoubtedly they had performed, if Staremberg, who had still a watchful eye upon all contingencies, had not prevented their design, by Charging them unexpectedly with Fifteen hundred choice Foot, which forced them to Retreat, and opened to us a free passage into the City, to the great satisfaction of the Governor, and Incouragement of the whole Garison.

The Enemy resolving on a revenge, gave us a general assault the Twenty first of August in the morning, of which take this short and true account: Some Janizaries that were taken Prisoners, inform'd Count Staremberg, that it was generally reported in the that the Grand Vizier had resolved to Attack the City in a more furious manner than he had done hitherto; and that for that purpose great preparations were making; so that he hoped either to force us by Storm, or compel us to surrender upon thoughts how little we were able to stand out after this general Assault. They further added, that the Turks, from the beginning of the Siege, had lost more than Twenty thousand of their best men; and that it would never have been undertaken, if the Grand Vizier had thought to have met with so v • gorous a resistance. They said likewise, that he was informed the City was destitute of all necessary provisions, at least of many things requisite for a considerable or long defence; that the Turks were now beginning to mistrust their good fortune, and somewhat to dispond of a good success in this Siege; because that it began to be generally reported, that the King of Poland was upon his March at the head of a strong Army, accompanied by his Son; and that the Auxiliary Troops were coming a-pace to the King of Lorrain, (for so they called him) not knowing what distinction we put between a King and a Soveraign Prince. That nevertheless the Grand Vizier was resolv'd to lose his Life before Vienna rather than Raise the Siege; and that trusting to the Number and Courage of his Army, consisting of the best Officers, and stoutest Soldiers of the Ottoman Empire, he would undoubtedly venture a Battel against the whole Christian Forces united together. Tho' all this was reflected on by Staremberg, Capeliers, and other Officers of the Garison, yet their main concern in the present juncture of Affairs, was to inquire of the true time and manner of the formentioned Assault; whereof they could give no further account, save only, that if it succeeded not, the Turks would be extreamly discourag'd, and would perhaps raise the Siege by the Grand Siegnicr's Command, who, they said, had not much approv'd of this enterprize, inclining more to sweep all away before him, than to Attack the Imperial Seat, and leave behind the Island of Schutz, Raab, Gomorra and Presburg.

The Prisoners dismissed, a Counsel of War was held; whereof, as likewise of what they were informed, a short account was sent to the Duke of Lorrain, by a Fisherman that Swam the River.

The 21st of August, all such as were able to carry Arms in the City were Commanded to draw to their Colours, in the usual places, whence, after they had been provided with Match, Powder, and other necessaries, they were ordered to retire to their respective stations till further Orders.

About midnight a hot Alarm was given us by the Enemies, who sprang two Mines not far from one another under the Lebel Bastion; but had little or no effect, because they were disappointed by our Countermines. Another Mine they were about to Spring, but were not time enough, because they were prevented by some of our Subterranean Works, who seising upon their Miners under ground, brought them forth Prisoners, and took away the Powder, which was already laid together with the Match not as yet kindled. This petty success gave us some hopes of a greater, which happened in the following manner: We observed a general motion in every part of the Enemies Camp, which some looked upon as a disposition to Retreat, but in reallity was nothing else, but the Marching of several Detachments, making up together a considerable Body, in order to give the lately mentioned general Assault; which was preceeded both by their great and small Shot, whereever they could discover us. We answered them with the same Musick, but with a far greater loss on their side than ours, as having the advantage of the scituation, and both Cannoniers and Marksmen nothing inferior, if not better than theirs. This sport, which was but a preamble to some greater attempt, lasted above two hours: But then on a suddain the Enemy Marched on all sides towards the Ditch, so thick, and in such a crowd, that we had some reason to fear our being overpowered by the number: But we fired our Cannon from the Wings of the Bastions, and other parts so often, that we put them now and then to a stand, till they had either withdrawn, or marched over the huge heaps of the dead. In the mean while our Forces in the Out-works were not idle, and resisted the Enemy every where, without yielding one foot of ground, except in some parts where the number was two unequal. But Staremberg with the rest of the Garison Sallied out, and gave the Enemy on all sides a general overthrow; who, notwithstanding their great loss, and our obstinate resistance, had already beaten down with their great Cannon, the Scots-gate, and rendred themselves Masters thereof, with their Swords in their Hands; which put the whole City for a while in a great consternation: But Staremberg's undaunted Courage, and chearful Countinance, inspir'd the whole Garison with a new vigour. He Retreated back on a suddain to the City, and although wounded in the Shoulder with an Arrow, took no rest, till he had repossested himself of the Scots-gate, which he did before the Turks had made any considerable Lodgement. He Attacked them with such a fury, but withal, such Order, that notwithstanding their vigorous resistance, they were all cut off in less than half an hour. Which Action applauded to by the Shouts of the Garison, Beating of Drums, Timbals, and Sounding of Trumpets, was followed by a general Retreat of the Turkish Forces, without having got other advantage in this hot dispute, than making an inconsiderable Lodgement at the foot of a Bastion, whence the next day, by an unexpected Sally out from the City, they were dislodg'd. The loss of the Turks in this Attack was little less than Six or Seven thousand Men; on our side we had near Fifteen hundred killed or unserviceable; amongst whom were several considerable Officers slain on the place.

This Action discouraged infinitely the Grand Vizier, who was inraged at the great loss, and did begin to manage his Men with more discretion against a better occasion. He was three or four days, though not idle, yet not very busie, his Trenches not going on with the wonted diligence.

About this time we got News which was publickly Read in the hearing of a part of the Garison, to the great rejoycing thereof; and so much the more surprizing, in regard so little expected. It was told us then, that the Grand Vizier having sent off a Body of 15000 Turks and Tartars to surprise the Duke of Lorrain, marching in order to his joyning with the King of Poland, that this Duke had faced about, and given them Battel with so good success, that they were intirely overthrown, few of them escaping Death either by the Sword or the Water. This Victory inspired us all with a new vigour, and put us in great hopes of a greater Victory. In the mean time we were still hand to hand contending with the Enemy, who did continue to molest us with sudden small Attacks; which I so term, as no • considerable in comparison of that I have already spoken of.

This City was about this time generally afflicted by an Epidemical distemper, a Dyssentery, or Bloody Flux, which carried off sometimes Threescore or more in one day. The Governour himself was not free of it, though he never kept within doors: and when he was so weak that he could not walk or ride, he caus'd himself to be carried whither 'twas requisite for him to be. The Rumour was a while in the Turkish Army, that he was dead; which caus'd such an universal Joy amongst the Turks, that they made upon this account Bonfires, hoping that now the City would be soon yielded up. But their Joy was but short; for they were inform'd d the day following, by a person they had taken Prisoner from our Garison, of the contrary, and that he was resolv'd to defend the same to the utmost, and had as yet a Garison strong enough to resist several Weeks, or at least till the arrival of the Christian Forces for the relief of the City.

We were informed on the other side by fome Janizaries taken Prisoners, that the Turkish Army was beginning to suffer much for want of necessary Provisions, which were sold at very high rates in their Camp; that their greatest want was that of Forrage, the adjacent Country being quite desolated; that the dead Horses did infect their whole Army; that the Bloody Flux had already almost ruin'd, or at least much weaken'd some quarters of the Army; that the daily loss, what by the Sword, and what by various Distempers, was esteemed to amount to more than a thousand Men; that the Grand Vizier was resolv'd between the 29th of August, and the 2d of September, to give so many and so furious Assaults to Vienna, that he doubted not but that he should take it by Storm before the arrival of the Auxiliary-Troops, and the junction of all the Christian Forces.

Staremberg after he had given an Account hereof, and of the Condition of the City, to the Duke of Lorrain, he ordered all the Citizens, and part of the Garison, to lend their helping hands to the retrenchments he was a making behind the Scots Gate, the Lebel Bastion, and other the most important pieces of Fortification; resolving to dispute every foot of ground with the Enemy, from whom he expected no Quarter. And in case he had been overpower'd by their Number, all was in a readiness for the blowing up of the Bastions, that nothing might remain after such a long Siege, but an open Village; and then to cut his way thorow the midst of the Enemies, with the remainder of his Garison.

The 29th we perceived the Turkish Forces drawing up in Battalia round the City, and detachments going off every moment towards the Ditch. Whence we concluded they were resolv'd to render themselves Masters thereof. A thousand of our men were lodg'd in the Ditch, who got instantly a supply of seven hundred more, which was all we could well spare; but with this order, that after a vigorous resistance, they should retreat into the City, and abandon the Ditch to the Enemy, when they could no longer defend the same, their number being so much impaired.

About ten a clock in the morning, the Turks came fiercely on with their ordinary shoots and halloo's, but were put a while to a stand, and somewhat in confusion, by our great and small shot. They went on notwithstanding their great loss, and were received vigorously by that part of our Garison that was to engate them: But our men according to their Orders by little and little giving ground, retreated orderly into the City, where they were instantly divided, and sent to the Bastions and Rampart; for them onely now we had to defend, the Enemy being Master of all our Out-works. Yet Staremberg having observ'd, that the lodgments the Turks had made in the Ditch were but slight, and not well Guarded, sallied out with a part of his Garison, and cleared the Ditch of them on one part of the City. After his retreat, he was informed by an Italian Renagado, who had sled to us from the Turks, that there was a Mine ready to be sprung under the Lebel Bastion; whereupon he commanded three Companies, that were upon Duty there, to retire; and immediatly after their retreat, the Mine overturned the whole Face and Left-Wing of the Bastion into the Ditch: which good success incourag'd the Enemies to try if they could make a Lodgment upon it. But they were twice repulsed with great loss, occasioned by our perpetual firing from behind our retrenchment. Yet at length they prevailed, and made a considerable Lodgment in the mid'st of the Bastion.

We were never in a greater Distress than in this Conjuncture, and began to look upon our selves as lost men; though fully resolved to spend the last drop of our Blood, rather than surrender.

Staremberg thinking it not secure to give the Enemies leisure to Fortify themselves upon this Bastion, upon which they had already some great pieces of Ordnance mounted, ready to play upon the City, and those places especially where we were accustomed to draw up our men in; commanded 1800 chosen Souldiers to attack the Turks with their Swords in their hands, followed by a hundred Pioniers, to ruine immediately, if the enterprise succeeded, their Lodgment. They entred the Gorge (or Neck) of the Bastion, notwithstanding the Enemies resistance; and after a rude Combat of about a quarter of an hour, they beat them off with the slaughter of about two hundred Janizaries, and a Bassa that commanded them.

Our men kept their ground, and did whatever cou'd be expected from experienced Souldiers, having clear'd more than once with their small Shot that part of the Ditch they could discover from the left Wing of the Bastion; and covering themselves in the breach, made a new retrenchment; which so discourag'd the Turks, that they never attempted again the conquest of the Bastion •• well knowing that we were in a readiness to oppose them whenever they should appear on the breach.

Their Attacks were not now so open as before, but more dangerous, because under ground, and hidden; they were busie Mining every where: And on our side likewise, we were not idle, but doing our utmost endeavours, either to find their Mines, or give them Air by our Countermines. Wherein we had often greater success than we expected, or the Enemies designed.

They had already undermined not onely the Bastion of the Court, but were heard working under the Emperours Palace: which so affrighted our Enginiers, that surpised to hear the Enemies beneath them, they retreated instantly out of the Mines, for fear of being blown up. Herein Staremberg was forced to make use partly of his Authority, partly fair words and large promises, to ingage them to do what lay in their power to discover the Enemies Mines. Thus incourag'd, they set to work again, and taking deeper measures than they had done at first, met happily with the Turkish Miners, killed some of 'em, and brought the rest up Prisoners, taking out of their Mines several Quintals (or hundreds) of Powder. This was a most signal service; and I may confidently say, the happy discovery of this Mine, saved this City from being taken by the Turks, who were expecting the event thereof; and so to fall in upon us on all sides, resolv'd, as it was credibly reported, to have made a general onset with their whole Infantry: and undoubtedly they had succeeded; for we were beginning to want all necessary's. Our Grenades, which do great execution on such occasions, were all spent; our Garison was much diminish'd, consisting now but of six thousand Men; the Victuals were become scarce, and the Bloody-Flux was become almost Universal. But the news of the Arrival and junction of the King of Poland, the Auxiliary Troops, and the Imperial Army at Crembs, inspir'd us all with a new Life and Vigour, and we doubted not now any more of defending our selves at least till such time as the Christians Army came to our relief, unless some unexpected accident should happen; which we had always reason to be somewhat affraid of, because of the Enemies great skill in Mining.

The 3d 4th and 8th of September they Attack't us again most desperately, but both to their great loss, and ours. They had once Arbored the Crescent upon the Bastions against the Grand Viziers Quarters, and had in all likelihood put us all to the Sword, if Staremberg, who was always in Action, had not run thither, followed by considerable Detachments of all our Forces. The Enemies were scarce able to abide his first Charge, but were at the second intirely routed, and most of 'em put to the Sword, or thrown down headlong into the Ditch.

This Victory weakned very much our Garison, so that Staremberg judg'd it now full time to give the Signs agreed upon betwixt him and the Duke of Lorain, of his being reduced to the last extremity. Which accordingly was done, after this manner: The 11th of September between eleven and twelve at night, with a strong Guard he went round the City, and gave his Orders every where, with a special. Command to the Cannoniers to make all the Noise they could with their Cannon, Trumpets in the mean time Sounding, the Drums and Timbalds beating. But that the Duke of Lorrain might better know what he meant, he caused all Night-Fusees, and divers sorts of Fireworks, to be cast up into the Air, which was the main sign of his utmost distress agreed upon between him and the Duke of Lorrain.

The Enemy was somewhat perplex'd at our extraordinary mirth, but could not well judge what could be the real occasion thereof, save onely that they could not but know that we were expecting every moment the arrival of the Christian Army, consisting of near 80000 Horse and Foot: neither was our expectation in vain; for General Dunwalt had already possessed himself of an important passage in the Forest of Vienna, to facilitate the March of the Christians Army towards the Turkish Camp.

The King of Poland, the Duke of Lorain, and the whole Christian Forces, came within sight of the Turks the 12th of September, about nine a Clock in the Morning. Our Governour instantly commanded all such as were capable of service to be in a readiness. The Grand Vizier seem'd resolved to stand his ground, and send out a great Body of men to observe the Countenance of the Christian Army; whose advanc'd ground was Attack'd, and put to flight by Colonel Heusler.

The Christian Army marching close, advanc'd in good order towards the Turkish Camp: The King of Poland was at the head of his own Army, and upon level ground against the Grand Viziers Quarters, upon which he fell heavily. The Duke of Lorrain, and the other German Gentlemen, omitted that day no part of their Duty; having behaved themselves with all imaginable Conduct and Valour. After a Vigorous but short resistance, the Christians enter'd on all sides the Turkish Camp, where they found the Spahi's and Janizaries drawn up in several Bodies.

The Grand Vizier in this dangerous position of Affairs, took a sudden and Generous resolution, which, if successful, had proved fatal to us first, and then to the Christian Army. He caused two Mines to be sprung under the Ramparts of the City, not far from the Scots Gate, which made a breach large enough for thirtie men to march in a front; though not without incumbrance, because the ground was not much levelled, though overturn'd. Staremberg caused without delay ten great Guns to be set upon the breach, loaden with Musquet - balls, broken Horseshoo's, and such-like things. We wonder'd at first at this attempt of the Turks, in presence of the Christian Army; and whilst they were very uncertain of Victory. But the Grand Vizier's design was, in case he should take the City by Storm, which he doubted not but he could, having the advantage of such a great breach, to draw instantly within the Walls of the City, and under the Cannon thereof, his Baggage, Cannon, Tents, and the whole Train of his Army, that so it should be his Choice to venture or not venture a Battel as he thought fittest.

Our Governour was extreamly concern'd at this unexpected accident; for he was preparing for a general sallie out against those that kept the Trenches, and had lodg'd themselves every where in the Ditch; but was now forc'd to expose his best men against an infinite number of Turks, crowding in at the breach with all imaginable bravery. The ground was disputed on each side for half an hour, with an inconceivable obstinacy, both parties being equally incouraged by certain hopes of the Victory. But at length the Turks were prevail'd upon, and repulsed with a great loss of their best men. They were once more returning to the breach, but the Cannon which had done us still good service, laid their fury, and broke them quite; so that they retreated back again to their Trenches, there to expect new orders from the Grand Vizier, and the event of the general Battel. In the mean time, Staremberg perceiving that the Turks began to yield their ground to the Christians, sallied out, as he had first resolv'd, against those that were left to keep the Trenches, especially over against the wide breach, that had given occasion to this great and last Attack. After a vigorous resistance, he cut in pieces more than Four thousand Janizaries, whilst on the other side, the King of Poland, the Duke of Lorrain, the Duke of Bavaria, the Duke of Saxony, Prince Waldeck, and other German Princes, were putting to flight and to the Sword the Turkish Horse and Infantry; which being taken notice of by our Citizens and Souldiers, they could scarce be holden with in the Gates from pursuing the Enemy.

The whole Christian Army now being near forty eight hours in Action, from the beginning of its March, could not pursue the Enemy, but stood in battel-array all that night, and express Order being issued out from the Generals, That no man under pain of Death should quit his Rank to Plunder, without an express Command from the High Officers, lest the Enemy, as has often happened, should sallie on a sudden, and get an easie Victory over an Army put into disorder by the libertic of Plundering, which was onely granted to the Christian Troops the next day at twelve a clock.

The Booty that private Souldiers and several Officers made, of all things that either men have need of in long Journies, or Armies in great enterprizes, was of an inesteemable Value: The Quintals of Powder, Lead, Oyls, Match, &c. were in a greater number than had ever been seen in any Turkish Army: They left behind them Four hundred pieces Cannon small and great, Bullets and Granado's more than Forty thousand, Thirty thousand Tents or more; with all other Necessaries belonging to a great Army.

The Turkish Enginiers being under ground, knew nothing as yet of the raising of the Siege; and having compleated some new Mines, came to acquaint, as they were wont, the Grand Vizier with what they had done, and receive his Orders, as to the fittest time of springing their Mines: they were at first overjoy'd, thinking the Turks, whom they saw no more, had possessed themselves of the City: but being instantly made sensible of their Mistake, they beg'd on their knees quarter from the Germans, who told them they must first discover their Mines, and carry out the Powder they had put in them, and then they should know their Doom; which done, they were put to the Sword: But before they died, exact inquiry was made concerning the Chief Enginiers of the Turkish Army; they answered that they were the men, and the chief Masters in the Art of Mining among the Turks; which some hearing, they were of opinion they should have their lives, being men of Parts, and capable to render good Service to the Emperour. But 'tis too well known, that the Turks seldom prove sincere Converts to the Christian Religion; and such men would undoubtedly leave us, if they were spared, to the great damage of the Christians, to whom they might prove exceedingly prejudicial on the like occasion. This Opinion prevailing, they were instantly cut off, to the number of Twenty three, whereof Five were Renegado's, and the rest Native Turks. Greater severity hapned to the sick the Enemy had left in the Camp, who were about Three thousand, for the most part afflicted with a Bloody Flux, contracted by their ill Dyet, more especially by eating of Horse-flesh, which being of a very uncommon digestion, caused an ill habit, which immediately turn'd to a White Flux with Gripes, and soon after degenerated into a Dyssenterie, or Bloody Flux. Of these miserable Wretches the Souldiers, without expecting any further order from Staremberg, were resolved to make a Sacrifice to the Flame, and for the purification of the Air (denying them the Honour of Dying by their Swords) which on them all they most cruelly performed; though not without decrying, and for which some of the Ringleaders were punished. Also, by an express order of the chief Officers, the Prisoners were commanded to bury the Dead, to cast them into the River, to fill up the Trenches, and level the works raised by the Turks, &c.

His Imperial Majesty, the King of Poland, and all the Christian Generals entered the City, which they found exceedingly defaced by the Enemies Bombs and Cannon. The Emperour shewed all imaginable Kindness to Staremberg, and spoke of him in most honourable terms, acknowledged that the whole Empire, and all Christendom were infinitely oblig'd to his good Conduct and Valour; that he could expect nothing less in time and place, than an adequate reward. The King of Poland embrac'd him, and kept him close to his breast for a considerable time, with sutable expressions of his esteem, and love for his person. The Duke of Lorain, and the other Princes of the Empire, spoke no less kindly to him, with partiticular Elogiums of his Prudent and Vigorous defence and management.

Thus the second Siege of Vienna by the Turks was raised, to the immortal Glory of that City, and the eternal renown of those that contributed most to its delivery. The King of Poland cannot be praised enough for his Martial Courage: his Name is become now more terrible to the Infidels, than ever was that of Scanderbeg or Huniades. The Empire shall be eternally oblig'd to him, for venturing himself, his Son and his Crown for its relief: this is an Example of a true Christian Generosity, which may be admir'd, perhaps envyed, but a doubt whether ever imitated. We shall have all the reason in the World to think well of Providence, or Divine goodness, were it pleased to spare this great man, that may prove the Scourge and Ruine of the Turkish Empire.

Neither can the Duke of Lorrain's good Conduct be enough commended, whereof he has not onely given good proof in the taking of Philipsburg, in presence of an Army of 40000 men Commanded by the Duke of Luxemburg; but in this juncture of Affairs, wherein he has surpassed even Envy it self: this great man was at first commanded by the Emperour to Attack Newhawsel, and after a good progress made; order'd to withdraw; which infortunate beginning of the Campaigne, could not but prove a great discouragement both to himself and his Army; Yet such was his Address, that at the approach of the Grand Vizier with 150000 fighting men, his Army being but a hand full in comparison of the Turks, he retreated with the loss but of some of his Baggage, and about five or eight hundred Dragoons; saving his Infantry in the Island of Schutz, and bringing off his Cavaldry for securing Vienna, which the Turks thought to have surprized, but were prevented by his fortunate diligence in sending Staremburg and Caplieres with 12000 Foot, and 1500 Dragoons, in the very nick of time that the Tartars arrived on the other side of the City near Leopolstadt; and retiring afterwards to Crembs with a little Body of about 18000 Horse and Foot, waited for the Auxiliary Troops of the Empire, letting pass no occasion of serving the besieged. He had his Spies that went to and fro, into the Turkish Camp, and into the City, with Letters to Staremberg. He beat the Turks in all Rancounters, and being inform'd that Count Teckely was marching with an Army towards Presbarg, upon the account of some secret intelligence he there managed; March'd on a sudden, leaving behind him the Turkish Camp, presented Battel to the Enemie; but not being accepted, he fell upon the Rear so heavily, that he put the whole Army in disorder, and forced the Enemy to abandon his Cannon and Baggage, besides the loss of his Boat-Bridge, which was burned, and more than 800 men slain on the place. He retreated to Crembs again, after having Fortified that Garison with some hundreds of men, and so secured that City to the Emperour. The Turks so much fear'd his good fortune, that they durst not Attack him in his Camp, but onely when he was marching in order to his joyning with the King of Poland; but this cost dear, as I elsewhere related, being shamefully beat.

The Duke of Bavaria, the Duke of Saxony, the Prince Waldeck, and all the other German Princes, shall have their deserved places in the History of our times, with due Elogiums of their good Conduct, Valour, and Zeal for the common good of Christendom. The Bishop of Rome likewise, (for why should not the Devil have his due if he deserve it?) is highly to be commended for his effectual Zeal in this conjuncture towards the promoting of the Christian Interest, by the great and constant supplies of Money sent to the Fmperour, the onely thing he most stood in need of; Germany and Poland surnishing him with men enough. The King of Spain open'd likewise his Treasures, and gave the Emperour considerable summes of Money. As to the French King, let some Male-contents or other say what they please; the service he hath done the Empire (not to judge of intentions) in not Attacking it, as he might have done with great advantage whilest the Germans were ingaged on the other side against the Turks, may bespeak him either generous, or so little careful of his own interest, that he has let slip the best occasion that he shall ever perhaps have hereafter, of possessing himself of Philipsburg, Spire, Mayence, Treve, &c. though perhaps some may think as I do, that such a War in this conjuncture had not been consistent with the Honour of a Most Christian King, how much soever to his advantage.

His Majesty of Great Brittain, though less concerned, wanted neither Zeal nor good will to lend a helping hand to the Germans, against the common Enemy of Christendom: but his Domestick Affairs, or rather Broyls, which we hope are over, by Gods especial Providence over these three Nations, and his Majesties Princely Wisdom and Wise conduct, gave some impediment.

But for the Readers intire satisfaction, let us take another view of the present State of Europe, with some peculiar relations and due regard to the true concerns of the most considerable Christian Princes, in relation to the German Affairs.

Europe, the most Warlike part of the known World, is overpower'd, or at least in some manner awed by two most Potent Princes, the Emperour of the Ottoman Empire on the one side, and the French King on the other. The Grand Signior aims at the conquest of Germany, and the French begin to hope (of late) they shall outdo him, already looking upon the greatest part of Europe as belonging to them, Par un droit de bienseance, As a piece of ground that is not able to defend it self, and they may when they please be Masters thereof. These two Princes have such an influence upon the rest of Europe, that whensoever they are in Movement the other European Princes cannot repose; but must of force resolve to stir, for their own preservation. Yet Germany by this late Victory, is now in such a posture, that in all likelihood the Germans will chase the Turks out of Hungary. A Conquest that will secure the Hereditary Provinces from another Turkish Invasion: although a greater progress may be expected, because of the Union of the Protestant and Catholick Princes, which will render Germany Invincible, and terrible to all it's Neighbours, especially to the French, for whose welfare no German Prince whether Protestant or Romanist hath overmuch Zeal. The Marquess of Brandenburg 'tis true is somewhat ingag'd in the French interest, but nevertheless sticks close to the common Cause of the Empire: And though he sent not his Forces he had in readiness to the relief of Vienna, upon the account of some other private ingagements, yet he sent the King of Poland a considerable number of men, in execution of an ancient Treaty between him and that Crown. We must never the less confess, that Germany is still threatn'd, and hath all reason to be afraid both of the Turks and the French. The Turks, though overcome before Vienna, are not as yet chased out of Hungary; and who knows how soon the present Condition of Affairs may change? On the other side, the Germans may look back upon the French King, as a more terrible Neighbour, in case they fear his Yoke, as some of them perhaps do more than that of the Gand Seignor, how heavy soever. Now since this mightie Prince is possessed of Strasburg, one of the Richest, Greatest, and Strongest Cities in Germany, he has all imaginable incouragement to undertake upon the Liberty of that Nation, having such a considerable advantage for repossessing himself of Philipsburg, that in all likelihood it will be lost to the Empire if he attack it. For what hindred most his progress in Germany in the late Wars, was the wanting a free passage upon the Rhine towards the lower part of Alsatia. But now having the Bridge of Strasburg under the command of an impregnable Fort, he is the absolute Master of that River, upon which he may convey easily towards Philipsburg all necessaries for a besieging Army. The main interest then, and chief concern of the German Princes, I mean as to their Strength in general, consists in their Union together; without which, the greatest Kingdoms of the World are suddenly torn asunder and destroyed. Yet must it be confessed in particular, that those German Princes who are upon the French Frontiers, are somewhat drawn by their own Interest to comply rather with the French than with the Empire, because they are in danger to be ruined or conquered by them, ere the Emperour and Empire can be in a readiness to relieve them. But to this difficulty the answer is at hand, and obvious: for such petty Princes must defend themselves, not by their own puissance, which is not to be compared to that of France, but by their inseparable adherency to the body of the Empire, which will endure many a shock before it fall: They are not to undertake alone a War against such a potent Prince as the French King; For such a rashness cannot but prove their total ruine. But thus provided, if they be attack'd by him, they need not much to fear, the whole body of the German Commonwealth being conconcern'd in their case, as subsisting only by the safety of its Members, and more especially of such as have their Station near the Confines of a great Prince. Gold ('tis confest) which nothing can resist, may slip perhaps the Knot, or at least hinder the good effects of the strongest Confederacy: But then our Supposition would be chang'd, and Division occupy the place of Union, which we say is so necessary for the conservation of Germany, that whatever way it be dissolved, whether by fear, or by fair and large promises, or present advantages, its Enemies will undoubtedly prevail to its utter ruine and destruction.

It's no less now the concern of the Cantons of Switzerland to agree among themselves; for they are, I may say, already under the French Yoke, since the Conquest of the Franch County made by Lewis the Great. Brisac, Friburg in Brisgo, and the Fortress Huningen upon the Rhine a little below Basil, put that City almost in the power of the French.

I shall say little of the Swedes, who begin now to open their eyes, and are convinced, that it is not secure for them to attack Germany, there being now no Faction in the Empire, as formerly in Gustavus his time, to call them in to their helpe. And they are too far separated from the French, to receive from them necessary Supplies, if they were attack'd at the same time by the Germans and Danes, as indeed they were in the late Wars, to their great disadvantage: their only standing is by the House of Austria & the Empire, in this juncture of Affairs, the K. of Denmark being now powerfully assisted by the French; besides, the late Alliance of the Prince of Denmark with the Princess of England, may perhaps give the Swedes occasion to fear lest England should favour the Danes to their prejudice. So as things are now, they must of necessity have recourse to the Empire, and the House of Austria, for their own security.

The Commonwealth of Genoa upon a not unlike account is ingaged in the Spanish Interest: it is threatned by the French, who having now Casal in their power, are in a condition to undertake all in Italy; and Genoa being one of the richest and best Cities of that Kingdom, it may allure some day the French to pay a Visit in a not ordinary pomp to the Genoeses; which they understanding, and fearing it may happen but too soon, have drawn up with the Spaniards their strongest Neighbours, though now (such is the unconstancy of humane Things) become so weak, that they are not able to defend themselves; and for that reason they have recourse to the Hollanders, ingag'd by a principle of self-preservation to lend them a helping hand: But both in all appearance must hereafter depend upon England, if they will avoid their utter Ruine.

On this occasion, for the satisfaction of the Curious, I shall state here these three Questions, to be resolved after a Problematical method, without deciding any thing my self.

The First, Whether England be concern'd in the conservation of the Spanish Low Countries.

The Second, Whether the Conquest of Holland by the French, would be of a dangerous consequence for England, as 'tis commonly believed.

The Third, Whether the Conquest of Holland would prove a real Advantage to the French.

As to the first, it seems that England, as 'tis generally talk'd all Europe over, is extreamly concern'd in the conservation of that part of the Low Countries which belongs as yet to the Crown of Spain; because it is a Maxime of State, observed from all times, and by all wise Princes, to put a stop to the too excessive growing Greatness of their Neighbours. This was exactly practised by Henry the Eighth; who seeing that Charles the Fifth was come to an extraordinary pitch of Grandeur, by the overthrow of the French King in Italy, broke from him, and joyn'd with the French, not upon the account of any particular Kindness he had for that Nation, but with intent onely to even the ballance again, and stop the current of the Emperours victorious Arms, who aspired to no less in those daies, than to to the Dignitie of an Universal Monarch. And it may be presumed at this time, that the French King is no less terrible to Europe, if not more, than Charles the Fifth was then. His vast Treasures, his Arbitrary and Absolute Power, his great Conquests in Italy, Flanders and Germany, the number of his strong Cities, of his experienced Officers, and Veteran Souldiers, besides the advantageous scituation of his Kingdom, in the very Center of Europe; all this, I say, laid together, cannot but make us look upon him as a most mightie Prince, whose growing Grandeur will in all likelihood prove fatal to the Spaniards, and may at length prove destructive to his other Neighbours, if they prevent not in time their own destruction. 'Tis evident then, as it is most generally discoursed, that through a principle of Self-preservation, we are concern'd to hinder, if we can, the Spanish Netherlands from being Conquered by the French, who by this addition to their Empire, will be in an advantageous posture to possess themselves of Holland, a necessary step to their Universal Monarchy. The Germans understood the Consequence of this Conquest, when the French were very near it in the late Wars against Holland, and unanimously joyn'd their Forces in order to save, not so much the Netherlands, as themselves, from being subdued by the French. Whence it appears, that our Concern is the same in this case, and rather the more, because the French King by this Conquest, seems to gain ground upon us, and still draw nearer and nearer to our Coasts, which he may at length be enabled to invade, to the endangering of our Properties and Liberties, and the Honour of this Nation.

This is the Opinion of most men, and the general resolution of the Question above stated; though some others, extreamly sagacious, and of a profound Judgment, considering things under another Bias, will have us to judge otherwise. They grant the Conquest of the Spanish Netherlands will prove a confiderable Addition to the French Empire, and render that Nation more terrible both to the Spaniards and Hollanders; which they say will be of an infinite advantage to England. For both Spain and Holland in this case will be forced, as being press'd by the French, to withdraw from Sea their greatest strength within themselves, and so we shall be the sole Masters of all the Trade of Europe, which cannot but redound to the great benefit of great Britain. The Spaniards in this conjuncture will be oblig'd to make advantageous offers to England, as not being able to stand their own ground, without our help. By which means we might be possest of Ostend, or some other important Spanish Harbour on the other side, the onely thing England wants to render it considerable abroad. To this they add, that though the French were Masters of the Spanish Netherlands, 'tis no sure consequence that they should conquer Holland. For besides that their Country is strongly defended by its natural scituation, the States-General have considerable Forces on foot, Commanded by a Prince of great Courage, and good Conduct. though not hitherto so fortunate as he deserves. Their Frontier Towns are well fortified, and their Treasures great enough to raise great Armies: They have moreover a considerable number of experienced Officers of their own Nation, and many Forreigners, as English, Scots, Germans, and Irish. And as to their power at Sea, 'tis greater yet than that of the French; and undoubtedly with a strong Fleet they would make a great diversion towards the French Coast. We must not then conclude, because of the easie Conquest of Holland in Seventy two, that the French could run them down now at the same rate: They are awakned out of that Lethargy they were in (Galli cantu) by the crowing of the Cock. And being convinced that they are not invincible, they will be more watchful, take stronger Resolutions, and surer Measures, for the conservation of their Fortunes and Liberties. And after all, in case they see themselves in an unavoidable necessity of being subdued by the French, in all likelihood they would do as they did in Queen Elizabeth's time, offer themselves to the King of England, and become his Subjects, by a free giving up of themselves, and their Prerogatives. Which would prove an infinite advantage for England, and render it so terrible to the French, that lest this should happen, they will perhaps never attempt the Conquest of Holland. For the Neighbourhood of the English would prove more prejudicial to them, than either Spain Germany or Italy: For besides that no part of the World produces more resolute Men, and fitter for great Enterprizes; England is also most powerful by Sea, and abounds in Money. Whence such as are of this Opinion conclude, that Great Britain may well gain, but cannot lose, in case the French subdue the Spanish Low Countries.

The second Question was, whether the Conquest of Holland by the French, would prove of a dangerous consequence for England; whereupon I find the sentiments of most men divided, yet the generality say commonly Proximus ardet Vcaligon, that Great Britain will be in danger of being overcome if the French are once Masters of Holland, the Reasons are: First, that in this case they would be Masters of the Seas and Trading, by joyning their Sea-Forces to the Hollanders; as likewise by taking possession of those great and rich Colonies they have both in the East and West Indies. Which in few years would so impoverish England, that it would not be able to raise and entertain Armies great enough for its own defence: And besides, would be of an easie access for the French, being now in possession of the Holland - Harbours. Whence their Fleets would overun all our Seas, yea and put an affront upon us in our Harbours. The French in such a juncture of Affairs, would make the Conquest of England their only business; they would not say they court us for their own ends, as they do now, but make Peace with all the World besides, and apply themselves onely to England, as the last step to that long lookt-for Universal Monarchy; they could not want incouragement for such an Enterprize, being then strong enough to fight us by Sea; and their being worsted, would prove but a small Victory to us, and an inconsiderable loss to them. Now if we chance to be beat back to our Harbours, then the Conquest of some Sea-Town would be but an easie matter; which the Enemy would instantly fortifie, so that it would scarce be in our power to take it again by storm, or a free Surrender, as being continually supplied with Men and Money, and all other Provisions, from the Ports of France and Holland. But whereon such as discourse thus lay greatest stress, is the French Faction, that it would shew it self with more boldness than ever, fomented by the French Gold. This cursed Metal liberally distributed into many hands, would be a Seed of Sedition, & of a secret fermentation, which would end at last in the ruine of the Nation; this Puissant Neighbour being perhaps to have in this case more secret Friends amongst us than open Enemies.

But all this discourse, how well grounded soever, is little regarded by others, who putting things in the worst supposition, that is, of the French's being possessed of Holland, yet maintain the consequence thereof not to be so considerable, as some people do vainly, as they fancy, apprehend it. For they consider the Empire of his Majesty of Great Britain, as another World separated from all its Neighbours by a deep Ditch (I mean the Sea) whereof the King of England is absolute Master: So in such a case, because we would be in danger indeed, to see our Trading lost or lessened by the great number of Ships the French and the Hollanders together could set forth and man, England would set out such strong Navies, as would be able to secure it from both these inconveniencies. Besides all this, they say, that in this notimpossible Supposition, the richest Hollanders and greatest Merchants would either retreat into the East Indies, where they are almost as powerful as in Europe, or distribute themselves into the chief Trading Cities of Christendom, as London especially, Hambourg, and other parts of Germany, because they are perswaded they should not meet under the French Government, with the same incouragements of Trading they have now. So this Conquest may prove a great disappointment for the French, and a considerable advantage to the adjacent Countries, especially England; whither, no doubt, most of the Hollanders would retire, as being the happiest and easiest Government of Europe. As for a French Invasion, those that speak in this case, think it not much to be valued or feared. For the Liberty of the Nation being then at the stake, all undoubtedly would agree against the common Enemies, which would render all their Attempts succesless. They confess the French Gold might dazle many, and do us more mischief than their Sword: But they answer, the Eye of the Government would be watchful over such as might be suspected to be bribed by the Enemy, and favour secretly and traiterously his Designes. And that however the greatest part would; joyning hands against the French, force the rest to their Duty, or at least incapacitate the Traiterous and Seditious to be promoters of the Enemies Interest.

But now let us examine in the last instance, the third Question I proposed above, (viz.) Whether it be the real advantage of France to attempt and make the Conquest of Holland. The genenerality of men would wonder at such a Proposition, and stand to the affirmative, which, they will say, is so clear, that no man of common sence can denie it: For would not the addition of the United Provinces make the French King more Potent, both by Sea and Land? For if Holland were not both a rich and considerable corner of the World, why was the King of Spain so loth to part with it? what made the French King in Seventie two to Invade it, and the Germans to oppose the whole Forces of the Empire, lest it should become a Province of France? Can we then doubt in the least but that the Conquest of Holland would prove of an infinite advantage to the French, and that thereby they would become richer, because of their being then Masters of the Trade, and more terrible to all their Neighbours, especially to England both by Sea and Land?

Notwithstanding all those plausible reasons, several are of a contrary opinion, and perhaps the French also that understand best their own Interest, viz. That the Conquest of Holland would rather prove a disadvantage to the French, than a true advantage. For first, the main reason whereupon most men do ground their Opinion of the great advantages might redound to the French by such a Conquest, is, because they would thereby be Masters of the Trade: but this was elsewhere sufficiently answered; for besides that the English in this conjuncture would oppose by Sea such Forces as could maintain to themselves what they are now in possession of, I mean the freedom of Trading; Holland, as I insinuated above, if once conquered by the French, would instantly be deserted by all such as were possest of great Treasures, as being perswaded they could not long enjoy, under that Government, what they had gain'd by their long Trading and Industry: The French then would have nothing or little left to make their market of, the Cities being now abandoned by the chief Citizens. I say nothing here of the great expences the French must of necessitie be at both by Sea and Land, when they go about making a Conquest of Holland. I desire onely the impartial Reader to make this reflection: That in case the French, which is not as yet near to be done, had subdued Holland, what infinite sums of money would be the cost of maintaining the Holland Dykes, without which, the whole Country would be soon changed into a Sea? But you'll say, it would cost the French no more than it do's now the Hollanders. Whoever speaks thus, understands not the real difference between the French and the Hollanders in this case: The first have little or no Trading at all in the East Indies, so what monies they have need of for necessary expences, must come from France, and not from forreign Countries; which cannot prove but a notable diminution to the French Treasures. But supposing them how you will instated in the possession of Holland, what vast sums must be launched out in defending their Conquests, not from a forreign Enemy alone, but from the Invasion of a raging Sea? Now as to the Hollanders, their case is not the same, they spend indeed vast summs of money, in defending themselves from that furious Element. But you must consider that their East Indian Trade, as well as all Europe over, brings them in infinite Treasures: whereas the French would want all such supplies, as having no considerable establishment in the East Indies, or any other part of the World (as to Trading.) For it may be supposed, that no man will be so foolish as to think that the Conquest of Holland would import the Conquest of whatever the Hollanders are possessed of elsewhere; without which, it would prove more burdensome to the Conquerour than profitable. There is as yet another thing that would prove extremely disadvantageous to the French; if they subdued Holland, they would be lookt upon then by all the Princes of Europe, as aspiring to an Universal Monarchy; so the Germans, Spaniards, and English in this case would joyn their Forces, to the utter destruction of the French, who could not in all likelihood resist so many, and so powerful Enemies, England alone being an equal Match for France, if not divided by Civil Wars and Intestine Broils. The French, 'tis true, resisted in these late Wars, and with advantage the Germans, Spaniards, and Hollanders; but undoubtedly had not the English, Scots, and Irish been on their side against the Germans, they had easily been overcome by the Forces of the Empire. How near was Turenne being beat in the first Battle of the late Wars at Sensim in Germany against the late Duke of Lorrain and Caprara, had not the Earl of Dumborton beaten back with his Infantry the German Horse, and retaken the Cannon lost by the French? What service did not our Troops in the Battle of Strasburg, where they took several pieces of Cannon from the Enemy, and at Colmar against the Marquess of Brandenburg. in the passage of the Rhine after the Death of Turenne, and at the Siege of Freiburg in Brisgo in a most rigorous season? In all which occasions, the Scots and English render'd such notable service to the French, that 'tis credibly believ'd France without their assistance had been laid open on that side to the Enemies.

Out of all this we may conclude, or at least frame a doubt of no small weight, Whether ever he will really undertake the Conquest of Holland: Whereof, as was surmized, they had no real design Anno 1672. but onely to humble the Hollanders; for that, as they alleadged, they took too much upon 'em, to the prejudice of the French Interest; yet seeing they yielded up so easily their strongest holds and Cities, without any considerable resistance, they could not but pursue their good fortune, so long as it smil'd upon'em, and they met no rubs. But they no sooner perceived the English, Spaniards, and Hollanders in an Offensive and Defensive League against them, but they made use of all their Politicks, and utmost Endeavours, to secure a part of their Conquests by a sudden Peace, in the midst of their Victories; which they at length concluded with the Hollanders apart, and afterwards with the rest of their Enemies, to their best advantage, either joyntly or severally. So we may observe, what I have heard confessed by some of the eminent States-men of France, that the French manage no Nation so much as the English, as fearing none so much, and having never been overcome by any other. The main Interest then of the French, if it be lawful for us to dive into such secrets, is to possess themselves of the Low Countries, and leave the Hollanders in a full possession of all their Trading and Priviledges. For by this means they would ingage them in their interest, and perhaps to buy their Freedom and Liberties with a yearly Tribute: and upon this account onely, or at least chiefly, the Conquest of the Spanish Low Countries might prove prejudicial to England; for in this Juncture of Affairs, the Hollanders would perhaps comply rather with the French than with the English, unless, as I said elsewhere, (which I am of opinion they would do) they judged it more their Interest to make a free Gift of themselves to the King of Great Britain; who in that case would protect them both by Sea and by Land as his own Subjects.

I shall now put a period to this Discourse, with some Remarks on the matters of fact; wherein, as I take, I give the liberty of Prophecying. And

1. Whether the Retreat, or rather Flight of the Imperial Army at the advancing of the Turks, and before their laying Siege to Vienna, was to the advantage or disadvantage of that place.

'Tis odd to commence with a Dilemma, and at the same time confess a loss and a gain; But were there not measures in both, I should conclude 'twas an ill Omen to begin a Campain with bad success, not onely in respect to the Influence it has on the early Opinions of the People, which they are too apt to retain, but for the real loss. The real loss in this case was not of more than a thousand, but the frighted amounted to many thousands. When again I consider the gain by this loss, I can scarce allow the bad turn to be so. What countenance this retreating Army gave to Vienna, and what means it furnished them with, for the providing and fitting all necessaries and Warlike Apparatus, for the better carrying on, and maintaining their defence; may best be judged by what was after their coming thither, beginning first with the Escape, or safe Retreat of his Imperial Majesty; the Recieving considerable quantities of Powder and Shot into the place; the fitting of new and old Platforms, and raising Palizadoes; time for the destroying the Houses and Gardens nearest the Town; leasure of burning the Suburbs; and many other things necessary, after the appearance of the Turks, and their Investing Vienna.

Now, had this Army been destroyed, or so much weakened, that the Turks had no further cause to fear them, whilst they ravaged the Country, or intercepted the Passages, between the other Imperial Cities and Vienna; I know not whither it might have tended. Perhaps it might have been the hard fate of the Emperour, the Remnant of a Routed Army, and many others, to have fallen into the hands of their Enemies. At best but the remaining in that place, there to have undergon the brunt of the War, and the want, not only of necessary Provisions, which must have been very extraordinary for such a number of people necessary, and unnecessary. And also in all probability, lost the means of relieving, or securing that place (whatever would have been its insluence on Germany) through the occasion of the Restraint of his Imperial Majesty, and his chief Ministers there, &c.

2. Whether the Turks were successful in their Mining?

The Turks indeed were very forward with their Mines, having sprung Two by the Twenty third of July; yet before they could throw down the Two Faces of the Lebel Bastion, 'twas the Sixth of September: After having made use of more than Twenty two Mines, besides those that were discovered, vented, and frustrated, &c. And therefore considering the multitude they had to improve the Advantages gained by their Mines, the success did not result to expectation.

3. Whether the Garison was successful in Mining?

The Mines the Garison sprung were about half a Score, and those they frustrated of the Enemies, about half that number, the success whereof was not overmuch: Which, whither it •• y be imputed to their want of Skill, or Courage, to prosecute, or prevent; or the general uncertainty of these Subterranean Works, I leave the censure to others, with this too, That there were about Fifty Mines in the whole. The General opinion was, that the Defenders were herein deficient.

4. What was the Execution done by the Great Guns of the Enemy?

Though in the last Siege of Vienna, the Turks not having Great Guns, was reputed a principal cause of Solyman's ill success (which piece of Service 'tis said the Emperour purchased of the then Grand Vizier, a favourer of the Christians he had deserted) it could not now be assigned; such is either the difference of times, or change of method: For now they had not only store of Great, but very extraordinary Ordnance; of whose use at present, they have more reason to be perfect in, than heretofore: Yet herein was not the Service extraordinary; for besides the disabling some few Guns, and the Plying too warmly, on an imperfect Bastion, they made no Breaches considerable: So that had not their Mines been more effectual than their Batteries, they would never have taken the place. An example whereof I would instance in the little effect their Great Guns had on the Ravelin (or Half-Moon) on which independent piece of Fortification, they made their Efforts until September the Third: At which time too, it was not taken; but burned and deserted by the Besieged: Though it must be confessed they annoyed the Garison sometimes with their Stones.

5. What was the Execution done by the Bombs?

This Murdering Engine that does its part every where, had but a small share here on either side; for besides the burning the Great Hall of Buchaim, it did little mifchief else. And though the Turks Bombs have sometimes fallen among the Garisons Mortar-pieces and Ordnance, and gave Fire to them, they have participated of the Execution as well as the Besieged.

6. What was the defect of the Lebel-Bastion?

The greatest stress of the Siege lay upon the Court and Lebel Bastions, the latter of which was very defective, and which is an oversight in all Bastions, viz. the wanting of Room, and being too scanty of convenience for the placing and playing of the Cannon, &c. to advantage. It is usual to judge of the strength of a place, by the number of times it hath been Besieged; and therefore since this weakness is so well known, it may be hoped that that, as well as other such, will be prevented for the future.

7. What were the Accidents of Fire?

Though the Burning of the Suburbs, and the Scotch-Court, at the same time, July the Fourteenth, might be looked on, as the communication of the formers Flame to the latter: yet few were of that opinion, it being generally thought, that that Fire which reduced the Scotch Court, and several other Houses to Ashes, was a thing designed for the Blowing up of the Magazine of Stores and Powder, which very narrowly escaped. But had it happened, how soon would Vienna have been lost? and how much before the time, had the death of a great many been anticipated?

8 What were the casualties of Sickness?

The Bloody-Flux, though it raged more without, yet the slaughter within was more felt; and notwithstanding it may be reckoned among the usual and common calamities attending such enterprizes, it had a more than uncommon Influence on this Garison. For-had it so happened, that it had been an earlier Distemper among them, the Relief that rescued them from this Mortality, and that of the Sword, would have come too late.

9. What influence a Commander hath on his Soldiers?

How much the Issue of an Enterprize depends upon the wellfare of a Chief, is not this days question; neither can it be judged how feelingly the Besieged were concerned for Count Staremberg, whilst as then the Recovery of his Wounds was not doubted, for want of his appearaoce: So uneasy are a people that think themselves not safe, but under the Eye of their Governour.

10. Of the Advantages and Disadvantages of either in General.

Though under such circumstances of disproportion, we ought always to give the Advantage to the Number; yet considering the performances of the Defendants, they have by much surpassed the Assailants. The Besieged have, in some of their Sallies, been very successful; but generally otherwise: Their necessities for the most part forcing them upon this. And what is their Disadvantage, that after they are got out as far as they can, they must return to the same place they came out at; and may be intercepted: Yet of this sort we may reckon about a score. The Skirmishes, Attacks, Assaults, and other Engagements, are scarce to be numbred, and each have had their share of success; but whenever the Adventure hath been indifferent, the goodness of the one, hath equalled the number of the other: And there is some ground to believe, that whenever the Garison should have been lost, it must have preceeded from the effects of the Enemies Mines, and not from their Force.

The taking of the Enemies Waggons of necessaries; the Disappointment of Teckely at Presbourg; the Want of Bullets in the Camp, which made them discontinue their Batteries for some whole days, and at times something sparingly, making use of Pummels of Swords, all sorts of Iron and Stones; the Imperial Armies streightning their Convoys, by hovering about; the cutting off a Party of Tartars in the Woods of Vienna, the taking of a Pass in the Wood of Vienna sometime before the Relief; and many other things of the like nature, may be reckoned among the Disadvantages or Misfortunes of the Turks in this Enterprize, and conducive to their Miscarriage; and may be accounted among the Providences of the Almighty, for the good of Vienna and the German Empire: Yet whenever they suffer themselves in such a state to be surprized for the future, they are accountable to their own follies for neglecting the Means; for they are not always to expect God should work by Miracles.

And thus I have finished this Relation of Vienna: But cannot leave the Affair in hand, all things therein being so remarkable: viz.

A further Account of the Progress of the Imperial Army, after the Relief of Vienna.

HAving need of a quick Pen, to follow the Victorious Steps of the Imperial Army, after their happy success of Relieving Vienna; and beating the whole Ottoman forces: By the 7th. of October we shall find the resolute King of Poland, with only his own Forces, engaging the Turks near Barkan: But this being the last stake of the Ottoman Game in these Parts, we are not to wonder, if he find herein, hotter work than he expected; and where at once is to be played off, the Fortune of the Kingdom of Hungary. The Grand Vizier, to give a stop to the Advance of the Imperial Troops, Mustered up, out of all the Fragments of his scattered Army, the choicest of his Troops and Veteran Soldiers; and forming them into a Body, under the command of several of the Bassa's of the best account, resolved by another Essay, either to retrieve his lost Honour, or stem the Current of his adverse Fortune. The Engagement proved very severe to the King of Poland's Forces, who having not been used to Retreat, found it very hard to stand the shock of this unequal Force; and what had been the Issue, had not the arrival of some of the Imperial Dragoons (that immediately upon notice of his Adventure, were dispatch'd for his Reinforcement) changed the face of affairs, 'tis hard to Judge. The Turks having given so fair a push for a Victory, tho' they could not attain thereto, might well think, after the arrival of fresh Forces, their Attempts would be more hazardous; and that as the first, or least loss is always best, the retiring in time, before their Body was dissordered, or weakned, 'twould seem to make it at their Election, to quit the Ground they could not maintain: By this means, the King of Poland acquitted himself with great Honour, though not without great danger: and Prince Alexander, the Son of such a Father, would not have been behind him, had not the killing of his Horse under him, stopt his Career. On the 18th. of October, the rest of the Imperial Army came up, and joyned with the King of Poland's Forces. On the 9th. the King of Poland, the Duke of Lorrain, and Count Staremberg came to a Battel with the Turks, who were in a Body Thirteen or Fourteen thousand strong, and seemed not unwilling to embrace the Oppertunity. For the Turks encouraged with the late advantage on the Poles, the 7th. past, no sooner saw the Christian Army Advance in order of Battle, the Imperialists having this Van-Guard; but with Fury and Noise, they first attacked the Imperialists, and afterwards the Poles; by both which they were so warmly received, and followed, that after a dispute of some hours, the Honour of the day fell to the Christians; and of this whole Body of Turks, not above Four thousand escaped: the rest being either killed or drowned, by the breaking of the Bridge of Boats that led to Gran; or taken Prisoners. So that Barkan, after the defeat of this Army, that was appointed for their Defence, and of the Bridge, made little resistance; for immediately upon the taking of the Counterscarp by Storm, and putting the Defendants to the Sword, the Garison yeilded on Discretion; wherein there was Five hundred Janizaries, to whom they gave Quarter. The Plunder of this place, and the Turkish Camp, was very great; the stores of Ammunition and Provisions very considerable; about Twenty pieces of Cannon, &c. taken: And in fine, the loss of the Turks, by this defeat, is so great a Blow to them, that it is generally believed, they will not be able for the future, to make any reasonable Opposition to the Christian Forces. The Duke of Lorrain, after having repaired Barkan, and put a good Garrison into it, advanced towards Gran, by a Bridge of Boats (brought from Comorra) over the Danube, about half a mile above Gran, taking the Advantage of a small Island in the River, wherein he raised a small Fort, for the security of the Bridge.

This City of Gran (or Strigonium) lies on the South-side of the Danube, not far from the place of the uniting of the River Gran with the Danube. Its divided into the Upper and Lower, and both Walled, the lower Wall commands the Danube, and St. Thomas's Hill commands the Town, which is likewise Walled. In this place was the first Christian King St. Stephen born; and King Stephen the third here Buried. It hath been famous for the many Sieges it hath sustained; but infamous for the last base and ignoble delivery of it into the hands of the Turks. It hath been the Metropolitan City of Hungary; but at present not of that regard, the principal fortifications being much damnified and neglected, and their best Cannon, and the greatest part of their Ammunition sent away to the Siege of Vienna.

The Imperialists having passed the Danube on the Twentieth of October, laid Siege to Gran; they began with the Fort on St. Thomas's Hill, having therein a Garison of about Four hundred Janizaries, which they took, saving the greatest part of the Buildings the Turks had set on Fire. On this Hill the Duke of Lorain raised a Battery against the Town, which soon made the Turks abondon the Town, and retire into the Cittadel; but that also being quickly too hot for them, on the 27th the Turks desired to Capitulate, which being assented unto, and the Articles agreed, the Soldiers Marched out to the Number of Two thousand Janizaries, and the Inhabitants Four thousand, making their way to Buday under an Imperial Convoy. Thus, after Seventy eight years being in the hands of the Turks, this important place came into the possession of the Christians; together with Eighteen Pieces of Cannon, Four hundred thousand pound of Powder, and considerable stores of Provisions, &c.

Having added Gran to the other Conquests, let us have an Eye on what is done elsewhere; in one place we shall find the Christian Forces Marching towards New-hausel, either to take it, or Block it up: And though its said to be a Garison of Twelve thousand Janizaries, they have already made Addresses to the Duke of Lorain, and offered to deliver it up on Conditions. This great Garison being Blocked up by the taking of Gran, for want of Provisions, will not be able to hold out the Winter, and therefore must not think to stand upon Terms.

The Croats, Troops of Stiria, and the Hungarians, are intent on the Blocking up Canisia.

The King of Poland, reinforced with the Troops of Lithuania, is Marching towards Agria, to possess himself of that, and some other places in the upper Hungary, for the security of his Winter Quarters.

The Grand Viziers Army Disbands it self, and he is retired from Stoel-Weistenburg (or Alba Regalis) towards Belgrade, leaving Buda under the Charge of two Bassa's.

And if, as it is believed, Buda and Pest will be Attacked, before the Christians take up their Winter Quarters; In this Consternation of the Turks; I see not what should hinder the Recovery of all Hungary.

FINIS.