EVEN the moſt ignorant perceive this to be a criſis of the utmoſt importance to Great-Britain, and to North America: but it doth not appear that the moſt ſage have yet formed a plan of proceedings that is likely to give content to both parties. With deference to the ſentiments of others, and with a ſincere deſire of rendering a ſervice to my country, permit me to offer a few thoughts on the ſubject, and to throw ſome hints in your way, which I do not perceive to have been as yet ſtarted by any political writer. It is moſt deeply to be lamented, that paſſion and prejudice, pride and ſelf-intereſt, have evidently too much influence over the minds of moſt men, to ſuffer them to decide impartially and equitably in ſuch delicate conjunctures as the preſent. We want now to diſcover, and to eſtabliſh a principle of laſting union between our colonies and the mother country; while the meaſures of adminiſtration, the deliberations in parliament, the ſentiments of political writers, and the language of the people at large, all tend to prove, that the moſt probable event will be mutual jealouſy, animoſity, and ſtrife.

It is the misfortune of this country, ſurely without neceſſity, that ſchemes of reformation, and plans of a great and comprehenſive nature, for the general benefit of the people, are rarely or never formed before hand in the peaceful cloſet of a provident miniſter; and, it is as unuſual for them to attain their completion by diſpaſſionate contemplation, and the calm determinations of wiſdom. On the contrary, we ſuffer every trivial error and irregularity to ripen into miſchief before we think of reformation; when we undertake it at laſt with minds heated to fermentation, and we perform it with raſhneſs and violence. Let not, however, on this great occaſion, any thing ſo intemperate and faulty mark your deliberations, nor leave a ſtain upon your meaſures. Reflect, that the fate of empires is now in ſuſpence, and that the balance is in your hands. No patriots of any age or country ever had a nobler opportunity of immortalizing their ſame; nor, what is infinitely more to be deſired, of obtaining the inward reward of ſelf-approbation for having given happineſs to millions. Remember your duty to mankind; remember your duty to God. Let not the breath of anger or reſentment ſully your councils; let not jealouſy or ambition poiſon your breaſts, nor hang upon your tongues. Be calm, contemplative, candid, prudent, wiſe; let juſtice and benevolence rule your hearts; in one word, be Chriſtians! embracing with love and charity your American brethren; and conſulting their happineſs equally with your own.

The two grand queſtions now to be decided are; 1. Whether or not the Britiſh parliament or legiſlature, hath the right of ſovereignty over North America? And, 2. Whether or not a Britiſh parliament hath a right to tax the North Americans (1)?

Although the latter queſtion be properly involved in the former (2), ſince taxation is a part of legiſlation, yet being extremely ſimple and well underſtood, I ſhall conſider it firſt, in order to get rid of it; ſo as it may not embarraſs our diſcuſſion of the other, which it will be neceſſary for us to treat with all poſſible perſpicuity. As for thoſe who, with great warmth, maintain the right of parliament to tax the North Americans, ſurely they are rather to be pitied than argued with! Muſt they not be totally ignorant of the principles of that ineſtimable conſtitution, under which they have the happineſs to live? How then ſhall we expect them to be acquainted with the principles of the law of nature, from whence they flow? When I meet a man inclined towards this opinion, I do not contradict him; and I beſeech him to avoid diſputation above all things. I beg of him alſo to diveſt himſelf totally of every previous inclination for ſeeing the point in this or in that light; to conſult immediately the great Mr. Locke, and other authors of note, and after a careful examination of the arguments for and againſt the queſtion, to decide upon it himſelf impartially and honeſtly. I remind him likewiſe, that it is his intereſt, as well as for the advantage of his country, that he ſhould diſcover the truth: but a matter of total indifferency on which ſide it lies. If this fail to ſet him right, I do not diſpute with him myſelf, nor do I aſſume the countenance or manner of an opponent; but I intimate to him, that, were he of my opinion, it would afford him great ſatisfaction of mind; ſince it gives me a conſiſtency of ſentiment, by which I ſee every right of legiſlation perfectly conſonant with the freedom and the happineſs of mankind; and I then ſimply ſtate my reaſons for holding it. I have ever found this appeal to a man's own heart and underſtanding, the moſt ſucceſsful way of enlightening the one, and improving the other. Very few indeed of thoſe with whom I have thus reaſoned, on the preſent ſubject of American taxation, have gone away unſatisfied, or found a neceſſity of reading, in order to be convinced: but ignorance and obſtinacy, heated by former debate, have ſometimes rendered my endeavours ineffectual; and ſuch as were notorious for a vicious ambition, or ſervility to the ruling powers, have generally remained immoveable, though without producing one juſt or wiſe argument in ſupport of their ſentiments, or rather their aſſertions. Such men are not aware how much they lay open to the light that part of their characters they always mean to hide; and that there is as much diſhoneſty in that diſpoſition which denies an evident truth, as in that which gives a falſe evidence, or takes a purſe. It would have required no learning, but only common ſenſe and common honeſty, to have known that a man hath no property, in that which another 'can by right take from him without his conſent,' had not the world been peſtered with writers of corrupt hearts, who, for wicked ends, have brought this clear propoſition into diſpute, and involved it in a caſuiſtical jargon, which perſons of plain ſenſe, and too buſy or too indolent for reflection, are apt to miſtake for learning and ſuperior ſkill; and to compliment it, firſt with doubting, and then denying upon truſt, what they once underſtood and believed. But I truſt, that characters ſo weak as theſe, ſo profligate as thoſe, will have no influence with the Britiſh legiſlature; that its deliberations will be carried on with too much wiſdom and too much dignity to give a hearing to the drivelings of ſhallow and impudent praters; or to ſuffer the unſeemly violence of ſurious and tyrannical ſpirits, to diſcompoſe that ſerenity and diveſtment from paſſion, which ought ever to be obſerved in the preſence of his Majeſty, and in the awful councils of the nation. Here I muſt expreſs my concern, that it ſhould ſeem to be thought by very ſenſible men, that it is neceſſary to appeal to ancient times, in order to aſcertain the right of a free ſubject not to be taxed without his conſent, either in perſon or by repreſentation. With as much reaſon might we go about to prove, that no ancient King had a right to take from every ſubject at his good pleaſure, an eye or an ear. It is ſufficient that we know any maxim in our law, to be at the ſame time a maxim of the law of nature, or demonſtrably deducible from its fundamental principles. What is it to the purpoſe, whether ſuch a maxim was received and acquieſced in only yeſterday, or a thouſand years ago? Truth is not the leſs truth, though mankind were in ignorance of it until lately. No mathematician, in demonſtrating an aſtronomical problem, thinks it neceſſary to prove the properties of a triangle, a circle, or an ellipſis; why then ſhould the politician waſte his time and embarraſs his argument, with proving principles and axioms univerſally aſſented to by all juſt reaſoners? not but that a maxim carries more weight and authority with it, as this of the neceſſary connection between taxation and repreſentation, when we find it has been the uniform ſentiment of all ages; and references to antient times, and to various hiſtories, ſerve very properly to illuſtrate political arguments; ſometimes facilitating their reception among the timid and ſuſpicious, who are apt to ſhrink at bold and honeſt truths, to which they have not been familiarized.

TO every man of candour, I apprehend it muſt be evident, that 'Parliament hath not the rights of ſovereignty over his Majeſty's American ſubjects.' Every ſpecies, indeed of declamation and ſophiſtry, have been made uſe of in order to ſhew that it hath, becauſe it gratifies the pride of Engliſhmen in general, to think that, that legiſlature, in which they feel themſelves to have a ſhare, ſhould govern half the world: but there are not wanting an honeſt few who think more juſtly and more generouſly. Amongſt this number, a writer who ſubſcribes himſelf A. B. in the Public Advertiſer of the 2 • d, deſerves the thanks of every friend to freedom. Except in his idea of the country of America, having been by the prerogative the property of the crown, which, in the ſenſe of the paſſage, ſignifies the King excluſively, I entirely agree with him in ſentiment. He hath clearly and elegantly refuted the notion of parliamentary ſovereignty; he has, with a generous warmth becoming an Engliſhman, appealed to the manly ſenſe and to the virtue of his countrymen (1). It would be an endleſs, as well as an uſeleſs work, to follow the many daily writers along all the mazes they wander through, in order to aſſert the ſovereignty of parliament, and to juſtify adminiſtration in the harſh meaſures they are now carrying into execution. Notwithſtanding their laboured and fine-ſpun performances, there is in reality no difficulty in the caſe. We have no need of profound learning, nor an intimate acquaintance with antiquity, nor even of the hiſtory of the reſpective provinces and their different origins; neither do we want copies of grants, charters, or acts of parliament, in order to judge of the queſtion before us. If we comprehend but the moſt well known principles of the Engliſh conſtitution; if we comprehend but a few of the plain maxims of the law of nature, and the cleareſt doctrines of Chriſtianity, all which are ſo ſimple and plain, as to be underſtood by hundreds, nay thouſands, of plain men who know not that they are poſſeſſed of ſo uſeful a treaſure, we have knowledge enough on this occaſion. The only requiſite wanting beyond this, is a heart ſtrictly devoted to truth and virtue, without which we ſhall never underſtand any doctrine that does not ſoothe our paſſions.

The goſpel of civil as well as religious ſalvation is hid from the wiſe and prudent, and revealed unto babes; that is, unto thoſe who are not puffed up with vanity and falſe learning, nor blinded by pride, ambition, and ſelf-intereſt, but whoſe minds are in a ſtate of humility and innocence. But we have our political Popes, who would fain have us diſtruſt our common ſenſe and our feelings, and believe implicitly in their infallibility; nor do I doubt, but they would prove as faithful guardians of civil, as the Roman Pope is of religious, liberty, was it once put into their hands.

It is a capital error in the reaſonings of ſeveral writers on this ſubject, that they conſider the liberty of mankind in the ſame light as an eſtate or chattel, and go about to prove or diſprove their right to it by the letter of grants and charters, by cuſtom and uſage, and by municipal ſtatutes. Hence too we are told, that theſe men have a right to more, thoſe to leſs, and ſome to none at all. But a title to the liberty of mankind is not eſtabliſhed on ſuch rotten foundations: 'tis not among mouldy parchments, nor in the cobwebs of a caſuiſt's brain we are to look for it; it is the immediate, the univerſal gift of God, and the ſeal of it is that free-will which he hath made the nobleſt conſtituent of man's nature. It is not derived from any one, but original in every one; it is inherent and unalienable. The moſt antient inheritance cannot ſtrengthen this right; the want of inheritance cannot impair it. The child of a ſlave is as free-born, according to the law of nature, as he who could trace a free anceſtry up to the creation. Slavery in all its forms, in all its degrees, is an outrageous violation of the rights of mankind; an odious degradation of human nature. It is utterly impoſſible that any human being can be without a title to liberty, except he himſelf hath forfeited it by crimes which make him dangerous to ſociety.

Let us then 〈◊〉 no more of a right in our preſent-conſtituted parliament to govern the Americans, as being derived from any former exerciſe of this ſovereignty, from the original dependence and protection of the emigrants and infant colonies, or from the tenour of grants and charters! The reſpective governments in America are no longer dependent colonies; they are independent nations.—Not that I allow they ever were otherways than free (although dependent) in the moſt abſolute ſenſe: All their original conſtitutions either were, or ought to have been on the true principles of freedom. They are not to be deprived of it as a man would loſe an eſtate, by a flaw in their title; for I have already proved, that their title can have no flaw. Thoſe who are ſo fond of placing them metaphorically in the relation of children to a parent ſtate, and thence are childiſh enough to argue for a blind filial obedience, ſhould recollect, that the power of a parent, even during childhood, doth not extend to any act of tyranny or injuſtice; and totally ceaſes when the child arrives at years of maturity. Then, as to the property of a child, a parent cannot take it from him even with his conſent; and as ſoon as his independency puts it in his power to give it to his parent, he hath alſo the power of with-holding it if he think proper. In ſhort, during infancy, he muſt be protected agreable to the laws of equity; when arrived at manhood, he is free, and becomes his own protector. But analogy not being the ſafe road of reaſon, we reſign it again, after this ſhort excurſion, to thoſe who careleſsly range the fields of politics for amuſement; but are not ſolicitous, as we are, of reaching the abodes of truth and freedom.

The Americans, in common with the whole race of man, have indiſputably an inherent right to liberty; and to be governed by ſuch laws as ſhall beſt provide for the continuance of that liberty, and for ſecuring their property. Theſe are the hinges on which turn the welfare and happineſs of ſociety; theſe are the true, the only ends of civil government. But how are they to be obtained under the ſovereignty of a Britiſh Parliament? Are not the legiſlators of every free ſtate to be bound themſelves by the laws they make? And, muſt they not tax their own purſes, together with thoſe of their conſtituents? Is there any ſafety for the people without theſe ties upon their legiſlators? Will a member of the Britiſh parliament be bound by any law enacted for, and confined to, America? Muſt the purſes of the Americans be at his mercy, while his own ſhall be exempt from every taxation he may vote? What Engliſh ſchool-boy, ſo ignorant of the conſtitution, as to admit theſe abſurdities! He muſt firſt go out into the world, and, by the help of a little political ſophiſtry, unlearn his common-ſenſe, and even his A B C.

The ſecure enjoyment of liberty and property, in which conſiſt the welfare and happineſs of a people, being the true ends of all civil government; this is the foundation alone on which we muſt argue concerning who have a right to govern. The anſwer is obvious and ſhort. The rights of ſovereignty reſide in the people themſelves; that is, they have a right to chuſe their own governors. Minds that do not feel the force of ſelf-evidences may deny the truth of this ſimple propoſition: but they may be aſſured, that if they ſet themſelves about controverting it, they will only bewilder themſelves in their own ſubtleties without telling us any thing that will benefit mankind. Don't we all acknowledge, that the Americans are a free people? But how are they free, if they cannot chooſe their own governors; if their laws be not enacted by their own repreſentatives? In what doth our freedom conſiſt if not in theſe very rights as the eſſence of it? In theſe rights which we have ſo often aſſerted, for which we have ſo often bled! That people cannot be free who are not governed by their own conſent. Thoſe who are governed by their own conſent, chooſe their own governors. This is indiſpenſably requiſite towards the welfare and happineſs of every people; it is an unalterable law of nature; that is, it is the law of God.

AT the ſame Time that I hold that "Parliament hath not the Rights of Sovereignty over his Majeſty's American Subjects," and that "theſe rights reſide in themſelves," I do not mean to promote an ungrateful forſaking of the mother country by her children, to ſever and eſtrange the ſons from the fathers; but where filial duty and obedience ceaſes, to ſubſtitute in its ſtead a brotherly affection, a manly and independent friendſhip, which naturally takes place where the parent hath truly loved and exerciſed his authority for the ſole end of promoting the welfare of the child, without a view to ſelf intereſt, or the gratification of pride, ambition, or other vicious paſſion. I would conſider the American governments, like that of Ireland, as ſiſter kingdoms; and I would cement a laſting union with them as between the ſeparate branches of one great family. (1) We know that it is impoſſible to effect ſuch a family union, if the arrogance of the elder branch expect to govern the others, or even demand their homage; and how much more ſo, if it demand the uſe of their purſes at its own diſcretion, as a return for former aſſiſtance, or under pretence of maintaining the honor and intereſt of the whole combined family. But while every one is left independent, and no other influence is made uſe of but that of ſincere brotherly affection, a reciprocation of good offices, and a fair repreſentation of the general advantage of the whole, there is little doubt but that all will be ready to contribute their reſpective ſhares, and that due reſpect and deference will ever be paid to the elder houſe. Family pride, no leſs than thoſe advantages which reſult from unions of ſuch a nature, will produce this effect, except we be aſhamed of our family. I hope a ſelfiſh and tyrannical ſpirit in the Engliſh, will not make the Americans aſhamed of their deſcent: but illuſtration is miſleading us again into the tempting, but unſure, path of analogy. Let us quit it once more before we loſe fight of the direct road.

Every one of thoſe writers, who endeavour to ſupport the pretenſions of parliament to the ſovereignty of America by any ſhew of abſtract reaſoning, have, ſo far as they have fallen under my obſervation, either ſat out upon defective premiſes, or from good ones, have drawn ſalſe concluſions; as needs muſt be in this caſe, until truth become a changeling. Plain 〈◊〉 and an ingenuous mind, are ſufficient to guard any one againſt their ſophiſtry: but we have need of a little more penetration, and to be ſomewhat converſant in affairs, when we would diſpute with a different ſort, who plunge headlong into the depths of politics, and hurry us unprepared into all the intricacies of commerce; placing at once before our eyes, in an indirect point of view, that multiplicity of wheels within wheels, pulleys upon pulleys, and ſprings upon ſprings, which belong to the complicated machines of government and trade, inſtead of directing our attention to the firſt principles of motion, and the few maſter ſprings on whoſe movements all the reſt depend in a regular order and ſubordination. By theſe means they endeavour to confound, when they cannot convince us. But theſe are diſhoneſt arts, the common tricks of deſigning men in every ſphere. They are too ſtale and hackneyed, however, to impoſe upon men of ſound and cultivated underſtandings. Theſe know, that government and trade, as well as every ſcience whatever, are eſtabliſhed on a very ſmall number of ſundamental principles of the utmoſt ſimplicity, ſince they muſt be ſelf-evident, or they are no principles at all; and they know alſo, that thoſe who mean honeſtly, do always ultimately refer every maxim, by clear inferences, to ſome one or other of theſe ſimple, ſelf-evident principles. All the ſubtleties and refinements, all the arguments that the wit of men can invent, will never be ſufficient to juſtify and ſpecies of arbitrary dominion, while we retain a knowledge of this ſhort and ſimple propoſition—"the good of ſociety is the end of civil government." nor will they ever juſtify a diſcretionary taxation by a prince or government, the people being unrepreſented, ſo long as we know, that "a man hath no property in that which another can by right take from him without his conſent."

One of the moſt ſpecious arguments made uſe of in ſupport of a ſovereign power in parliament over the Americans, is that drawn from a ſuppoſed neceſſity of equipping a powerful armament at a ſhort notice, for the protection of the whole empire, as theſe gentlemen will have it: hereupon we are aſked, if his Majeſty is to have impoſed upon him the arduous taſk of firſt obtaining a majority in two Houſes of Commons in Europe, and about thirty provincial aſſemblies in America, before he can raiſe the neceſſary ſupplies? and the interrogators ſeem to plume themſelves much upon the impoſſibility of carrying on the executive part of government under ſuch reſtraints. Let me in return aſk how we draw ſupplies from Ireland? Are they voted in the Britiſh Houſe of Commons? Then, in the firſt place, I anſwer that if an empire be too large, and its parts too widely ſeparated by immenſe oceans, or other impediments, to admit of being governed on the principles eſſentially belonging to all free governments, it is an overgrown empire, and ought to be divided before it fall to pieces. The welfare and happineſs of mankind ſupercede every other poſſible claim or pretenſion to govern. When we find ourſelves ſubject to a diſtant power, which cannot poſſibly govern us on any other principles than thoſe of tyranny, we have an inherent right, by the law of nature, and it is an indiſpenſible duty to ourſelves and to our poſterity, to ſhake off ſuch an unjuſt yoke, and to erect a free government amongſt ourſelves. Thoſe degenerate Engliſhmen, who are now ſeeking to enſlave the Americans, would ill brook the government of the Emperor of Germany, if by any means he ſhould lawfully inherit the crown of theſe kingdoms, and make Vienna the ſeat of government. Would they ſuffer themſelves to be taxed by German miniſters or German diets? Would they not ſay to their ſovereign, either come and reſide amongſt us, or delegate to your Vice-roy all the prerogatives of the crown, and leave us, in conjunction with him alone, to tax and to govern ourſelves according to our own juſt laws, and the rights of a free people? Can any language be plainer? Can any doctrine be more intelligible or more equitable? But, in anſwer to the above interrogatory, I have another anſwer as intelligible as this.

Eſtabliſh the mode of governing which theſe perſons contend for, and there will ſtill be the ſame inevitable delay, with regard to the American ſupplies, as they would have us believe is peculiar to the mode which the people there claim a right to exerciſe. For though a Britiſh Parliament might vote them with their uſual alacrity, yet we muſt ſend to America to collect them. And if our armament cannot go on without firſt ſending ſo far for this collection, its operations might as well be ſuſpended a few days or a few weeks longer, in order to obtain it on Britiſh, rather than on Pruſſian, principles. But the truth is, we ſhould not defer the equipment of any neceſſary armament one moment on this account (2). Do we at preſent wait for the aſſembling of Parliament, and a vote of ſupplies, before we arm in any juſt cauſe in which the ſafety, the intereſt or honour of the ſtate is concerned? Doth not the executive branch of government, by virtue of its own powers and in diſcharge of its duty, put the ſtate in a poſture of defence upon every alarm without loſs of time, and then apply to parliament for its approbation and ſupport? Is it ever with-held in a juſt cauſe? hath the government no reſources, no ways and means of its own, for diſcharging or contracting for the future diſcharge of, theſe prompt expences of the ſtate? If the uncertainty of meeting with like ſupport from America, as they find in Great-Britain, ſhould be a clog upon our miniſters in their warlike projects, might it not be fortunate for the people of both countries? Would it not make them extremely cautious and prudent how they involved us in continental politics and in German wars? No ingenuous man will, however, entertain a ſerious doubt of the readineſs of the Americans to contribute their ſhare to every neceſſary expence of government, ſo long as they ſhall find themſelves in poſſeſſion of their freedom (3).

They muſt contribute their ſhare; that is to ſay, they muſt preſerve their own exiſtence as a people, and defend their own property, under any form of government whatever. When men tell us, that an enlightened and free people are refractory; that they will not contribute their proportion of taxes; that at the hazard of their lives by the ſword or the halter, they oppoſe and ſeek to ſubvert the government, and this for a ſucceſſion of years; they tell us, with a moral certainly, though perhaps without meaning it, that they feel ſome real oppreſſions, ſome real invaſions made on their rights or liberties; for no other cauſes ever did, or ever will, produce a general and permanent oppoſition in the whole body of a people towards their governors. When we remark likewiſe, that, in the preſent conteſt, there is no religious zeal of perſecution; no national antipathy or rancour, but quite the reverſe; no introduction of a new code of laws by a foreign conqueror; no imaginary pretender to weaken the allegiance of the people towards their ſovereign; nor indeed any one cauſe of diſſatisfaction, but the avowed one; and that, on the part of the people, clearly juſtified on the obvious principles of the Engliſh conſtitution, can we heſitate a moment to pronounce what ought to be done? We ought to allow the Americans to tax themſelves as an inſeparable adjunct to freedom.

IT is demanded, with an air of confidence and imaginary triumph, Were not the firſt ſettlers in America Britiſh ſubjects? Did they not ſettle under the ſanction of grants and charters? Hath not the kingdom, at all times, put itſelf to great expences in their ſupport, and favoured them with many peculiar advantages in trade? Was not the laſt moſt expenſive war undertaken ſolely on their account? Can any one be ſo abſurd, as to imagine the kingdom intended to nurſe and erect ſo many independent nations inſtead of enlarging her own dominion? Ought not the Americans to repay us part of the expences of the war in particular, in order to enable us to diſcharge ſome part of that enormous debt it occaſioned? and contribute their proportion towards the general expences of the whole empire? To moſt of theſe queſtions, my arguments have already anſwered. Now, let me aſk, in my turn,—Have any of the nations of the earth, eſpecially the free one • , become what they are, in conſequence of the intentions, and by a regular plan for that purpoſe, of the governments of thoſe countries from which they are reſpectively deſcended? When we ſpeak of the Greeks as an Egyptian colony, or of the Carthaginians as a colony of Phoenicians, do we the leſs conſider them as free nations? or imagine that the mother countries had a right to govern or to tax them, becauſe the firſt ſettlers had once ſtood in the relation of ſubjects to thoſe ſtates? Let the intention of government, in planting a colony, be what it may, 'tis impoſſible it ſhould take away an inherent unalienable right; ſuch, for inſtance, as freedom. But what Britain principally intended, ſhe hath certainly obtained— • n extenſion of commerce. Again, let me aſk, hath not Providence uſually carried on its gracious deſigns of making great nations, and peopling new regions, contrary to the councils of the wiſe ones of this world? While we are plotting and contriving, toiling and ſweating, treating and waging war, in order to gratify our own ſelf-intereſt and pride, by extending our commerce, and enlarging our empire beyond all bounds, Providence takes care to fruſtrate our fooliſh and wicked projects, and often brings about the reverſe of what we think to inſure by the depth of our policy, and the ſtrength of our arm. Let us take care that we do not provoke it to make us a ſcorn and a reproach to America, inſtead of its arrogant ruler. By adhering ſtrictly to the principles of juſtice, and the rights of mankind, we may firmly unite and cement together our own intereſts with thoſe of our ſiſter nations in America, and remain ourſelves to the end of time, a powerful and independent ſtate: but let us dread, by a violation of theſe ſacred duties, to pull down upon our devoted heads the mighty ruins of an over-grown empire. Let it be the peculiar glory of this free, this enlightened. this chriſtian kingdom, to extend the influence of her religion and laws, not the limits of her empire! Nor let her entertain one anxious thought concerning the hackneyed notion of the progreſs of empire weſtward. Who are theſe preſumptuous unfolders of the decrees of fate, theſe revealers of the hidden councils of God, that doom Great-Britain to a ſpeedy fall, when empire ſhall have fixed it's ſeat in America? Are the diſpenſations of Divine Providence ſo uniform and regular, as to become the object of ſcience and proud philoſophy?—to be foretold by man, or calculated like the movement and appearance of a comet? Our philoſophical prophets pretend to judge from ſimilar cauſes producing ſimilar effects: but they ought to know, that in all eſſentials, there is yet very little or no ſimilitude between the ſtate of Great-Britain and any antient empire whatever: and I am not without faith, that there will always be wiſdom and virtue enough in this happy iſland, to prevent its ever coming within that predicament. It behoves her, however, for inſtruction, to have a conſtant retroſpect to them and their fate. Let her maturely reflect on the infatiable avarice and ambition, the enormous, the gigantic wickedneſs of bloody Rome. Let her conſider alſo the Grecian, the Perſian, and Aſſyrian empires, and carefully mark the grand cauſes of their overthrow. They were all erected on the rotten foundations of Idolatry and tyranny, (the very ſeed-plots of hell) they all fell the victims of their own mad ambition, and a luſt of rule, that nothing could ſatiate leſs than the dominion of the whole earth. Where is the ſimilitude! Our religion, being a divine revelation, is confeſſedly perfect; and the law of nature, no leſs divine, being the immoveable baſis of our political fabric, the very ſoul of our conſtitution, this alſo is perfect. I ſay perfect, abſolutely perfect; for, whenever it hath the appearance of being otherwiſe, it is only from the want of a right interpretation, or a cloſe adherence to its true principles. It is this immutable, this divine ſtandard, we have to refer to in all our deviations, that hath preſerved our conſtitution through all ages, and improved it till it is become the admiration and envy of all nations (1). This is a principle of renovation and recovery from all corruption and decays; this is a principle of immortality! No other conſtitution ever had the ſame, or at leaſt never preſerved it until it was ſufficiently underſtood, and properly valued by the people. This has, under a moſt ſingular Providence, been our peculiar bleſſing. I truſt it will be the bleſſing of our poſterity to the lateſt generations; and that, when we ſhall have given birth, and the birthrights of freemen, to as many independent ſtates as can find habitations on the vaſt American continent, that Britain ſtill will be great and free; the reſpected mother, the model, the glory of them all! and I will, I muſt indulge the fond hope, that the pure religion, and the perfect conſtitution of Britain, will gradually ſpread themſelves over all America; and in every other part of the globe (2) ſo enlighten and operate upon the minds of men, as to become the chief inſtruments in the Hands of Almighty God of bringing about, in his due time, that univerſality of chriſtianity, that harmony and happineſs among the nations of the earth, which are intimated in the prophetic writings. Thoſe prophetic intimations themſelves, the peculiar fitneſs of the cauſes to the effects, together with a great variety of circumſtances, that ſeem evidently tending towards this point, convince me, that it may be rationally hoped for; while all the arguments brought to ſhew the probability of America becoming the ſeat of a mighty conquering empire, to which Britain ſhall, in length of time, be a province, appear to my apprehenſion, to be deſtitute of any foundation of the ſmalleſt degree of probability.

We are told, that empire hath been obſerved to make its progreſs weſtward; that every empire hath had its infancy, its youth, its vigour, its declenſion, its death; and that they neceſſarily follow each other with the ſame certainty as in the frail life of man; and laſtly, we are reminded, that Great-Britain hath paſt her meridian, and empire is now riſing faſt in America. To the firſt, I anſwer, that empire muſt needs have travelled weſtward from its ſource, except Europe had remained a deſart; that it alſo travelled Eaſt, South, and North, as well as Weſt, witneſs China, Indoſtan, Abyſſinia, Ruſſia; and that it hath already been in America, witneſs Peru and Mexico; and that it hath alſo taken retrograde courſes, witneſs Turky and the Perſian empire under Nadir Shah; and with regard to modern Europe, I can ſee no probability why it may not remain to the end of time, divided in proportions, not much differing from the preſent. To the ſecond argument, I have only to ſay, that analogical reaſoning is always very fallacious, and that there is no analogy between things mortal and immortal. To the third, I muſt repeat, that Great-Britain, having in her conſtitution the principles of renovation and recovery, from corruption and decay, and the ſeeds of immortality (which no other ſtate ever had) is in no great danger of a declenſion, ſo long as this World is likely to laſt; and that the Britiſh North American ſtates having, all of them, chriſtianity void of perſecution, as a light from Heaven; Britiſh freedom as a ſoul, and a ſpirit of commerce as the breath of life; it muſt be thought next to an impoſſibility that any one of them ſhould ever ſwallow up all the reſt, and then extend its conqueſts beyond the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. The times for "heroes and demi-gods" are paſt; and the phrenzy for univerſal empire is ſomewhat out of date and out of countenance. They prevailed, and only could prevail, when the minds of men were in a proper tone for ſuch extravagances; when the advantages of commerce, the true principles and ends of government, and the religion of peace and pure virtue, were either wholly or very imperfectly known: beſides, no ſearcher into prophecy hath yet diſcovered in the womb of time, an empire that is to be ſo formidable to the liberties of the world; and, if it be true, that the ſpecies, as well as the individuals of mankind, obtains knowledge, wiſdom, and virtue progreſſively, its latter days will, according to the nature of things, and by means of the divine aſſiſtance that hath been vouchſafed it, to all appearance, be more wiſe, peaceable, and pious, than the earlier periods of its exiſtence. To this end let every one labour; and his own happineſs at leaſt, if not the general happineſs of mankind, will moſt aſſuredly be his reward.

WHEN we talk of aſſerting our ſovereignty over the Americans, do we foreſee to what fatal lengths it will carry us? Are not thoſe nations encreaſing with aſtoniſhing rapidity? Muſt they not, in the nature of things, cover in a few ages that immenſe continent like a ſwarm of bees? Do we vainly imagine, that we can then hold the reins of government, and hurl our thunders on the heads of the diſobedient? Where are we to ſtop? or, ſhall we pretend to circumſcribe America populations? To ſay, 'thus far ſhall ye go, and no farther?' No! Swollen indeed muſt we be with the pride of dominion, and drunk with the fumes, if we can fooliſhly imagine theſe things (1). It is high time that we opened our eyes to the unintentional encroachments we have been making upon the liberties of mankind, and to the neceſſity of ſetting bounds to our dominion. Without the American continent, the Britiſh empire will be large enough in all reaſon. But if government perſiſt in maintaining our ſovereignty there, it may poſſibly occaſion our own deſtruction, but can be productive of no good to us, either preſent, or future. After all that has been done to alarm the Americans for their rights as free men, and calling up their attention to a thorough inveſtigation of them; after the flame of oppoſition hath been kindled in every breaſt, and now annimates them as one man, it will be in vain to ſteer any middle courſe; to adopt meaſures for light oppreſſions, and compelling obedience to laws moderately tyrannical. We muſt either relinquiſh at once our claim to ſovereignty, or fix on their neck with ſtrong hand the galling yoke of ſlavery. We muſt either conquer ourſelves or them. Juſtice, wiſdom, humanity, and religion leave us without a doubt which to prefer; and, ſhould the latter be determined on, woe be to Great-Britain! We may, indeed, by means of fleets and armies, maintain a precarious tyranny over the Americans for a while; but the moſt ſhallow politicians muſt foreſee what this would end in (2). It would expoſe us to the certain attacks of all our European rivals; and, when we found the neceſſity of courting the aſſiſtance of the Americans, we ſhould deſervedly find them the bittereſt of our enemies. With the nations of Europe we contend for commerce, for glory, and ſome imaginary objects; with thoſe of America, the conteſt would be for the deareſt rights, the very dignity of humanity. After the ſtruggles of intereſt and proweſs, a tolerable reconciliation may take place, but eternal enmity and hate always ſucceed thoſe between a free people and their tyrants. From the ſpirit of freedom, which hath in all ages glowed in the boſoms of true Engliſhmen, and which hath brought to its preſent perfection our glorious conſtitution in defiance of every attempt to cruſh it; we ought to know, that until we can extinguiſh this ſpirit in the breaſts of the Americans, and eradicate from their very nature its firſt and nobleſt principles, ſelf-preſervation and free-will, that all our efforts to bow them down in ſubjection to our authority muſt finally be ineffectual, and will recoil ſooner or later perhaps with tenfold retribution upon ourſelves. There are ſome politicians who think, that preſent expediency is a ſufficient juſtification of any meaſures; and who, from the ideas of re-imburſing ourſelves for the charges of the laſt war, of ſupplying the preſent exigencies of the ſtate, and ſecuring our power over the American commerce, make no ſcruple to bid us draw the accurſed ſword, and enſlave our children and our brethren. But, be it known to them, that though our very exiſtence as a nation, depended on violating the expreſs laws of God, it muſt not be done. And if their ignorance, which may be implied from the folly of their propoſal, hath not yet made the diſcovery, let them be told that policy, national as well as individual, muſt have juſtice and the laws of God for its baſis, or, 'tis the policy of villains, the policy of ſots and fools. Can the legiſlature of Great-Britain, I once more aſk, govern the Americans on the true principles of freedom? For the reaſons I have already given, I believe it to be impoſſible (3). As to their reimburſing us the ſums of money ſpent on their account in the laſt war, they will do it, if we act wiſely and juſtly, in the only way it is poſſible they ſhould, and in the only way we expected of them when we undertook the war; that is, by a commerce beneficial to this kingdom. And by leaving them to their own independency, the charges of government may be greatly retrenched.

Thus far had I written, when the political tracts of a reverend Dean fell into my hands. They amply ſupply all the examples and explanations neceſſary to illuſtrate my principles, and and ſhew to a demonſtration the abſolute neceſſity, in a political light, of relinquiſhing our claims to the ſovereignty of America; to which the whole tenour of my letters point, and with which they are to conclude. But I am far from ſubſcribing to this gentleman's doctrine as to the rights of ſovereignty. If I could acknowledge the truth of that, I ſhould very much doubt of the propriety of his propoſed ſeparation of America from Great-Britain; for giving up one's right, cannot be thought a good rule for promoting his intereſt. But in this caſe, as is very frequent, his common-ſenſe hath been obliged to ſubdue his learning before he arrived at truth. While metaphyſical refinements teach him to think, that Britain hath a right to govern America, the invincible force of truth extorts from him an acknowledgment that ſhe muſt, if governed by true policy, relinquiſh it. 'Tis a pity ſo able a writer had not diſcovered that the Americans have a right to chooſe their own governors, and thence inforced the neceſſity of his propoſed ſeparation as a religious duty, no leſs than a meaſure of national policy. In ſo doing, he would have been conſiſtent; there would then have been no obſcurity nor would his ſentiments of right and expediency have been at variance; but his concluſion would naturally and evidently have flowed from his premiſes, ſupported by that trite, but true and moſt excellent maxim, that honeſty is the beſt policy. But, perhaps, ſome may be of opinion, that the propriety of a ſeparation is more ſtrongly enforced, by its appearing to be the only reſult he could poſſibly arrive at through the medium of opinions that pointed the direct contrary way, The ſame opinions have, in all other writers, led them only to conſider, by what means the unity of the whole Britiſh empire (taking in America) might be beſt preſerved; how the ſupreme legiſlative power might be beſt ſupported, and enforce obedience to the utmoſt bounds of this vaſt dominion. Every project for this purpoſe (without a ſingle exception) being embarraſſed with a ſundamental incompatibility, a radical error in ſuppoſſing a right, where, in truth, there is none, hath been viſionary, oppreſſive, ſanguinary, and totally impracticable; ſo difficult it is to ſtrive againſt the ſtream of nature and truth.

The Dean, with more good ſenſe, with an extenſive inſight into the human heart and the ſprings of commerce, and with the temper of a philoſophic, unintereſted looker-on, hath nobly abandoned the full perſuaſion of his own mind on the point of right; and, while he thinks we are entitled to govern, foreſees and demonſtrates the fatal conſequences of attempting it. He accordingly adviſes us to ſeparate in good humour, and truſts to our mutual intereſts for its producing, in fact, a real and ſincere union, and this, he ſays, is "the only means of living in peace and harmony with them."

In the whole courſe of his work, wherever the diſpute of right is not immediately in view, his reaſonings flow ſpontaneouſly, and in ſpite of himſelf, from the feelings of right in his own heart. In page 12, he ſays, For I am not for charging our colonies in particular with being ſinners above others, becauſe, I believe, (and if I am wrong, let the hiſtories of all colonies, whether antient or modern, from the days of Thucydides down to the preſent time, confute me if it can; I ſay, 'till that is done, I believe) that it is the nature of them all to aſpire after independence, and to ſet up for themſelves as ſoon as ever they find that they are able to ſubſiſt without being beholding to the mother-country. And if our Americans have expreſſed themſelves ſooner on this head than others have done, or in a more direct and daring manner, this ought not to be imputed to any greater malignity, or ingratitude in them than in others, but to that bold, free conſtitution, which is the prerogative and boaſt of us all. We ourſelves derive our origin from thoſe very Saxons who inhabited the lower parts of Germany, &c. What can more fully prove the right of independence in colonies, too far removed to be governed on the principles of freedom by the mother country, than this univerſal, this uniform, invariable feeling of all mankind, in all ages, than that it is the nature of them all to aſpire after it. Shall we reject the unvarying teſtimony of nature ſpeaking home to our hearts, and pin our faith upon the fine-ſpun, cobweb ſubtleties of our learned caſuiſts and court-lawyers? or ſhall we, with more ſafety, rely upon the letter of an old muſty charter, penned before this queſtion was ſo much as thought of? Hath nature left herſelf ſo much without a witneſs to the truth in the human breaſt, that we muſt give ourſelves wholly up to the direction of ſuch blind guides as theſe? Fie! fie! If much learning hath not made us mad, it hath at leaſt in this, and many ſimilar caſes, made us ignorant. It is to be lamented, that ſuch a blaze of truth, as there is in the above obſervation, did not diſcover to the writer the fallaciouſneſs of his original poſition of parliamentary right to govern the colonies; when all the while, it is the expreſs, the ſole purport of this work to prove, that parliament in continuing to aſſert this right, cannot promote either the welfare of Great-Britain or America.

SINCE, my laſt letter was ſent to the Printer, I have a ſecond time looked into the publication therein referred to; and finding it likely to make a ſtrong impreſſion on its readers, as well as that there is the moſt ſtriking inconſiſtency between its foundation and ſuperſtructure▪ I perceive that I cannot well paſs it over without a regular though conciſe examination of its third and fourth tract. Theſe alone being immediately to the point, I ſhall confine my obſervations to them, without taking notice of the reſt of the book.

In the beginning of the third tract, entitled, A Letter from a Merchant in London to his Nephew in America, I am ſorry to obſerve an appeal to the ſpirit of our conſtitution treated with ridicule, and an attempt made to ſubſtitute in place of this only genuine authority, the letter of the ſlatutes, or even of Magna Charta itſelf; for theſe may all be imperfect, though as I have proved in a former letter the ſpirit of the conſtitution cannot. A proceeding of this kind in an anonymous writer, or one of no credit, would, I confeſs, have given me an alarm of danger, and a ſuſpicion of ſome deep deſign againſt the cauſe of truth: it certainly is very far from being a recommendation of the preſent work. May we not aſk what is meant by removing the appeal from the ſpirit of the conſtitution, to ſomething which is called "the conſtitution itſelf," (page 93 94) and what that ſomething is▪ It is not defined, nor can I underſtand what it is, unleſs it be a ſomething which hath its ſole exiſtence in the varying and unſteady letter of the ſtatute law, and therefore may be one thing to-day, and another to-morrow, as it was once tyranny and popery, and is at preſent freedom and true religion. If the author will be candid, he muſt acknowledge▪ that his diſtinction of "the conſtitution itſelf," from the ſpirit of the conſtitution, is unlogical, and a palpable contradiction. How can any thing be ſet in contradiſtinction to its eſſence? That Magna Charta is the great foundation of Engliſh liberties▪ and the baſis of the Engliſh conſtitution, I muſt poſitively deny. It is indeed a glorious member of the ſuperſtructure, but of itſelf would never have exiſted, had not the conſtitution already had a baſis, and a firm one too. And as to this charter being the "foundation of Engliſh liberty," that was evidently otherwiſe; ſince it was an exertion of this very liberty that produced the charter; extorting it from an encroaching King, as a meer formal declaration of rights, already known to be the conſtitutional inheritance of every Engliſhman. Beſides I have elſewhere obſerved, that the original and only real foundations of liberty were, by the Almighty architect, laid together with the foundations of the world, when this right was ingrafted into the nature of man at his creation; and therefore it cannot be held, after the manner of an external property or poſſeſſion, by charters and titles of human fabrick. We ought to be careful to preſerve a goſpel purity in our civil as in our religious conſtitution; for they are both founded on the word of God. If the religious be more expreſs and clear, the civil is more ancient, and no leſs divine, though only revealed to us by a general and fainter impreſs on the mind and heart of man. If the Dean will not admit the decrees of Popes and councils as of equal authority with the word of God, he will not ſurely maintain, that a Magna Charta ought to come in competition with the ſpirit of a conſtitution, whoſe baſis is internal juſtice and inherent liberty; a Magna Charta, notoriouſly known to have been extorted by the ſword, and formed and ratified in the heat of a hoſtile contention. Nor will he, it is to be hoped, plead "the public ſtatutes of the realm," (p. 4.) when they militate againſt the ſpirit, or goſpel purity of the conſtitution.

And here I muſt remark, that his quotations of them, in order to prove the ſovereignty of parliament, have not the weight of fair evidence in the trial now before the tribunal of the public; ſince they ſtand in the place, and in the nature of parties concerned. It is theſe very "public ſtatutes of the realm," arrogating a right to govern and to tax the Americans which are called in queſtion; therefore their teſtimony goes for nothing, If the cauſe be given in their favour, then it will be time enough for them to operate; but if it goes againſt them, they muſt all be condemned as uſurpations. We are now arguing what is juſt and right, and ought to be practiſed, not what has been practiſed by thoſe who had the power in their hands; not what they have been pleaſed, in their declarations to call juſt and and right. Although Parliament ſhould enact, that reaſon and truth ſhould no longer be reaſon and truth, yet plain and honeſt people would be apt to call them reaſon and truth ſtill, and to rely upon them with the ſame aſſurance they do at preſent. Hence it is, and ever will be, a truth as evident and as uncontrovertible as any law of nature can be, that "an American," notwithſtanding the ingenuity of this author, and all that has been, or can be ſaid to the contrary, has a right to inſiſt, that according to the ſpirit of the conſtitution, he ought not to be taxed without his own conſent, given either by himſelf or by a repreſentative in parliament; I will not add "choſen by himſelf;" becauſe that, with regard to each individual, were we diſpoſed to cavil, would lead us into uſeleſs and puerile diſputations, (p. 93.) Every man of ſenſe admits of the propriety of virtual repreſentation, ſo far as it anſwers the ends and purpoſes of a real one, but no farther. I am ſincerely ſorry to obſerve a writer, ſo much entitled to reſpect as the Dean of Gloceſter, employ his talents in an endeavour to miſlead us into an opinion, that the Americans are virtually repreſented in the Britiſh parliament. It were a ſuitable and an innocent exerciſe of parts in a young diſputant at college; but will it bear to be gravely debated upon by a political writer! Well might a noble Lord exclaim, for as to the diſtinction of a virtual repreſentation, it is ſo abſurd, as not to deſerve an anſwer; I therefore paſs it over with contempt. And if authorities are to have their weight, that, I preſume of this noble Lord, who preſided with ſo much dignity and luſtre, in the nobleſt court of equity in the world, will be allowed to preponderate againſt the Dean's, at leaſt in the judgment of every one who reads the tracts before us. If our author had duly weighed the a guments he has quoted from Judge Foſter, in his 4th tract, (p. 27.) he would have found, that they made nothing for ſuch a virtual repreſentation as he contends for. The Judge, it is plain, was not ſo irrational as to think of the welfare of two ſeparats nations (for ſo we may ſurely eſteem Britain and America, think as we will of empire) inhabiting, with reſpect one to the other, the ends of the earth, as being a fit object of conſultation to a ſingle national aſſembly; and that the deputies of one of theſe nations could be eſteemed the repreſentatives of the other. As to the imagination of Great Britain and America being one empire, theſe are only words that ſerve to blind, to amuſe, and to confound inconſiderate reaſoners.

How often muſt it be repeated, that pride, ambition, and luſt of dominion, are not, on any pretence whatſoever, to be gratified at the expence of nations; and that the ſole end of civil government is to promote the good of the people? If an empire become too wide and unwieldy for this purpoſe, I do aſſert, that by the laws of nature, which are the laws of God, it is no empire, that is to ſay, not a juſt empire. It therefore muſt be divided, unleſs we admit that tyranny can be rightfully eſtabliſhed, which God forbid! In our own caſe, I only want it to be done in form, as it is already done in fact, in which the Dean agrees with me; for ſays he, (p. 12) an undoubted fact it is, that from the moment in which Canada came into the poſſeſſion of the Engliſh, an end was put to the ſovereignty of the mother-country over her colonies (1). I muſt now take notice of one argument, in favour of virtual repreſentation, that our author ſeems to value himſelf upon, as of ſufficient force to decide the general diſpute with the Americans, and, at the ſame time, the much litigated queſtion of the Middleſex election.—We find it in a note, (p. 29) Surely the nation might have expelled Mr. Wilkes, or have ſtruck his name out of the liſt of committee, had it been aſſembled, and had it thought proper ſo to do. What then ſhould hinder the deputies of the nation from doing the ſame thing? and which ought to prevail in this caſe, the nation in general, or the county of Middleſex? Now, this argument is evidently fallacious; for the Houſe of Commons doth not anſwer to the imagined committee of Judge Foſtter, to which it is here compared; for that was a ſimple democratical council. Our national committee conſiſts of King and Lords, as well as Commons? and therefore, according to the Dean's premiſes, that "the nation might have expelled Mr. Wilkes," it is the neceſſary concluſion, that nothing leſs than the national committee, namely, our compleat legiſlature of King, Lords, and Commons, had a right to ſtrike his name out of the liſt. I entirely agree with this writer, that the member choſen and returned by certain individuals, is the repreſentative of the whole nation; ſo that what is generally called a virtual, is, in fact, a real repreſentation; but, at the ſame time, I muſt ſay it doth not appear to be very conſiſtent with the ſpirit of our conſtitution, (if that expreſſion will not give offence) that a Dunwich or an Old Sarum, containing half a dozen cottagers, ſhould have the chuſing of as many of theſe national repreſentatives as a Norwich or a Briſtol; nor that a Weymouth ſhould return as great a number as the metropolis, whoſe citizens, according to our author, (p. 99) form a body as reſpectable as the greateſt of our colonies with regard to property, and ſuperior to many of them with reſpect to numbers.

Is not this an abuſe that calls aloud for reformtion? Can any thing be more notorious, than that a great majority of the national repreſentatives are elected by a ſmall number of indigent and corrupt men, who profeſſedly make a trade of voting, and who gratify, in the very act, a ſordid ſelf-intereſt, in direct violation of the rights and intereſts of the nation collectively. Theſe electors being primarily the repreſentatives of the nation, may be called the elective repreſentatives; and are anſwerable to the nation for the exerciſe of that great truſt. If they pervert it from the end for which it was given them, and transfer it to bad men for their own ſelfiſh purpoſes, it is fit they ſhould be deprived of it, in order to the eſtabliſhing a more juſt and ſafe mode of electing the legiſlative repreſentatives of the nation. But to return; I am of opinion, the Dean might as well have ſpared his reproaches of "folly and abſurdity" upon the poſitions of the Americans, concerning their want of an adequate repreſentation, (p. 98) and have omitted his compariſon of the ſtate of the city of London, although it hath long enjoyed, before the colonies were ever thought of, the three-fold power of juriſdiction, legiſlation, and taxation in certain caſes; for, if no man in his ſenſes ever yet ſuppoſed, that the city of London either was or could be exempted, by her charters, from parliamentary juriſdiction, or parliamentary taxes; it is full as evident that no man in his ſenſes can ſee any juſt ſimilitude, with reſpect to parliamentary juriſdiction and taxation between a metropolis, the very central point of a nation, and an entire kindred nation, which hath ariſen in the new world, at the diſtance of three thouſand miles from the parent ſtate, and beyond the vaſt Atlantic Ocean. It is conſiſtent with the ſecurity of the liberty and property of the citizens of London, to be ſubject to parliamentary juriſdiction and taxation! but this ſubjection would not be conſiſtent with the ſecurity of the American nations. May not a man in his ſenſes believe, that a kindred nation, or a colony, if you pleaſe, may be capable of managing its own concerns; and that it is full as likely to do it faithfully as the legiſlators of its mother country? May not a man in his ſenſes believe, that ſuch a ſtate hath a right to appoint the guardians of its own liberties and properties, and to defend them againſt all invaders, even the legiſlators of its mother country, without involving himſelf in either "folly or abſurdity?" Would the independency of any colony or kindred nation in America, neceſſarily create any ſuch confuſion, any ſuch inconſiſtency in the government of Great-Britain, as would follow from the independency of, and a ſeparate ſupreme legiſlation in, the capital city?

NOTHING now remains to be ſpoken of but the act of parliament neceſſary to that ſeparation, propoſed by the reverend author of the tracts, and ſeconded in theſe letters; and that General treaty between Great-Britain and the ſtates of America, which will be the neceſſary, and doubtleſs the immediate conſequence of it. When Parliament ſhall have duly weighed this great, this important matter,—the greateſt by far that ever came before any national council whatever!—with the attention it merits, and in the temper recommended in my firſt letter, we may hope to ſee a nemine contradicente act, whoſe preamble ſhall run in ſome ſuch form as the following viz.

Whereas, at the time of the original planting and ſettling of colonies on the continent of North-America by the people and the crown of theſe kingdoms; and afterwards, during the infancy of the ſaid colonies, the future ill conſequences of their ſubmiſſion to, and acquieſcence under the authority of parliament were not, by reaſon of their then infant and dependent ſtate, and the general inexperience in matters of that kind, either foreſeen or duly attended to; and whereas, through the growing of theſe once ſmall and helpleſs colonies to maturity, and their becoming populous, opulent and reſpectable ſtates, having each within itſelf the natural rights and proper powers of legiſlation, the exerciſe of parliamentary authority hath been found to claſh in the moſt eſſential points with their reſpective internal legiſlatures, and hath tended for a conſiderable time paſt, but more particularly of late years, to create diſſatisfactions between the ſaid internal legiſlatures and parliament, and between the people of the ſaid colonies and the people of theſe kingdoms; and whereas theſe matters having been taken into conſideration, and it appearing upon the principles of natural juſtice, and agreeable to the eſtabliſhed maxims of civil government, that it is inconſiſtent with the welfare of the people of the ſaid colonies or ſtates, and prejudicial to their natural inherent rights as men, to be governed by the parliament of Great-Britain, or any other power foreign to themſelves reſpectively: be it therefore enacted, &c. In the enumeration of their names, none of them (fifteen, I think, lying between the Gulph of St. Lawrence and the mouth of the Miſſiſſippi) will, I hope, be omitted, but thoſe obtained partly by war and treaty inſerted as well as the reſt; and that in the clauſe, it ſhall be fully expreſſed, that they are all held and declared to be free and independent ſtates, each to be ſubject to ſuch law and government only as now ſubſiſts, or ſhall hereafter be enacted and conſtituted within itſelf by its own proper legiſlature; and that of each and every of the ſaid independent ſtates, his Majeſty is, and ſhall be held to be the ſovereign head, in like manner as he is of the legiſlature of Great-Britain. In another clauſe, I could wiſh it might likewiſe be expreſſed, that the parliament of Great-Britain doth farther declare itſelf to be the guardian and protector of the whole, and of every of the ſaid ſtates or colonies, collectively and individually, againſt every foreign power whatſoever, as well as the guarantee of the independence of the ſaid ſeveral colonies or ſtates, one of another reſpectively and reciprocally, as well alſo of the rights and independencies of the ſeveral tribes or nations of Indians in amity with, or under the protection of the crown of theſe kingdoms, until theſe points ſhall be more particularly adjuſted by treaty. Another clauſe would probably provide, that commiſſioners on the part of the parliament of Great-Britain, ſhall be empowered to enter into treaty with deputies of the legiſlatures of each of the ſaid colonies or ſtates, in order that a firm, brotherly, and perpetual league may be concluded between Great-Britain and them for their mutual commercial benefit, and their joint ſecurity againſt all other kingdoms and ſtates, as well as for the preſervation of that warm affection and harmony which ought ever to ſubſiſt between a mother country and her offspring, or kindred ſtates, equally acknowledging one perfect conſtitution and one perfect religion, as their rule of life in temporals and in ſpirituals. The commiſſioners will be nominated of courſe. Other declarations and proviſions may be contained in this act, as parliament ſhall ſee good; but we ſhould hope, as an indiſpenſible requiſite towards the ſecurity of the general liberties, that it be enacted, that no part of the revenue of any one of the ſaid American ſtates ſhall, by his Majeſty, his viceroy, or miniſters, be removed out of, or received into, any other of the ſaid ſtates, or into Great-Britain for his Majeſty's uſe; and that in like manner, no part of the revenue of theſe kingdoms, ſhall be remitted to America on that account; but that the revenue of Great-Britain, and of each reſpective ſtate in America, ſhall be wholly and ſolely applied to defray the expences of government, and maintain the regal dignity in that country in which it ſhall be raiſed, and no other.

Although, by thoſe unhappy perſons, who have no juſt ideas of right and wrong, and who have not intellects for perceiving, that the original power of Great-Britain over her colonies, is on the point of expiring beyond all help and remedy, parliament may be ſuppoſed to be a loſer by the propoſed ſeparation; yet all muſt confeſs that his Majeſty will be a gainer, inaſmuch as he will thereby receive fifteen independent kingdoms in exchange for as many dependent, and hardly dependent provinces, and become the father of three millions of free and happy ſubjects, inſtead of reigning joint tyrant over ſo many diſcontented ſlaves, or loſing by revolt ſo many of his people. What a divine glow of ſatisfaction muſt expand the royal boſom on an event ſo full of bliſs, ſo conſonant to humanity and to virtue!—an event more full of real luſtre—more aggrandizing by many degrees than ever before was experienced by any earthly monarch—How poor, how contemptible, how hateful the triumphs of butchering conquerors compared to this ſolid glory! May ſuch a tranſcendant glory, be the glory of George the third.

We muſt not be ſurprized if ſhallow and deſigning men, ſome with real, ſome with affected ignorance, ſhould cry out, What! enter into treaty with fifteen independent ſtates, and expect them unanimouſly to join with you in one general league for mutual advantage and ſecurity! How chimerical and viſionary the project! (1) And I do not doubt, but that the ſwarm of hireling and proſtitute ſcribblers, whoſe food is confuſion, and whoſe very exiſtence, like the vermin in an ulcer, is ſupported by the diſeaſes of the ſtate, will pour forth all their malignity, in order to diſcredit, and to damn if poſſible, a plan ſo wiſe and ſalutary. But their baneful influence will not, I truſt, extend itſelf farther than to diſturb, for a ſhort time, the confuſed minds of our coffee-houſe politicians.

It will ſtill be obvious to all ſenſible men, eſpecially to thoſe who compoſe the national council, that when Great-Britain ſhall have done the nobleſt act of juſtice towards the Americans, that the annals of mankind can produce, they will, as one man, fly to her for protection, court her friendſhip, ſubmit themſelves to her advice, and be ready to put into her hands a chart blanche; and ſo long as ſhe continues to act upon the ſame principles, ſhe may undoubtedly influence each ſeparate ſtate, and dictate the terms of general accommodation without any fear of even future diſſatisfactions. To deny theſe concluſions, would be to deny that effects follow their cauſes.

The author of the tracts has already proved, that it is not our power, but the ſuperior advantage of our trade, which ſecures to us the commerce of the Americans, or that can ſecure it to us. We ſhall ſtill have the ſame power to awe America into a faithful obſervance of her treaties, that we now have, to enforce a diſputed and odious ſovereignty, and with this manifeſt advantage, that treating with each ſtate ſeparately, we ſhall only have one at a time to contend with; whereas we have experienced by our ſtamp and tea projects, that while we pretend to govern the whole, the whole will unite to reſiſt us.

That bond of union once diſſolved, and the natural and neceſſary jealouſy of each other taking place, Great-Britain, as the common umpire, will become in effect the general ſovereign, ſo long as ſhe interpoſes her good offices for maintaining the common independence; and this her own intereſt will always dictate. Great Britain, will of courſe take care, in the firſt place, to recover all her debts in America, which, inſtead of bad debts, as they are now too juſtly eſteemed to be, will, in the tranſports of their gratitude for a declared and guaranteed independence, be punctually paid, though with their laſt ſhilling. Not to mention that fear of offending, (for Great-Britain will then become truly formidable to each ſeparate ſtate) would effectually produce this effect we ſhall, by the league ſecure on the moſt laſting foundation, every advantage of trade with America we now enjoy, and by the ſeparation relieve ourſelves from many heavy expences it now coſts us; for a proof of which, I again refer to the Dean's work: we may then diſband ſo much of our expenſive and unconſtitutional ſtanding army, as we now keep up on account of America; and inſtead of being execrated, as we now are, for that fleet which blocks up their ports, and is commiſſioned to humble Boſton to the duſt, and through her ſides, to gall every province on the continent, they will readily conſent to its preſence for ſeeing to the exact fulfilling of their treaties, and they will then look upon it with a friendly▪ an affectionate and reſpectful eye, while they conſider it as their ſure protector againſt invaſion, their refuge in diſtreſs, and the avenger of their wrongs.—Not being able to pay Great-Britain in ſubſidies of ready money for her protection and friendſhip, they will grant her an equivalent in excluſive trade; and they will enter into ſome general ſtipulation for the mode and the meaſure of payment for any ſuch extraordinary aſſiſtance of ſhips as they may at any time ſolicit, or we, penetrating the deſigns of our common enemies, may ſend to their aſſiſtance.

As for troops, a country containing millions of inhabitants, never can want any: let them rely upon the natural, the beſt reſource—a national militia; but, for heaven's ſake! never more let the face of a Britiſh ſoldier be ſeen in North-America.

A Flanders or a Germany, on the other ſide of the globe would be a grave wide enough to ſwallow the whole ſtrength and treaſure of this kingdom. The Americans are in no condition to ſet themſelves up as a maritime power, or to ſupport a navy fit to guard their own coaſts, but muſt rely upon Great-Britain for their ſafety by ſea, as indeed it will ever be their intereſt ſo to do, knowing by experience, that with regard to them, ſhe is not a conquering, but a commercial ſtate; and having reaſon to conclude, that a confederacy of their maritime ſtates would probably terminate, like that of Greece, in wars upon one another, and be perverted to anſwer the ends of ambition to ſome one, inſtead of protection to all. After what has been ſaid, I need not point out (but for the ſake of my timid and uninformed reader) that it will be totally unneceſſary, and unbecoming the dignity of parliament, to heſitate a moment in paſſing the act of declaration, for fear the Americans ſhould not afterwards conſent to the league. 'Tis abſurd to imagine they will act in contradiction to the principles of ſelf intereſt and ſelf-preſervation, merely becauſe they ſhall be free from controul; nor is it more poſſible to conceive, how they ſhould object to a treaty with Great-Britain, merely becauſe ſhe had juſt done them an act of magnanimity and generoſity unparallelled in hiſtory, and given them an undeniable proof, that ſhe was intitled to their unbounded confidence, particularly in its not being poſſible ſhe ſhould have any deſign upon their liberties. Beſides Great-Britain, until ſhe have reſigned her aſſumed ſovereignty as the mother country, cannot, on the principles of equity, as before illuſtrated, give any validity to a contract with her children, while held in ſubjection to her authority. No! the generous ſpirit that ſhall ſet them free, will diſdain the meanneſs of a proceeding ſo little and ſo diſtruſtful; and that wiſdom which could form ſo comprehenſive a plan, will deſpiſe the crookedneſs and folly of ſuch a narrow policy.

Thus have I given a faint ſketch of the many and great benefits of an American league—the reader's imagination and judgment will finiſh the picture. If then he can think, that they do not infinitely preponderate againſt the advantages to be hoped for from perſiſting to aſſert our odious ſovereignty, and plundering the colonies by arbitrary tax-gathers, I have only to ſay, that he and I can ſcarcely be made of the ſame common materials of humanity; but I ſhall begin to liſten to thoſe profound ſages, whoſe acute penetration, aſſiſted by a certain microſcopic ſpecies of philoſophy, hath diſcovered, that the Moſaic revelation is a fable, and that, inſtead of one, there are indeed many different races of men. On the one hand, the moſt we can expect is a forced and reluctant ſubmiſſion, with ſome advantages in trade; but theſe even for a very, very ſhort period. Mean while, diſcontent and deteſtation, brooding in the boſoms of the coloniſts, will naturally generate a rancorous hate and abhorrence; which, aided by our reſtleſs enemies the French, will ſhortly terminate in defiance and revenge. On the other hand—but repetition is needleſs. In ſhort, the multiplying millions of America, muſt either be our deadly foes, or our ſteadfaſt friends. Great-Britain, take thy choice!

What remains, but that we renew our appeal to the manly ſenſe and magnanimity of the great council of this kingdom; a kingdom, great and happy above all the kingdoms of the earth; a council the moſt auguſt in the whole world, as nurſed in the boſom of freedom, and trained in the true principles of juſt government and pure religion, of which they are the guardians! If men, thus favoured of heaven, thus enlightened, thus elevated, ſhall not ſet examples of ſterling virtue, where, alas! ſhall we find it? Conſult then your own hearts, ye legiſlators of Great-Britain! Be true to your own feelings, and let the moral ſenſe prevail. If ye are conſcious of a love of power, know that 'tis the genuine offspring of the love of liberty. This the root, that the branch. If your hearts be held in the curling branch's cloſe embrace, think how, in the hearts of all men, the tenacious root ſtrikes to the bottom, and twines it's claſping ſibres around the very ſprings of life, never to loſe their hold!

Remember that ye are now to decide on the fate of nations—perhaps your own. Remember the great legiſlator beholds your doings. Be your doings like unto his doings. Be tender to humanity; be firm to freedom; be inflexible to juſtice. Emancipate in one god-like act, a long roll of nations, whoſe names it is tedious to recount. In one act, lift up the well-pleaſing name of Great-Britain to Heaven, and ſpread her matchleſs fame to the ends of the wondering earth. The depth of her wiſdom, the tranſcendency▪ of her virtue, ſhall be unexampled, and this act remain a monument of her great felicity, an everlaſting model of juſtice, and a theme of praiſe to all nations, and to all ages. Potentates have, unto dethroned Princes reſtored their raviſhed dominions; renowned monarchs, ſated with ambition, and the abuſe of authority, have, in the plenitude of their power, abdicated thrones; heroes and patriots have given freedom to their native countries; but for the preſent legiſlators of Great-Britain was reſerved the ſuperior, the ſupreme glory of beſtowing in a foreign ſoil, liberty on millions!