IT is common for the inſpired writers to ſpeak of the goſpel diſpenſation in terms applicable to the preſent world, eſpecially when they view it in compariſon with the law of Moſes. In this light, they conſider the church of God, and good men upon earth, as members of the church and family of God above, and liken the liberty of chriſtians, to that of the citizens of the heavenly Zion.

WE doubt not, but the Jeruſalem above, the heavenly ſociety, poſſeſſes the nobleſt liberty to a degree of perfection, of which, the human mind can have no adequate conception, in the preſent ſtate. The want of that knowledge and rectitude they are endowed with above, renders liberty and government ſo imperfect here below.

NEXT to the liberty of Heaven, is that which the ſons of God, the heirs of glory poſſeſs in this life, in which they are freed from the bondage of corruption, the tyranny of evil luſts and paſſions, deſcribed by the apoſtle, by being made free from ſin, and becoming the ſervants of God. Theſe kinds of liberty are ſo nearly related, that the latter is conſidered as a ſure pledge of the former, and therefore, all good men, all true believers, in a ſpecial ſenſe are children of the free woman, heirs of the promiſe. This religious or ſpiritual liberty muſt be accounted the greateſt happineſs of man, conſidered in a private capacity.

BUT conſidering ourſelves here, as connected in civil ſociety, and members one of another, we muſt in this view, eſteem civil liberty as the greateſt of all human bleſſings. This admits of different degrees, nearly proportioned to the morals, capacity, and principles of a people, and the mode of government they adopt. For like the enjoyment of other bleſſings, it ſuppoſes an aptitude, or taſte in the poſſeſſor. Hence, a people formed upon the morals and principles of the goſpel are capacitated to enjoy the higheſt degree of civil liberty, and will really enjoy it, unleſs prevented by force or fraud.

MUCH depends upon the mode and adminiſtration of civil government, to complete the bleſſing of liberty; for altho' the beſt poſſible plan of government, never can give an ignorant and vicious people, the true enjoyment of liberty, yet a State may be enſlaved, tho' its inhabitants in general, may be knowing, virtuous and heroic.

THE voice of reaſon, and the voice of God, both teach us, that the great object, or end of government, is, the public good. Nor is there leſs certainty in determining, that a free and righteous government originates from the people and is under their direction and controul, and therefore a free popular model of government, of the republican kind, may be judged the moſt friendly to the rights and liberties of the people, and the 〈◊〉 conducive to the public welfare.

ON account of the infinite diversity of opinions, and intereſts, as well as for other weighty reaſons, a government altogether popular, ſo as to have the deciſion of caſes by aſſemblies of the body of the people, cannot be thought ſo eligible; nor yet, that a people ſhould delegate their power and authority to one ſingle man, or to one body of men, or indeed to any hands whatever, excepting for a ſhort term of time.

A FORM of government may be ſo conſtituted, as to have uſeful checks in the legiſlature, and yet capable of acting with union, vigour and diſpatch, with a repreſentation equally proportioned, preſerving the legiſlative and executive branches diſtinct, and the great eſſentials of liberty be preſerved and ſecured. To adjuſt ſuch a model,THE form or conſtitution of government, that has been ſubmitted to the people of this State, ſo amply ſecures the eſſentials of liberty, places and keeps the power ſo intirely in the hands of the people, is ſo conciſe and explicit, and makes ſuch an eaſy ſtep from the old to the new form, that it may juſtly be conſidered as a high evidence of the abilities of its compilers, and if it ſhould not be complied with, it is very probable we never ſhall obtain a better is acknowledged to be a nice and difficult matter: and when adjuſted, to render it reſpectable, permanent and quiet, the circumſtances of the State, and the capacities and morals both of rulers and people, are not only of high importance but of abſolute neceſſity.

IT by no means becomes me to aſſume the airs of a dictator, by deliniating a model of government; but ſhall aſk the candid attention of this Aſſembly, to ſome things reſpecting a State, its rulers and inhabitants, of high importance and neceſſity to the being and continuance of ſuch a free and righteous government as we wiſh for ourſelves and poſterity, and hope by the bleſſing of God to have e'er long eſtabliſhed.

IN this view, it is obvious to obſerve, that a ſpirit of liberty ſhould in general prevail among a people: Their minds ſhould be poſſeſſed with a ſenſe of its worth and nature.

FACTS and obſervation abundantly teach us, that the minds of a community, as well as of individuals, are ſubject to different and various caſts and impreſſions. The inhabitants of large and opulent empires and kingdoms, are often intirely loſt to a ſenſe of liberty; in which caſe they become an eaſy prey to uſurpers and tyrants.

WHERE the ſpirit of liberty is found in its genuine vigour, it produces its genuine effects, urging to the greateſt vigilance and exertions, it will ſurmount great difficulties; that it is no eaſy matter to deceive or conquer a people determined to be free. The exertions and effects of this great ſpirit in our land, have already been ſuch as may well aſtoniſh the world. And ſo long as it generally prevails, it will be quiet with no ſpecies of government, but what befriends and protects it. Its jealouſy for its ſafety, may ſometimes appear as if verging to faction; but it means well, and can never endanger a state, unleſs its root and ſource is corrupted.

FREE republican governments have been objected to, as if expoſed to factions from an exceſs of liberty: The Grecian ſtates are mentioned for a proof, and is is allowed that the hiſtory of ſome of theſe commonwealths, is little elſe but a narration of factions. But it is juſtly denied, that the true ſpirit of liberty produced theſe effects.

VIOLENT and oppoſing parties ſhaking the pillars of the ſtate, may ariſe under the beſt forms of government. A government from various cauſes may be thrown into convulſions, like the Roman ſtate in its latter periods, and like that, may die of the malady. But the evils which happen in a State, are not always to be charged upon its government, much leſs upon one of the nobleſt principles that can dwell in the human breaſt. There are diſeaſes in government, like ſfome in the human body, that lay undiſcovered 'till they become wholly incurable.

THE baneful effects of exorbitant wealth, the luſt of power, and other evil paſſions, are ſo inimical to a free, righteous government, and find ſuch an caſy acceſs to the human mind, that it is difficult, if poſſible, to keep up the ſpirit of good government, unleſs the ſpirit of liberty prevails in the State. This ſpirit like other generous growths of nature, flouriſhes beſt in its native ſoil. It has been ingraſted at one time and another in various countries; in America, it ſhoots up and grows as in its natural ſoil. Recollecting our pious anceſtors, the firſt settlers of the country, nor shall we look for anceſtry beyond that period, and we may ſay in the moſt literal ſenſe, we are children, not of the bond woman, but of the free. It may hence well be expected, that the exertions and effects of American liberty ſhould be more vigorous and compleat. It has the moſt to fear from ignorance and avarice; for it is no uncommon thing for a people to looſe ſight of their liberty, in the eager purſuit of wealth, as the States of Holland have done. And it will always be as eaſy to rob an ignorant people of their liberty, as to pick the pockets of a blind man.

THE ſlavery of a people is generally founded in ignorance, of ſome kind or another; and there are not wanting ſuch facts as abundantly prove, the human mind may be ſo ſunk and debaſed thro' ignorance and its natural effects, as even to adore its enſlaver, and kiſs its chains.

HENCE, knowledge and learning may well be conſidered, as moſt eſſentially requiſite to a free, righteous government. A republican government and ſcience, mutually promote and ſupport each other.

GREAT literary acquirements are indeed the lot of but few, because but few in a community have ability and opportunity to purſue the paths of ſcience. But a certain degree of knowledge is abſolutely neceſſary to be diffuſed through a ſtate, for the preſervation of its liberties and the quiet of government.

EVERY kind of uſeful knowledge will be carefully encouraged and promoted by the rulers of a free State, unleſs they ſhould happen to be men of ignorance themſelves; in which caſe they and the community will be in danger of ſharing the fate of blind guides, and their followers. The education of youth by inſtructors properly qualified,The want of proper inſtructors and a proper method of inſtructing, are the reaſons that what we call common education, or ſchoollearning, is generally ſo imperfect among us. Youth ſhould always be taught by ſtrict rule, in reading, writing and ſpeaking, and ſo in all parts of their education. By this means, the advantages of their education will commonly increaſe with their age; that by a little application in their riper years, perſons may raiſe a uſeful ſuper ſtructure from a ſmall foundation that was well laid at ſchool, in their earlier days. It would be of eminent ſervice, if inſtructors would more generally ende vour to fix in the minds of their ſcholars, the rules of reading, of ſpelling, of writing, or of whatever branch of knowledge they teach. the eſtabliſhment of ſocieties for uſeful arts and ſciences, the encouragement of perſons of ſuperior abilities will always command the attention of wiſe rulers.

The late times of our glorious ſtruggle have not indeed been favorable to the cauſe of education in general; though much uſeful knowledge of the geography of our country, of the ſcience of arms, of our abilities and ſtrength, and of our natural rights and liberties, has been acquired; great improvements and diſcoveries have alſo been made in ſeveral kinds of manufactory. But our ſecurity and the public welfare requires yet greater exertions, to promote education and uſeful knowledge. Moſt of the internal difficulties of a State, commonly ariſe from ignorance, that general ſource of error. The growls of avarice and curſes of clowns, will generally be heard, when the public liberty and ſafety call for more generous and coſtly exertions. Indeed, we may never expect to find the marks of public virtue, the efforts of heroiſm, or any kind of nobleneſs, in a man who has no idea of glory and excellency, but what he hoard • up in his barn, or ties up in his purſe.

IT is readily allowed there has not been wanting ſtateſmen and heroes, of the generous growth of nature; though inſtances of this ſort are not ſo common. But if theſe had been favored with the improvements of arts, they would have appeared to much greater advantage, and with brighter luſtre.

Nothing within the compaſs of human ability, is of that real weight and importance as the education of youth, the propagation of knowledge. Deſpotiſm and tyranny want nothing but wealth and force; but liberty and order are ſupported by knowledge and virtue.

I SHALL alſo mention the love of our country, or public virtue, as another eſſential ſupport of good government and the public liberties. No model of government whatever can equal the importance of this principle, nor afford proper ſafety and ſecurity to the State without it. Its object being the approbation of conſcience, and its motive to exertion being the public welfare; hence it can only dwell in ſuperior minds, elevated above private intereſt and ſelfiſh views. It does that for the public which domeſtic affection does among real friends; but like other excellencies is more frequently pretended to than poſſeſſed.

IN the antient Roman republic, it was the life and ſoul of the State which raiſed it to all its glory, being always awake to the public defence and good: And in every State it muſt under providence, be the ſupport of government, the guardian of liberty, or no human wiſdom or policy can ſupport and preſerve them. Civil ſociety cannot be maintained without juſtice, benevolence, and the ſocial virtues. Even the government of the Jeruſalem above, could not render a vicious and abandoned people quiet and happy. The children of the bond woman, ſlaves to vice, never can be free. If the reaſon of the mind, man's immediate rule of conduct, is in bondage to corruption, he is verily the worſt of ſlaves.

PUBLIC ſpirit, through human imperfection, is in danger of degenerating to ſelfiſh paſſion, which has a malignant influence on public meaſures. This danger is the greater, becauſe the corruption is not commonly owned, nor ſoon diſcerned. Such as are the moſt diſeaſed with it, are apt to be the moſt inſenſible to their error.

THE exorbitant wealth of individuals, has a moſt baneful influence on public virtue; and therefore ſhould be carefully guarded againſt. It is, however, acknowledged to be a difficult mattter, to ſecure a State from evils and miſchiefs from this quarter; becauſe as the world goes, and is like to go, wealth and riches will have their commanding influence. The public intereſt being a remoter object than that of ſelf, hence perſons in power, are ſo generally diſpoſed to turn it to their own advantage. A wicked rich man, we ſee ſoon corrupts a whole neighbourhood, and a few of them will poiſon the morals of a whole community.

THIS ſovereign power of intereſt, ſeems to have been much the ſource of modern politicks abroad, and has given birth to ſuch maxims of policy as theſe, viz. "that the wealth of a people is their trueſt honor,"— "that every man has his price"— "that the longeſt purſe, and not the longeſt ſword, will finally be victorious". But we truſt and hope that American virtue, will be ſufficient to convince the world, that ſuch maxims are baſe, are ill-founded, and altogether unfit and improper, to influence and lead in government.

IN the infancy of States, there is not commonly ſo much danger of theſe miſchiefs, becauſe the love of liberty and public virtue, are then more general and vigorous. But the danger is apt to increaſe, with the wealth of individuals.

THESE obſervations are founded upon ſuch well-known facts, that the rulers of a free ſtate have ſufficient warning to guard againſt the evils. The general diffuſion of knowledge is the beſt preſervative againſt them, and the likelieſt method to beget and increaſe that public virtue, which, under God, will prove like the promiſes of the goſpel, an impregnable bulwark to the State.

I MUST not forget to mention religion both in rulers and people as of the higheſt importance to the public. This is the moſt ſacred principle that can dwell in the human breaſt. It is of the higheſt importance to men; the moſt perfective of the human ſoul. The truths of the goſpel are the moſt pure; its motives the moſt noble and animating, and its comforts the moſt ſupporting to the mind.

THE importance of religion to civil ſociety and government, is great indeed, as it keeps alive the beſt ſenſe of moral obligation, a matter of ſuch extenſive utility, eſpecially in reſpect to an oath, which is one of the principal inſtruments of government. The fear and reverence of God, and the terrors of eternity, are the moſt powerful reſtraints upon the minds of men. And hence it is of ſpecial importance in a free government, the ſpirit of which being always friendly to the ſacred rights of conſcience, it will hold up the goſpel as the great rule of faith and practice.

ESTABLISHED modes and uſages in religion, more eſpecially the ſtated public worſhip of God, ſo generally form the principles, and manners of a people, that changes, or alterations in theſe, eſpecially, when nearly conformed to the ſpirit and ſimplicity of the goſpel, may well be eſteemed very dangerous experiments in government. For this, and other reaſons, the thoughtful and wiſe among us, truſt that our civil fathers, from a regard to goſpel worſhip, and the conſtitution of theſe churches, will carefully preſerve them; and at all times, guard againſt every innovation, that might tend to overſet the public worſhip of God, though ſuch innovations may be urged from the moſt foaming zeal. Perſons of a gloomy, ghoſtly and myſtic caſt, abſorbed in viſionary ſcenes, deſerve but little notice in matters, either of religion or government. Let the reſtraints of religion, once be broken down, as they infallibly would be, by leaving the ſubject of public worſhip, to the humors of the multitude, and we might well defy all human wiſdom and power, to ſupport & preſerve order and government in the State. Human conduct and characters, can never be better formed, than upon the principles of our holy religion; they give the juſteſt ſence, the moſt adequate views of the duties between rulers and people, and are the beſt principles in the world to carry the ruler through the duties of his ſtation. And in caſe a ſeries of faithful ſervices, ſhould be followed with popular cenſure, as may be the caſe, yet the religious ruler will find the approbation of his conſcience, a noble reward.

MANY other things might be mentioned, as circumſtances much in favor of a free government and public liberty, as, where the inhabitants of a State, can in general give their ſuffrages in perſon; and men of abilities are diſperſed in the ſeveral parts of a State, capable of public office and ſtation; eſpecially, if there is a general diſtribution of property, and the landed intereſt not engroſſed by a few, but poſſeſſed by the inhabitants in general thro the State; things of this nature wear a kind aſpect. But for the preſervation and permanence of the State, it is of ſtill higher importance that its internal ſtrength be ſupported upon the great pillars of capacity, defence and union. The full liberty of the preſs, that eminent inſtrument of promoting knowledge, and great palladium of the public liberty, being enjoyed; the learned profeſſions directed to the public good; the great principles of legiſlation and government; the great examples and truths of hiſtory: the maxims of generous and upright policy, and the ſeverer truths of philoſophy, inveſtigated and apprehended by a general application to books, and by obſervation and experiment, are means by which the capacity of a ſtate will be ſtrong and reſpectable, and the number of ſuperior minds will be daily encreaſing.

STRENGTH, courage and military diſcipline, being, under God, the great defence of a ſtate, as theſe are cultivated and improved, the public defence will increaſe: And, if there is added to theſe, a general union, a ſpirit of harmony, the internal ſtrength and beauty of the ſtate will be great indeed.

THE variety and freedom of opinion is apt to check the union of a free ſtate; and in caſe the union be interrupted merely from the freedom of opinion, conteſting for real rights and priviledges, the ſtate and its government may ſtill be ſtrong and ſecure, as was in fact the caſe in ancient Rome, in the more diſintereſted periods of that republic. But if parties and factions ariſing from falſe ambition, avarice or revenge, run high, they endanger the ſtate, which was the caſe in the latter periods of the republic of Rome. Hence, the parties in a free ſtate, if aimed at the public liberty and welfare, are ſalutary; but if ſelfiſh intereſt and views are their ſource, they are both dangerous and deſtructive.

THE language of juſt complaint, the voice of real grievance, in moſt caſes, may eaſily be diſtinguiſhed from the meer clamor of ſelfiſh, turbulent and diſappointed men. The ear of a righteous government will always be open to the former, its hand with wiſdom and prudence will ſuppreſs the latter: And ſince paſſion is as natural to men as reaſon, much diſcretion ſhould be uſed to calm and quiet diſaffected minds. Coercives in government, ſhould always be held as very dangerous political phyſic; ſuch as have gone into the practice have commonly either killed or loſt their patients.

A ſpirit of union is certainly a moſt happy omen in a ſtate, and upon righteous principles ſhould be cultivated and improved with diligence. It greatly ſtrengthens public meaſures, and gives them vigor and diſpatch; ſo that but ſmall ſtates when united, have done wonders in defending their liberties againſt powerful monarchs. Of this we have a memorable example in the little ſtate of Athens, whicn deſtroyed the fleet of Xerxes, conſiſting of a thouſand ſhips, and drove Darius with his army of three hundred thouſand men out of Greece.

IT muſt not be forgotten, that much, very much depends upon rulers, to render a free government, quiet, permanent and reſpectful; they ought therefore in an eminent degree to poſſeſs thoſe virtues and abilities which are the ſource and ſupport of ſuch a government.

THE modern maxims of policy abroad, the baſe arts of bribery and corruption, of intrigue and diſſimulation, will ſoon be productive of evils and miſchiefs in the ſtate. And ſince a corruption of manners almoſt neceſſarily follows a corruption of policy, the rulers of a free ſtate ought to be influenced by the moſt generous and righteous principles and views. Ignorant and deſigning men ſhould be kept from public offices in the ſtate, as the former will be dupes to the ambitious, and the latter will be likely to prove the inſtruments of diſcord.

MEN upon their firſt promotion, commonly act and ſpeak with an air of meekneſs and diffidence, which however, may conſiſt with firmneſs and reſolution. The practice of power is apt to diſſipate theſe humble airs; for this and other reaſons, it may generally be beſt not to continue perſons a long time in places of honor and emolument.

THE qualities of a good ruler, may be eſtimated from the nature of a free government. Power being a delegation, and all delegated power being in its nature ſubordinate and limited, hence rulers are but truſtees, and government a truſt; therefore fidelity is a prime qualification in a ruler; this joined with good natural and acquired abilities, goes far to compleat the character.

NATURAL diſpoſition that is benevolent and kind, embelliſhed with the graceful modes of addreſs, agreeably ſtrike the mind, and hence in preference to greater real abilities will commonly carry the votes of a people. It is however a truth in fact, that perſons of this caſt are ſubject to a degree of indolence, from which ariſes an averſion to thoſe ſtudies which form the great and active patriot. It is alſo a temper liable to that flexibility which may prove prejudicial to the ſtate.

A GOOD acquaintance with mankind, a knowledge of the leading paſſions and principles of the human mind, is of high importance in the character before us. For common and well known truths and real facts, ought to determine us in human matters. We ſhould take mankind as they are, and not as they ought to be, or would be, if they were perfect in wiſdom and virtue. So, in our ſearches for truth and knowledge, and in our labors for improvement, we ſhould keep within the ken or compaſs of the human mind. The welfare of the public, being the great object of the rulers views they ought of conſequence, to be diſcerning in the times, always awake and watchful, to the public danger and defence.

AND in order that government may ſupport a proper air of dignity, and command reſpect, the ruler ſhould engage in public matters, and perform the duties of his office, with gravity and ſolemnity of ſpirit; with wiſdom he will deliberate upon public meaſures, and tenacious of a well formed purpoſe and deſign, he will purſue it with an inflexible ſtability.

POLITICAL knowledge, a ſenſe of honor, an open and generous mind, it is confeſſed, will direct and urge a ruler to actions and exertions, beneficial to the State. And, if added to theſe, he has a principle of religion, and the fear of God, it will, in the beſt manner, fit him for the whole courſe or allotted duty. The greateſt reſtraints, the nobleſt motives, and the beſt ſupports ariſe from our holy religion. The pious ruler, is by far, the moſt likely to promote the public good. His example will have the moſt happy influence; his public devotions will not only be acts of worſhip and homage to God, but alſo of charity to men. Superior to baſe paſſions, and little reſentments, undiſmayed by danger, not awed by threatnings, he guides the helm in ſtorm and tempeſt, and is ready if called in providence, to ſacrifice his life for his country's good. Moſt of all concerned, to approve himſelf to his God, he avoids the ſubtle arts of chicanery, which are productive of ſo much miſchief in a State; exerciſing a conſcience void of offence, he has food to eat which the world knows not of, and in the hour of his death, that ſolemn period, has a hope and confidence in God, which is better than a thouſand worlds.

A STATE, and its inhabitants thus circumſtanced, in reſpect to government, principle, morals, capacity, union and rulers, make up the moſt ſtriking portrait, the livelieſt emblem of the Jeruſalem that is above, that this world can afford.

THAT this may be the condition of theſe free independent, and ſovereign States of America, we have the wiſhes and prayers of all good men. Indulgent heaven ſeems to invite and urge us to accept the bleſſing. A kind and wonderful providence has conducted us, by aſtoniſhing ſteps, as it were, within ſight of the promiſed land. We ſtand this day upon Piſgah's top, the children of the free woman, the deſcendents of a pious race▪ who from the love of liberty, and the fear of God, ſpent their treaſure, and ſpilt their blood. Animated by the ſame great ſpirit of liberty, and determine under God to be free, theſe ſtates have made one of the nobleſt ſtands againſt deſpotiſm and tyranny, that can be met with, in the annals of hiſtory, either antient or modern. One common cauſe, one common danger, and one common intereſt has united and urged us to the moſt vigorous exertions. From ſmall beginnings, from great weakneſs, impelled from neceſſity, and the tyrant's rod, but following the guidance of heaven, we have gone thro' a courſe of noble and heroic actions, with minds ſuperior to the moſt virulent menaces, and to all the horrors of war, for we truſted in the God of our fore-fathers. We have been all along the ſcorn and deriſion of our enemies, but the care of heaven, the charge of God. And hence, our cauſe and union, like the riſing ſun, have ſhone brigther and brighter. Thanks be to God, we this day behold in the fulneſs of our ſpirit, the great object of our wiſhes, of our toils, and wars, brightening in our view.

THE battles we have already fought, the victories The memorable and compleat victory obtained over Gen. Burgoyne, and his whole army, will not only immortalize the character of the brav. Gen. Gates, and the officers and troops under his command, but conſidering the immenſe expence Britain would be at, in replacing ſuch an army in America, together with other reaſons, renders it highly probable, it may prove one of the capital events that decides the war, and eſtabliſhes the independency of theſe ſtates. we have won, the pride of tyranny that muſt needs have been humbled, mark the characters of the freemen of America with diſtinguiſhed honour, and will be read with aſtoniſhment by generations yet unborn.

THE luſt of dominion is a baſe and deteſted principle, the deſire of revenge, is an infernal one, and the former if oppoſed, commonly produces the latter. From theſe our enemies ſeem to have taken their meaſures, and hence have treated us with the greateſt indignities, reproaches, inſults and cruelties, that were ever heaped upon a people, when ſtruggling for their all. The remembrance of theſe things can never be loſt. And altho' under God, American wiſdom and valor, have hitherto oppoſed and baſſled both their force and fraud, and we truſt ever will; yet, juſtice to our cauſe, to ourſelves, and to our poſterity, as well as a moſt righteous reſentment, abſolutely forbid, that any thing ſhould pacify our minds, ſhort of a full and perfect independence. This, ſupported by the wiſdom, virtue and ſtrength of the continent, muſt be our great charter of liberty: nature has given us the claim, and the God of nature, appears to be helping of us to aſſert and maintain it. I am led to ſpeak upon this point, with the greateſt confidence, from the late meaſures and reſolves, of that auguſt Aſſembly, the American Congreſs, which were ſo circumſtanced, and timed, as muſt with their general conduct, raiſe a monument to their ſame, that will bid defiance, even to the devouring hand of time itſelf.

WE muſt be inſidels, the worſt of infidels, to diſown, or diſregard the hand that has raiſed us up ſuch benevolent and powerful aſſiſtants, in times of great diſtreſs. How wonderful, that God, who in antient times "girded Cyrus with his might," ſhould diſpoſe his moſt Chriſtian Majeſty, the King of France, to enter into the moſt open, and generous alliance, with theſe independent ſtates; an event in providence, which like the beams of the morning, cheer and enliven this great continent. We muſt cheriſh the feelings of gratitude, to ſuch friends in our diſtreſs; we muſt hold our treaties ſacred and binding.

Is it poſſible for us to behold the aſhes the ruins of large and opulent towns, that have been burnt in the moſt wanton manner; to view the graves of our dear countrymen, whoſe blood has been moſt cruelly ſpilt; to hear the cries and ſcreaches of our raviſhed matrons and virgins, that had the misfortune to fall into the enemies hands, and think of returning to that cruel and bloody power which has done all theſe things? no! we are not to ſuppoſe ſuch a thought can dwell in the mind of a free ſenſible American. The ſame feelings in nature that led a peruvian prince to chooſe the other place, muſt alſo teach us, to prefer connections with any people on the globe, rather than with thoſe from whom we have experienced ſuch unrighteous ſeverities, and unparrelled cruelties.

IT ſeems as if a little more labour and exertion will bring us to reap the harveſt of all our toils; and certainly we muſt eſteem the freedom and independency of theſe ſtates, a moſt ample reward for all our ſufferings. In preference to all human affairs, our cauſe ſtill merits, and ever has done, the moſt firm and manly ſupport. In this, the greateſt of all human cauſes, numbers of the virtuous Americans have loſt their all—I recall my words, they have not loſt it; no, but from the pureſt principles have offered it up in ſacrifice upon the golden altar of liberty; the ſweet perſumes have aſcended to heaven, and ſhall be had in everlaſting remembrance.

IN this ſtage of our ſtruggle, we are by no means to indulge to a ſupine and dilatory ſpirit, which might yet be fatal; nor have we to take our reſolutions from deſpair; far from this, we have the nobleſt. motives, the higheſt encouragements. I know the ardor of the human mind is apt in time to abate, tho' the ſubject be ever ſo important; but ſurely the blood of our friends and countrymen ſtill crying in our cars, like the ſouls of the martyrs under the altar, muſt arouze and ſire every nobler paſſion of the mind. Moreover,

To anticipate the future glory of America, from our preſent hopes and proſpects, is raviſhing and tranſporting to the mind. In this light we behold our country beyond the reach of all oppreſſors; under the great charter of independence, enjoying the pureſt liberty; beautiful and ſtrong in its union; the envy of tyrants and devils, but the delight of God, and all good men; a refuge to the oppreſſed; the joy of the earth: each ſtate happy in a wiſe model of government and abounding with wiſe men, patriots and heroes; the ſtrength and abilities of the whole continent, collected in a grave and venerable council, at the head of all, ſeeking and promoting the good of the preſent and future generations. Hail my happy country ſaved of the Lord! Happy land, emerged from the deluges of the old world, drowned in luxury and lewd exceſs! Hail happy poſterity, that ſhall reap the peaceful fruits of our ſufferings, fateagues and wars! With ſuch proſpects, ſuch tranſporting views, it is difficult to keep the paſſions or the tongue within the bounds of chriſtian moderation. But far be it from us, to indulge vain glory, or return railing for railing, or to inſult our foes; we cultivate better principles of humanity and bravery, and would much rather cheriſh the feelings of pity, eſpecially to thoſe of our enemies of better minds, whoſe names with the baſer may appear in the pages of impartial hiſtory with indelible blemiſh. We wiſh from the infatuation and wickedneſs, and fate of our enemies, the world would learn leſſons in wiſdom and virtue; that princes would learn never to oppreſs their ſubjects; That the vaughting Generals of Britain would learn never more to deſpiſe and contemn their enemy, nor prove blaſphemers of God and religion: We wiſh the whole world may learn the worth of liberty; and may the inhabitants of theſe ſtates, when their independence and freedom ſhall be compleated, bleſs God for ever and ever, for thine O Lord is the power and the glory, and the victory.

BUT under our raiſed expectations of ſeeing the good of God's choſen, let us think ſoberly, let us act wiſely. The public ſtill calls aloud for the united efforts, both of rulers and people; nor have we as yet put of the harneſs. We have many things amiſs among ourſelves, that need to be reformed; many internal diſeaſes to cure, and ſecret internal enemies to watch againſt, who may aim a fatal blow, while making the higheſt pretenſions to our cauſe; for plauſible pretences are common covers to the blackeſt deſigns. We wiſh we had more public virtue, and that people would not be ſo greedy of cheating themſelves and their neighbours. We wiſh for much greater exertions to promote education and knowledge, and virtue and piety. But in all ſtates there will be ſuch, as want no learning, no government, no religion at all.

FOR the cure of our internal political diſeaſes and to promote the health and vigour, the defence and ſafety of the ſtate, our eyes under God are directed to our rulers; and from that wiſdom and prudence with which they have conducted our public affairs, in the moſt trying times, we have the higheſt encouragement to look to them.

As a token of unſeigned reſpect, the Honorable gentlemen of both houſes of Aſſembly preſent, will permit me by way of addreſs, to obſerve; that the freemen of this ſtate, by deligating their powers to you, my civil fathers, have repoſed the greateſt truſt and confidence in you, from whence we doubt not, but you are ſenſible ariſes the moſt ſacred obligation to fidelity. Preſerving a conſtant ſenſe of this, and keeping the public welfare as your great object in view; we truſt you'll never be wanting in your beſt endeavours, and moſt vigorous exertions, to defend and deliver your country. The matters of the war, will undoubtedly at preſent, claim your firſt and principle attention, always eſteeming its great object, the liberty of your country of more ineſtimable value than all the treaſure of the world; and therefore, to obtain and ſecure it, no neceſſary charges or coſts are to be ſpared. The internal matters of the ſtate, that claim your attention, tho' they may paſs a ſevere ſcrutiny, will be noticed with all juſtice and impartiality. And in the choice of a council, that important branch of our legislature, from which we have experienced ſuch eminent ſervices, of which branch, or one nearly ſimilar, we hope this ſtate will never be deſtitute; in this choice, perſons of known ability, of public virtue and religion, and poſſeſſed of the ſpirit of liberty, will have the preference.

THE burdens of your ſtation are always great, and in theſe times are much increaſed, but you have the beſt of motives for exertion; you have the conſolation, which ariſes from the fulleſt aſſurance of the juſtice of our cauſe; you have the unceaſing prayers of good men, More than all theſe, you have the countenance and ſmiles of Heaven, with unceaſing ardor therefore, you will ſtrive to be laborers together with God.

As nothing will be omitted, that the good of the ſtate calls for, we expect to ſee greater exertions in promoting the means of education and knowledge, In matters of ſcience, we have a moſt ample field open for improvement, to compleat the geography of our country; to improve in the arts of agriculture and manufacture, and of Phyſic, and other branches of ſcience, are great objects that demand our ſpecial attention, and to obtain which an uninterrupted courſe of obſervation and experiment ought to be kept up. And if our General Aſſembly would form and eſtabliſh upon generous principles, a ſociety of arts and ſciences, in this ſtate, they would moſt certainly do great honor to themſelves, and moſt eminent ſervice to the public. than ever have yet been made among us; you will eſpecially allow me, my fathers, to recommend our college, ſo much the glory of our land, to your ſpecial attention, and moſt generous encouragements. For every thing that is excellent and good, that we hope and wiſh for in future, in a moſt important and eſſential ſenſe, is connected with, and depends upon exertions and endeavours of this kind. I need not obſerve

THE leaders and rulers in our glorious cauſe, have a fair opportunity of tranſmiting their names to poſterity, with characters of immortal honour. With my whole ſoul, I wiſh you the bleſſing of God and the preſence and guidance of his holy ſpirit.

My hearers:

LET us all hearken to the calls of our country, to the calls of God; and learn thoſe leſſons in wiſdom, which are ſo forceably inculcated upon us in theſe times, and by ſuch wonderful meaſures in Providence. From a ſacred regard, both to the goodneſs and ſeverity of God, let us follow the guidance of his providence, and in the way of duty, leave ourſelves, and all events with God.

REMEMBERING, that Jeruſalem which is above, is the mother of us all, that we are children, no • of the bond woman, but of the free. Let us ſtand faſt in the liberty wherewith Chriſt hath made us free, and be not entangled again with the yoke of bondage. Imitating the virtue, the piety, the love of liberty, ſo conſpicuous in our pious anceſtors, like them let us exert ourſelves for the good of poſterity. With diligence, let us cultivate the ſpirit of liberty, of public virtue, of union and religion; and thus ſtrengthen the hands of government, and the great pillars of the ſtate. Our own conſciences will reproach us, and the world condemn us, if we do not properly reſpect, and obey, and reverence the government of our own chooſing. The eyes of the whole world are upon us in theſe critical times, and what is yet more, the eyes of Almighty God; let us act worthy of our proſeſſed principles, of our glorious cauſe, that in ſome good meaſure, we may anſwer the expectations of God and of men.

LET us cultivate the heavenly temper, and ſacredly regard the great motive of the world to come. And God of his mercy grant, the bleſſings of peace may ſoon ſucceed, to the horrors of war; and that from the enjoyment of the ſweets of liberty here, we may in our turn and order, go to the full enjoyment of the nobler liberties above, in that new Jeruſalem; that city of the living God, that is enlightened by the glory of God and of the Lamb.