ALMIGHTY God who governs the world generally carries on the deſigns of his government by the inſtrumentality of ſubordinate agents; hereby giving ſcope and opportunity to his creatures to become his miniſters for good to one another, in the exerciſe of the various powers and capacities with which he has endowed them. Tho' for the vindication of his honor, to diſpel the darkneſs and give a check to the idolatry and vice which overſpread the world, and in order to prepare mankind for the reception of a Saviour to be manifeſted in due time, God was pleaſed to take the Jewiſh nation under his particular care and protection, and to become their political law-giver and head; yet he made uſe of the agency of ſome of that people in the adminiſtration of his government. The legiſlative power he ſeems to have reſerved wholly to himſelf; there being no evidence that any of the rulers or aſſemblies of the people had authority to make laws. But the judicial and executive powers were intruſted with men. At the firſt inſtitution of the government, Moſes ſeems to have exerciſed the judicial authority wholly by himſelf. In this buſineſs he was employed from morning till evening, when Jethro, his father in law, the prieſt and prince of Midian came to viſit him. This wiſe man, for ſuch he ſurely was, obſerved to Moſes, that this buſineſs was too heavy for him, and what he was not able to perform alone; and therefore adviſed him to appoint proper perſons to bear the burthen with him, provided it was agreeable to the divine will. Moſes it is ſaid, in the context, hearkened to the voice of his father in law, and did all that he had ſaid. There can be no doubt but that God approved this meaſure, tho' it was firſt ſuggeſted by a pagan, otherwiſe it would not have been adopted. It ſeems indeed to have been highly expedient, and even neceſſary. From whence it appears, that even in this government which was ſo immediately the work of God, room was left for men to make ſuch appointments and inſtitutions, as by experience ſhould be found neceſſary for the due adminiſtration of it. The general plan was laid by God, and he was the ſole legiſlator. This was neceſſary in that age of darkneſs, idolatry and vice. Mankind ſeem to have been too ignorant and corrupt to form a conſtitution, and a code of laws, in any good meaſure adapted to promote their piety, virtue and happineſs. But God left many ſmaller matters to be regulated by the wiſdom and diſcretion of the people. This is agreeable to a general rule of the divine conduct; which is not to accompliſh that, in a ſupernatural or miraculous way, which may be done by the exertion of human powers.

IT is ſaid, in the context, that in compliance with the advice of Jethro, Moſes choſe able men—and made them rulers. But it is generally ſuppoſed that they were choſen by the people. This is aſſerted by Joſephus, and plainly intimated by Moſes in his recapitulary diſcourſe recorded in 1 chap. of Deut. where he ſays to the people, "I ſpake unto you, ſaying I am not able to bear you myſelf alone—take ye wiſe men, and underſtanding and known among your tribes, and I will make them rulers over you". So that theſe officers were without doubt elected by the people, tho' introduced by Moſes into their office. And indeed the Jews always exerciſed this right of chooſing their own rulers; even Saul and David and all their ſucceſſors in the throne, were made kings by the voice of the people. (ſee 1 Sam. 11, 15. 2 Sam. 2, 4, 5, 3.) This natural and important right, God never deprived them of, tho' they had ſhewn ſo much folly and perverſeneſs, in rejecting him, and deſiring to have a king like the nations around them.

THE buſineſs for which Jethro adviſed, that theſe rulers ſhould be choſen was to decide the ſmaller and leſs difficult matters of controverſy that aroſe among the people; while cauſes of greater conſequence were to be brought before Moſes: So that they were a ſort of inferior judicial officers, or judges of inferior courts. Tho' they were not officers of the higheſt dignity and authority in the ſtate, yet the midianitiſh ſage adviſed, that they ſhould be "able men, ſuch as fear God, men of truth hating coveteouſneſs; judging that ſuch men only were fit for the office. He has here in a few words pointed out to us what ſort of men are proper to be put in authority, whether in an higher or lower ſtation; for if ſuch qualifications are neceſſary for this inferior office, they muſt ſurely be more ſo, for the higher and ſupreme offices in government. And the conſideration of theſe qualifications, is what I principally intend in the following diſcourſe: But before I enter upon this, I would give a little attention to two or three other points. Accordingly I ſhall conſider, I. THE neceſſity of civil government to the happineſs of mankind. II. THE right of the people to chooſe their own rulers. III. THE buſineſs of rulers in general.

Theſe particulars being finiſhed in a few words, I ſhall then, IV. PARTICULARLY conſider the qualifications pointed out in the text, as neceſſary for civil rulers.

After which, the ſubject will be applied to the preſent occaſion.

I. LET us conſider the neceſſity of civil government for the happineſs of mankind. Men have in all ages and nations been induced by a ſenſe of their wants and weakneſſes, as well as by their love of ſociety, to keep up ſome intercourſe with one another. A man totally ſeparated from his ſpecies, would be leſs able to provide for himſelf than almoſt any other creature. Some ſort of ſociety, ſome intercourſe with other men in neceſſary to his happineſs, if not to his very exiſtence.

SUPPOSE then a number of men living near together, and maintaining that intercourſe which is neceſſary for the ſupply of their wants, but without any laws or government eſtabliſhed among them by mutual conſent; or in what is called a ſtate of nature. In this ſtate every one has an equal right to liberty, and to do what he thinks proper. The love of liberty is natural to all: It appears the firſt, opperates the moſt forceably and is extinguiſhed the laſt of any of our paſſions. And this principle would lead every man to purſue and enjoy every thing, to which he had an inclination. Several perſons would no doubt deſire and purſue the ſame thing, which only one could enjoy. Hence conteſts would ariſe; and, no one elſe having a right to interfere, they muſt be ſettled by the parties: But prejudice and ſelf-love would render them partial judges, and probably prevent an amicable ſettlement; ſo that the diſpute muſt at laſt be ended by the ſtrongeſt arm; and thus the liberty of the weak would be deſtroyed by the power of the ſtrong. Every unſucceſsful competetor would think himſelf injured by another's ſeizing that to which, in his own opinion, he had an equal right, and would endeavour to obtain compenſation: This would provoke retaliation, and naturally lead on to an endleſs reciprocation of injuries. The injured who found himſelf unable to contend with his adverſary, would call in the aſſiſtance of ſome more powerful combatant, to avenge his cauſe: The aggreſſor too would endeavor to ſtrengthen himſelf for defence by aſſociates; and thus parties would be formed for rapine, devaſtation, and murder; and the peaceful ſtate of nature ſoon be exchanged for a number of little contending tyrannies, or for one ſucceſsful one, that ſhould ſwallow up all the reſt. This would generally be the caſe where men ſhould attempt to live without laws or government; nor can they any way ſecure themſelves againſt all manner of violence and injuries from bad men, but by 〈◊〉 together in ſociety, agreeing upon ſome univerſal rules to be obſerved by all;—that controverſies ſhall be determined, not by the parties concerned, but by diſintereſted judges, and according to eſtabliſhed rules; that their determinations ſhall be enforced by the joint power of the whole community either in puniſhing the injurious or protecting the innocent. Man is not to be truſted with his unbounded love of liberty▪ unleſs it is under ſome other reſtraint, than what ariſes from his own reaſon or the law of God. Theſe, in many inſtances, would make but a feeble reſiſtance to his▪ luſt or avarice; and he would purſue his liberty to the deſtruction of his fellow creatures▪ if he was not reſtrained by human laws and puniſhment.

Let us next conſider,

II. THE right of the people to chooſe their own rulers.

No man is born a magiſtrate, or with a right to rule over his brethren. If this were the caſe, there muſt be ſome natural mark by which it might be known to whom this right belongs, or it could anſwer no end: But no man was ever known to come into the world with any ſuch mark of ſuperiority and dominion. If a man by the improvement of his reaſon and moral powers becomes more wiſe and virtuous than his brethren, this renders him better qualified for authority than others: But ſtill he is no magiſtrate or lawgiver, till he is appointed ſuch by the people.

NOR has one ſtate or kingdom a right to appoint rulers for another. This would infer ſuch a natural inequality in mankind as is inconſiſtent with the equal freedom of all. One ſtate may indeed by virtue of its ſuperior power aſſume this right; and the weaker ſtate may▪ be obliged to ſubmit to it, for want of power to reſiſt. But it is an unjuſt encroachment upon their liberty, which they ought to get rid off as ſoon as they can: It is a mark of tyranny on one ſide, and of inglorious ſlavery on the other.

THE magiſtrate is properly the truſtee of the people: He can have no juſt power but what he receives from them. To them he ought to be accountable for the uſe he makes of this power. But if a man may be inveſted with the power of government, which is the united power of the community, without their conſent, how can they call him to account; what check can they have upon him; or what ſecurity for the enjoyment of any thing which he may ſee fit to deprive them of? They muſt in this caſe be ſlaves: But as every people have a right to be free, they muſt have a right of chooſing their own rulers and appointing ſuch as they think moſt proper; becauſe this right is ſo eſſential to liberty, that the moment a people are deprived of it, they ceaſe to be free. This, as has been already obſerved, is a right which the Jews always enjoyed; they elected their kings, generals, judges and other officers; tho' in ſome few inſtances God did expreſsly point out to them the perſon whom they ought to chooſe; which however, he has never done to any other people.

Let us now conſider,

III. THE buſineſs of rulers in general.

AND this is, to promote and ſecure the happineſs of the whole community. For this end only they are inveſted with power, and only for this end it ought to be employed. The apoſtle tells us, that the magiſtrate is God's miniſter for good to the people. This is the ſole end for which God has ordained, that magiſtrates ſhould be appointed, that they may carry on his benevolent purpoſes, in promoting the good and happineſs of human ſociety; and hence their power is ſaid to be from God; that is, it is ſo, while they employ it according to his will. But when they act againſt the good of ſociety, they cannot be ſaid to act by authority from God, any more, than a ſervant can be ſaid to act by his maſter's authority, while he acts directly contrary to his will. And no people, we may preſume, ever elected a magiſtrate for any other end, than their own good; conſequently when a magiſtrate acts againſt this end, he cannot act by authority from the people; ſo that he acts, in this caſe, without any authority either from God or man. He cannot by any lawful authority act againſt, but only for the good of ſociety. This in general is the buſineſs of civil rulers: But there are a variety of ways and means by which they are to carry on this buſineſs and accompliſh the important end of their inſtitution, which it is quite beyond my preſent deſign particularly to point out, tho' there may be occaſion to ſuggeſt ſome of them in the progreſs of my diſcourſe.

Let us now conſider,

IV. THE qualifications pointed out in the text, as neceſſary for rulers.

1. They muſt be able men. God has made a great difference in men in reſpect of their natural powers both of body and mind: To ſome he has given more, to others fewer talents. Nor is there perhaps a leſs difference in this reſpect, ariſing from education. And tho' their are none but what may be good members of civil ſociety as well as faithful ſervants of God; yet every one has not abilities ſufficient to make him a good civil ruler. Woe unto thee, O land, when thy king is a child, ſays Solomon; hereby intimating that the happineſs of a people depends greatly upon the character of its rulers, and that if they r ••• mble children in weakneſs, ignorance, credulity, fickleneſs, &c. the people will of courſe be very miſerable. BY able men may be intended men of good underſtanding and knowledge; men of clear heads, who have improved their minds by exerciſe, acquired an habit of reaſoning, and furniſhed themſelves with a good degree of knowledge: Men who have a juſt conception of the nature and end of government in general, of the natural rights of mankind, of the nature and importance of civil and religions liberty; a knowledge of human nature; of the ſprings of action and the readieſt way to engage and influence the heart; an acquaintance with the people to be governed, their genius, their prejudices, their intereſt with reſpect to other ſtates, what difficulties they are under, what dangers they are liable to, and what they are able to bear and do. Theſe things are ever to be taken into conſideration by legiſlators, when they make laws for the internal police of a people, and in their tranſactions with, or reſpecting other ſtates. It would be going too far to ſay, that an honeſt man cannot be a good ruler, unleſs he be of the firſt character for good ſenſe, learning and knowledge; but it will not be denied, that the more he excels in theſe things, the more likely he will be to rule well: He will be better able to ſee what meaſures are ſuited to the temper and genius of the people, and moſt conducive to the end of his inſtitution; how to raiſe neceſſary ſupplies for the expences of government in ways moſt eaſy and agreeable to the people; how to extricate them out of dificulties in which they may be involved; how to negotiate with foreign powers, how to prevent or mitigate the calamities of war, by compromiſing differences or putting the people into a condition to defend themſelves and repel injuries: In a word, how to render them happy and reſpectable in peace, or formidable in war. Theſe things require a very conſiderable degree of penetration and knowledge.

As it is of great importance to the community, that learning and knowledge be diffuſed among the people in general, it is proper that the government ſhould take all proper meaſures for this purpoſe; making proviſion for the eſtabliſhment and ſupport of literary ſchools and colleges: But ignorant and illiterate men will not be likely to be the patrons of learning; unacquainted with its excellency and importance, and ſeeing no comlineſs or beauty in it; they will reject and deſpiſe it, as the Jews did the great teacher of wiſdom who came from God. It would not be ſtrange if ſuch men entruſted with the government of a people ſhould wholly neglect to make any proviſion for the encouragement of literature. It is therefore proper that rulers ſhould be men of underſtanding and learning, in order to their being diſpoſed to give due encouragement and ſupport to the teachers and profeſſors of the liberal arts and ſciences.

IT may be further obſerved, that weak and illiterate men at the head of a government, will be likely to place, in inferior and ſubordinate offices, men of their own character, merely becauſe they know no better.

BUT by able men, may be intended men of courage, of firmneſs and reſolution of mind: Men that will not ſink into deſpondency at the ſight of difficulties, or deſert their duty at the approach of danger; men that will hazard their lives in defence of the public, either againſt internal ſedition or external enemies, that will not fear the reſentment of turbulent, factious men; that will be a terror to evil doers, however powerful, and a protection to the innocent, however weak:—Men that will decide ſeaſonably upon matters of importance and firmly abide by their deciſion, not wavering with every wind that blows. There are ſome men that will halt between two opinions and heſitate ſo long, when any queſtion of conſequence is before them, and are ſo eaſily ſhaken from their purpoſe, when they have formed one, that they are on this account very unfit to be intruſted with public authority. Such double-minded men will be unſtable in all their ways; their indeciſion in council will produce none but feeble and ineffectual exertions. And this doubting and wavering in the ſupreme authority muſt be prejudicial to the ſtate, and, at ſome critical times, may, be attended with fatal conſequences. Wiſe men will not indeed determine raſhly, but when the caſe requires it, they will reſolve ſpeedily, and act with vigor and ſteadineſs.

BY able men may be further intended men capable of enduring the burden and fatigue of government; men that have not broken or debilitated their bodies or minds, by the effeminating pleaſures of luxury, intemperance or diſſipation. The ſupreme government of a people is always a burden of great weight, tho' more difficult at ſome times, than others. It cannot be managed well without great diligence and application. Weak and effeminate perſons are therefore by no means fit to manage it. But rulers ſhould not only be able men, but

2. Such as fear God. The fear of God, in the language of ſcripture, does not intend a ſlaviſh, ſuperſtitious dread, as of an almighty, arbitrary and cruel Being; but that juſt reverence and awe of him, which naturally ariſes from a belief and habitual conſideration of his glorious perfections and providence; of his being the moral governor of the world, a lover of holineſs and a hater of vice, who ſees every thought and deſign, as well as every action of all his creatures, and will puniſh the impenitently vicious and reward the virtuous: It is therefore a feat of offending him productive of obedience to his laws, and ever accompanied with hope in his mercy and that filial love which is due to ſo amiable a character.

IT is of great importance that civil rulers be poſſeſſed of this principle. It muſt be obvious to all, that a practical regard to the rules of ſocial virtue is neceſſary to the character of a good magiſtrate. Without this, a man is unworthy of any truſt or confidence. But no principle ſo effectually promotes and eſtabliſhes this regard to virtue, as the fear of God. A man may indeed from a regard to the intrinſic amiableneſs and excellency of virtue, from a mere ſenſe of honor, from a love of fame, from a natural benevolence of temper, or from a prudent regard to his own temporal happineſs, follow virtue, when he is under no ſtrong temptation to the contrary. But ſuppoſe him in a ſituation, where he apprehends that temporal infamy and miſery will be the certain conſequence of his practiſing virtue, and temporal honor and happineſs the conſequence of his forſaking it, without any regard to God, as his ruler and judge, and can we expect that he will adhere to his duty? Will he ſacrifice every thing dear in this life, in the cauſe of virtue, when he has no expectation of any reward for it, beyond the grave? Will he deny himſelf a preſent gratification, without any proſpect of being repaid either here or hereafter? Will he expoſe himſelf to reproach, poverty and death for the ſake of doing good to mankind, without any regard to God, as the rewarder of virtue or puniſher of vice? This is not to be expected. We all love, and we ought to love ourſelves, and all wiſh to be happy. Why then ſhould a man give up preſent caſe and happineſs for ſuffering and death, in the cauſe of virtue, if he has no expectation that God will reward virtue? This would be acting againſt the principle of ſelf-love, which is generally too powerful to be counteracted

BUT ſuppoſe a man to be habitually under the influence of this principle, that is, to believe and duly conſider God, as his ruler and judge, who will hereafter reward virtue and puniſh vice with happineſs and miſery reſpectively, unſpeakably greater than any to be enjoyed or ſuffered in this world, and he may then upon rational principles and in conſiſtency with his ſelf-love, forego the greateſt temporal good, and expoſe himſelf to the greateſt temporal evil, in the cauſe of virtue; and we may reaſonably expect that he will. Virtue will be his chief good: He will be attached to it, as to his very being, with all the ſtrength and ardor of his love and deſire of happineſs. The fear of God therefore is the moſt effectual, and the only ſure ſupport of virtue in the world.

MEN inveſted with civil power are not to be ſure leſs, but generally much more expoſed to temptations to violate their duty than other men: They h • ve more frequent opportunities of committing injuries; and may do it with leſs fear of preſent puniſhment; and therefore ſtand in need of every poſſible reſtraint to keep them from abuſing their power, by deviating into the paths of vice.

IT is further to be conſidered, that the practice of piety, which is compriſed in the fear of God, has a powerful tendency to enoble and dignify the mind and beget in it an abhorrence of every thing mean and baſe; to inſpire a magnanimity and fortitude of ſpirit that will ſupport and carry it thro' the greateſt dangers and difficulties; to refine and purify the heart, to diſengage it from the vanities of the world, and beget that good will and benevolence which are the brighteſt part of a virtuous character. Contemplating daily the perfections of the Deity, as diſplayed in the creation, government and redemption of the world, muſt naturally tend to exalt the affections and fix them upon divine things, to make us love and deſire to imitate the moral character of God; and conſequently to weaken the force of thoſe luſts which are ſo apt to draw men aſide and entice them into ſin;—to enliven every principle of virtue, and make us perfect, even as our father in heaven is perfect.

IT is alſo to be obſerved, that the human mind is liable to miſtake and err, that circumſtances often occur, eſpecially to thoſe who are concerned in government, in which more wiſdom is neceſſary than they are poſſeſſed of, even though they may be able men. In ſuch caſes we are directed to look up to God, the original and inexhauſtible ſource of wiſdom. Nor have we any reaſon to ſuſpect that ſuch applications will be in vain. God perfectly knows the human mind, and all the ways in which its views and determinations can be influenced: And he may without infringing upon its moral liberty, by a powerful, though imperceptible operation, put it into ſuch a train of thinking, as may give it a juſter view, and lead it to a wiſer determination, than it would otherwiſe have formed. There is, I apprehend, nothing in this ſuppoſition, inconſiſtent with the principles of rational theology and natural religion. Nor without ſuppoſing that God does thus interpoſe, is it eaſy to conceive how that part of the divine government which is in the hands of civil rulers, ſhould in all caſes be adapted to the various circumſtances of particular perſons. But there is little reaſon to think that this light and direction will be granted to men who have no fear of God before their eyes; becauſe though they lack wiſdom, they will not aſk it of God, who giveth to all men liberally and upbraideth not. And rulers being without this divine counſel, it will not be ſtrange, if, merely for this reaſon, their conduct is wrong and ill-judged, calculated in many inſtances, not for the good, but the hurt of the people; and it may be, at a critical time, for their utter deſtruction.

THERE can be no doubt, but God often brings diſtreſs and ruin upon a ſinful people, through the ill-management of their rulers, given up to error and blindneſs. In the 19th chapter of Iſaiah we have a propheſy of the overthrow of the kingdom of Egypt. And the infatuation of their rulers is mentioned as one of the immediate cauſes of this calamity. "The ſpirit of Egypt," ſays God, "ſhall fail; and I will deſtroy the counſel thereof." It is afterwards added, "Surely the princes of Zoan are fools, the counſel of the wiſe counſellors of Pharoah is become brutiſh." And in the 29th chapter of the ſame book, God threatens his own people, that for their hypocriſy and other wickedneſs, "the wiſdom of their wiſe men ſhall periſh. and the underſtanding of their prudent men ſhall be hid." In the ſame way, is reaſonable to ſuppoſe, God often brings his judgments upon other nations. And therefore i • a people deſire to have rulers of wiſe and underſtanding hearts, counſelled and directed by heaven, they ſhould take care, that they be men who fear God.

LET me obſerve once more, that it is of great importance to their happineſs, that religion and virtue generally prevail among a people; and in order to this, government ſhould uſe its influence to promote them. Rulers ſhould encourage them not only by their example, but by their authority; and the people ſhould inveſt them with power to do this, ſo far as is conſiſtent with the ſacred and unalienable rights of conſcience; which no man is ſuppoſed to give up▪ or may lawfully give up, when he enters into ſociety. But reſerving theſe, the people may, and ought to give up every right and power, which will enable him more effectually to promote the common good, without putting it in his power eſſentially to injure it. He ought therefore to have power to puniſh all open acts of profaneſs and impiety, as tending by way of example to deſtroy that reverence of God which is the only effectual ſupport of moral virtue; and all open acts of vice, as prejudicial to ſociety: He ſhould have power to provide for the inſtitution and ſupport of the public worſhip of God, and public teachers of religion and virtue, in order to maintain in the minds of the people that reverence of God, and that ſenſe of moral obligation, without which there can be no confidence, no peace or happineſs in ſociety.

WITHOUT ſuch care in government, there is danger that the people will forget the God that is above, and abandon themſelves to vice; or, to ſay the leaſt, impiety and vice are much leſs likely to become general, where ſuch care is taken, than where it is not. And God having in the conſtitution of nature made religion and virtue conducive, and even neceſſary to the happineſs of human ſociety, he has thereby plainly taught us, that it is the duty and buſineſs of ſociety as ſuch, or of the civil magiſtrate to do every thing to promote them, that may be done without injuring the rights of conſcience. And no man who has full liberty of inquiring and examining for himſelf, of openly publiſhing and profeſſing his religious ſentiments, and of worſhipping God in the time and manner which he chooſes, without being obliged to make any religious profeſſions, or attend any religious worſhip contrary to his ſentiments, can juſtly complain that his rights of conſcience are infringed. And ſuch liberty and freedom every man may enjoy, tho' the government ſhould require him to pay his proportion towards ſupporting public teachers of religion and morality.

TAKING this care of religion appears to be ſo plain and important a duty, that the government which ſhould wholly neglect it, would not only act a very unwiſe and imprudent part with reſpect to themſelves; but be guilty of baſe ingratitude and a daring affront to heaven. By ſuch conduct they would, as a community, in effect adopt the language of the profane fataliſts mentioned by Job, who "ſay unto God, depart from us; for we deſire not the knowledge of thy ways. What is the Almighty that we ſhould ſerve him! And what profit ſhall we have if we pray unto him?" Now altho' it is poſſible, that rulers who have no religion themſelves, may enact proper laws to ſupport it among the people, yet it is to be remembered, that their example will have great influence, and, if that be irreligious and vicious, will, in ſome meaſure, defeat the good effects of their authority, and do more to ſpread corruption, than that will to prevent it. It is therefore highly proper in order to promote piety and good morals among the people, that rulers be men who fear God; who have a juſt ſenſe of religion on their own minds, and conform to it in their lives.

IT may be proper to add, that though the fear of God may exiſt, where there is no knowledge or belief of chriſtianity; yet that the ſcheme of doctrines contained in the goſpel, is much better calculated than any other known to the world, to produce and ſtrengthen that divine principle. The plan of redemption which i • un • olds for the fallen race of men, exhibits the Deity in the moſt amiable light, as the perfection of love and benevolence: "The ſolemn ſcenes which it opens beyond the grave; the reſurrection of the dead; the general judgment; the equa diſtribution of rewards and puniſhments to the good and bad; and the full completion of divine wiſdom and goodneſs, in the final eſtabliſhment of order, perfection and happineſs," afford ſuch motives to the love and reverence of God, and to the practice of all holineſs and virtue, as can be drawn from no other ſcheme of religion: And therefore a belief of the goſpel of Chriſt may juſtly be conſidered, as an important qualification for a civil ruler.

I might obſerve further under this particular, that impious, immoral men at the head of government, and having authority to appoint ſubordinate officers, will probably make choice of men of their own character, and in this way be a means of ſpreading corruption, and of much injury to ſociety: But I muſt paſs on to conſider another qualification of rulers. For

III. They muſt be men of truth.

THIS means men free from deceit and hypocriſy, guide and falſehood: Men who will not by flattery and cajoling, by falſehood, and ſlandering a competitor endeavor to get into authority: And who when they are in, will conſcienciouſly ſpeak the truth in all their declarations and promiſes, and punctually fulfil all their engagements.

IN treating with other ſtates, they will act with the ſame integrity which honeſt men do in their private affairs, and promiſe nothing but what they intend, and think they ſhall be able to perform. Engagements already made to other powers, they will honeſtly endeavor to fulfil, ſo far as it belongs to their department, without ſeeking or pretending a cauſe for failure, when no ſuch cauſe exiſts.

THEY will ſhew the ſame integrity and fidelity in their conduct towards individuals. They will not promiſe to any one, what they have reaſon to think they cannot, or do not intend to perform. Promiſes of government already made, the execution of which belongs to them, they will look upon themſelves bound to fulfil, if poſſible, that no ma • may be a ſufferer by confiding in the public • aith.

CIVIL rulers generally bind themſelves expreſsly, and always implicitly by accepting their office, • a • thfully to diſcharge the duties of it. And a man of truth will pay a ſacred regard to this engagement. He will not content himſelf with receiving the honors and emoluments of his off • ce, while he neglects the duties of it: Conſidering, that he has ſolemnly bound himſelf to do this buſineſs, he will give the ſame care and attention to it, that a prudent man in a private ſtation does to his own particular concerns. A man of truth will not undertake an office, for which he thinks himſelf incapable; becauſe this would be promiſing to do, what he is conſcious, he is incapable of doing; nor will he be inſtrumental of appointing others to offices, for which he thinks them unqualified; this would be acting falſely; becauſe by the appointment he declares, that he thinks them qualified. Having ſolemnly engaged to uſe his power for the public good, he will never employ it in encouraging and ſupporting the enemies of his country, or to carry on, under the maſk of patriotiſm, meaſures to promote his own ſelfiſh and private views, or to ſcreen and protect from public juſtice, offenders againſt ſociety. He will not employ his abilities to impoſe upon the underſtandings of others, and make the worſe appear the better reaſon, in order to diſguiſe truth, and pervert juſtice. He will not ſuffer one man, or one part of the community to be injured and robbed by another, when his office enables him to prevent it; becauſe this would be violating his promiſe. In a word, he will to his utmoſt endeavor to anſwer the end of his inſtitution by performing the duties of his ſtation, and manifeſt by all his conduct that he is an honeſt, upright man. He will make no falſe pretences, he will put on no falſe appearances, but • ver act with chriſtian ſimplicity, and godly ſincerity.

SUCH will be the conduct of men of truth: And ſuch men only are proper to be intruſted with authority over a free people. Rulers of this character will be honored, beloved and confided in by their countrymen, and reſpected by other nations; their ſubjects will be eaſy and happy, united together in the bonds of truth and love, and by their union able to defend themſelves againſt invaders; their government reſting on the baſis of truth and juſtice, will be firm and ſtable, revered and honoured both at home and abroad. Whereas that deceit and hypocriſy, that falſehood and inſincerity, that diſſimulation and craftineſs, which have ſo often dictated the meaſures of government in moſt of the nations of the earth, and which are expreſly recommended to rulers by Machiavel, and inculcated among other immoralities, as neceſſary parts of a good education, in the celebrated and much admired letters of a late britiſh nobleman to his ſon,Lord Cheſterfield however they may ſometimes ſucceed and procure ſome temporary advantages, will almoſt always weaken and diſgrace the government which practices them,

There is no ſafety where there is no ſtrength, no ſtrength without union, no union without juſtice, no juſtice where faith and truth in accompliſhing public and private engagements is wanting.

Sidney's diſcourſes concerning government.