AT what time, or upon what occaſion, the Pſalm before us was compoſed, is neither certain, nor eaſy, at this diſtance of time, to determine.—"Many have ſuppoſed it to have been penned, on occaſion of bringing up the Ark to Mount Zion."—Others, "that it looks further, and is prophetick of the aſcenſion of the glorious Mediator, after he had finiſhed his work on earth, and the ſetting up his kingdom in the world."

FROM the ſentiments it contains, it might alſo be conſidered as a Pſalm compoſed, and well adapted, for the congregation of Iſrael, when all the tribes came to Hebron to receive David, and by their elders to make a league with him, as their chief magiſtrate; and to eſtabliſh him in the government.Vid. 2 Sam. 5. 1, 2, 3.

BUT, which, or whether either of theſe ſuppoſitions hath any ſolid foundation, muſt be left to the learned and judicious to determine.—Be the primary occaſion, of this devout compoſition, what it may; it is beyond diſpute, that the ſubjects of it are intereſting and important:—Subjects well ſuited to inſpire the church and people of GOD, at all times, with a ſenſe of his government and their dependence, and of their indiſpenſible obligations to celebrate the glories of his perfections, herein diſplayed, as the ground of their confidence and theme of their praiſe.

IN a word, it is an exhortation to the people of GOD, to praiſe the LORD, as "The Great King over all the earth," who ſhould ſubdue the people, their enemies and oppreſſors under them, and the nations under their feet: And as that GOD, who ſhould chooſe their inheritance for them, and eſtabliſh them in the quiet poſſeſſion and enjoyment of it.

AGREEABLY, in confirmation of this their confidence, it is ſaid, in the text—That GOD ſitteth upon the throne of his holineſs: The Princes of the people are gathered together, even the people of the GOD of Abraham; for the Shields of the earth belong unto GOD: He is greatly exalted.

IN theſe words, we have a ſtriking repreſentation,—a lively portrait of the happy ſtate of a people, or nation, in covenant with GOD, and favoured with his protection and ſmiles; of a people eſtabliſhed in the enjoyment of the bleſſings of a civil government, whoſe conſtitution is founded in principles of liberty and equity, whoſe laws are adminiſtred with juſtice and righteouſneſs, and whoſe end is the glory of GOD, in the good of mankind. The Great GOD, as the ſovereign, the ſupreme ruler, ſitting on the throne of his holineſs, with all the powers of government, originally and ultimately, veſted in himſelf, and exerciſed by him, agreeable to the eternal laws of righteouſneſs and equity.—The Princes of the people, their leaders, or deligates, are gathered together, from all parts of the land, in the name of their conſtituents, and under the direction and influence of their ſupreme ruler and ſovereign, to conſult the public weal, to enact laws and to tranſact the great affairs of the nation and of government. The people, the body of the nation, are there introduced, as The people of the GOD of Abraham, in covenant with him, and devoutly acknowledging their fealty to him, as their ſovereign, and their dependence upon him and his bleſſing, both for counſel and defence. And in fine, that nothing might be wanting to compleat the view, we have The Shields of the earth, repreſenting both the powers of government and the perſons veſted with them, exhibited, as belonging to GOD, religiouſly devoted to his ſervice and glory, or under his direction and controul, to carry to effect the purpoſes of his benevolence and wiſdom for the good of his people, or the deſigns of his juſtice and righteouſneſs in the government of the world.—The whole is intended to ſhow—'That magiſtracy, or civil government, is of divine inſtitution—'That the end of it is the good of the governed—and 'That, as all power and all authority are derived from him, the glory of all ſhould redound to his name; to the end, that GOD, who ſitteth on the throne might be greatly exalted.

THAT GOD, who created and preſerves, of right, doth govern the world, is a truth, which the light of nature teaches, which revelation confirms, and a truth, which the common ſenſe of mankind in all ages, concurs to eſtabliſh.

THAT the power, authority and ſovereignty of GOD are abſolute and uncontroulable is a truth juſtly deducible from the preceeding, and equally indiſputable.

THE ſacred ſcriptures are far from being ſilent, or doubtful, upon a ſubject ſo fundamental, ſo important. We frequently find all the powers of moral government, in the higheſt ſenſe, ſolemnly aſſumed by GOD, or devoutly aſcribed unto him, in the divine oracles. Hence GOD is introduced by the holy prophet, as ſaying, "I am the LORD, and there is none elſe; there is no GOD beſides me. I form the light and create darkneſs: I make peace and create evil: I the LORD do all theſe things."Iſai. 45 5. 7. "I will work, and who ſhall let it?"Ibid. 43, 13—And to ſhow the vanity of oppugnation to his government or authority, it is added,—"Let the potſherd ſtrive with the potſherds of the earth: But wo to him that ſtriveth with his maker."Ibid. 45 9.

AND what GOD hath thus juſtly aſſumed, is devoutly aſcribed to him by his ſaints and people; and frequently mentioned as the ground of their confidence, as well as the reaſon of their ſubmiſſion.—At all times, yea, even in times of perplexity and darkneſs, it was the language of GOD's people—"The LORD reigneth, let the earth rejoice"Pſal. 97. 1.—"The LORD is our judge, the LORD is our lawgiver, the LORD is our king; He will ſave us."Iſai. Holy David obſerves, that "the kingdom is the LORD's, and he is governor among the nations."Pſal. 22. 28. and to add no more, it is ſaid—That "The LORD ſitteth King forever:"Pſal. 29, 10. And, that "His Kingdom ruleth over all."103, 19.

IN this light conſidered, the Deity is to be acknowledged, as that GOD, whoſe power and authority are ſupreme, univerſal and uncontroulable.

IT is not, however, authority or power alone, that forms the character, or gives an idea of the great moral governor of the univerſe; but this power, and this authority, as tempered with wiſdom, goodneſs, juſtice, truth, faithfulneſs, and other moral perfections neceſſary to a government founded in equity, exerciſed in righteouſneſs, glorious to himſelf and a bleſſing to his creatures.

IT would have been eaſy to an infinite being, to have carried to effect the purpoſes of his government, by the influences of his ſpirit, or the word of his power; but, for wiſe reaſons, the ſupreme Ruler • ath been pleaſed to employ angels and men, a • miniſters in his kingdom; and to render even ſecond cauſes ſubſervient to the great deſigns of his wiſdom, juſtice and goodneſs, in the government of the world.

FOR the glory of GOD, and the preſervation of order and communication of happineſs, It is both natural and rational to ſuppoſe, that government ſubſiſts among intelligent beings, of whatever rank, or degree in creation.

THIS conjecture is the more probable, with regard to the heavenly hoſts, and thoſe bright intelligencies, who inhabit the celeſtial abodes, and are favoured with the neareſt approaches unto GOD, from the account the ſacred oracles have given; of the various names, orders and degrees ſubſiſting among them; as Angels, Arch-angels, Thrones, Dominions, Principalities and Powers. Col. 1. 16.

SOMETHING of this kind, alſo, would, undoubtedly, have been advantageous, if not neceſſary, to have perfected the felicity of mankind, had they continued in a ſtate of innocence and rectitude: And for the order, harmony and happineſs of ſociety and the world, it is reaſonable to ſuppoſe, that rule and government would have taken place among men, however virtuous, benevolent, or juſt.

THE ſtill greater importance of ſuch an inſtitution to the peace, liberty, ſafety and happineſs of individuals, of ſociety and the world of mankind, ſince ſin, luſt, paſſion, imperfection and every evil work have been introduced, needs neither time to conſider, nor arguments to prove.

WERE there no civil government, laws, magiſtracy, nor Shields of the earth, for the preſervation of peace, the guard of liberty, the protection of property and the defence of life, it is eaſy to ſee, and, without a ſpirit of propheſy, to foretell, what the event muſt be:—that anarchy, confuſion, blood and ſlaughter, waſte and deſtruction, would ſoon take place in the earth.—The weak would be devoured by the ſtrong, the innocent, like righteous Abel, would become an eaſy prey to the vicious, abandoned and ambitious:—and the longeſt ſword muſt quickly determine the fate of mankind.

HENCE it appears, I had almoſt ſaid, to a demonſtration, that, under GOD, the ſupreme ruler, this wiſe inſtitution of civil government, this richeſt of temporal bleſſings to mankind, takes its riſe from Neceſſity.

IT is true, reaſon teaches the propriety, convenience points out the advantages, and all the ſocial affections concur to urge the importance of civil government. But however engaging or intereſting theſe arguments might appear, to the wiſe, the benevolent, or judicious, they would be, at beſt, but a feeble ſupport to the peace and order of ſociety,—would never have availed to eſtabliſh government, over the lawleſs luſts of vicious, aſpiring, or blood-thirſty men.—It is Neceſſity, Neceſſity alone, which combines men in ſociety, and gives riſe to civil government. And had not mankind been effectually convinced of this neceſſity, and taught to realize that there was no living without it, it is very much a doubt, whether ever ſuch an inſtitution would have taken place in the world.

THIS Neceſſity, in a great meaſure at leaſt, is founded in and takes riſe from the luſts, the corruptions and vices of mankind.

'TIS not indeed pretended, that any one man, or any number of men, have any natural right of ſuperiority, or inherent claim of dominion, or governmental authority over any other man, or body of men.—All men, by nature, are free, equal and independent, in this matter. It is in compact—in compact alone, that all juſt government is founded.

THE firſt ſteps, in entering into ſociety and toward the eſtabliſhment of civil government among a people, is the forming, agreeing to, and ratifying an original compact, for the regulation of the State, deſcribing and determining the mode, departments and powers of government, and the rights, privileges and duties of the ſubjects.

THIS ſhould be done by the whole body of the people; or by princes, leaders, or delegates, by their choice, appointment, or conſent.

THIS right in the people, whether emerging from a ſtate of nature, or the yoke of oppreſſion, is an unalienable right—a right which cannot be given up by a people, even though ever ſo much inclined to ſell or ſacrifice it.—Yea, ſhould a people be ſo loſt to themſelves, as, upon any conſideration, to give it up, it may juſtly be re-claimed, at leaſt by the next generation, who cannot be ſuppoſed to be deprived of their birth-right, becauſe their progenitors, like Eſau, deſpiſed and parted with theirs.

WHILE the ſocial compact ſubſiſts, the whole ſtate, and all its members, are bound by it:—a ſacred regard ought to be paid to it. No man, order, or body of men, in the ſtate, have any right, power, or authority, to alter, change, or violate the ſocial compact. Nor can any change, alteration, or amendment, be lawfully introduced, but by common conſent. Any and every attempt of this kind, endangers the whole.

IT remains, however, with the community, ſtate, or nation, as a public, political body, at any time, at pleaſure, to change, alter, or even totally diſſolve the conſtitution, and return to a ſtate of nature, or to form anew, as to them ſhall ſeem meet.

THESE principles admitted, it is evident 〈◊〉 no man, or body of men, however wiſe, great or good;—no ſtate, nation, or power on earth, hath any right to make or impoſe a conſtitution of government upon another ſtate or nation: Such a conſtitution, however free, is a mark of dependence, a badge of ſlavery, the moſt diſtant thought of which the high ſpirit of a free people would juſtly deſpiſe.

EQUALITY and INDEPENDENCE are the juſt claim, the indefeaſible birth-right of men:—In a ſtate of nature, as individuals; in ſociety, as ſtates or nations.—Nothing ſhort of theſe ever did, or ever will ſatisfy a man or a people, truly free, truly brave.

TRUE it is, a conquered nation is obliged to ſubmit to the terms, the laws, the conqueror is pleaſed to impoſe: But this being matter of compulſion and not of choice, alters not the right. The claim to liberty and independence remains the ſame. When opportunity offers, and power is attained, it is, beyond diſpute, the duty, as well as right, of ſuch a people, of ſuch a nation, to aſſert their native liberty, to ſhake off the tyrant's yoke, to maintain their equality and independence among the nations; and either reſume their former, or eſtabliſh a new conſtitution of government, as they ſhall judge beſt.

UPON the whole, this is a right, the violation or infringement of which, upon any conſideration whatever, no man can juſtify upon the principles of reaſon, the laws of nature, or rules of equity.—Even GOD himſelf, the ſupreme ruler of the world, whoſe government is abſolute and uncontroulable, hath ever paid a ſacred attention to this important right; hath ever patroniſed this intereſting claim in the ſons of men.

THE only conſtitution of civil government that can plead its origin, as immediately from heaven, is, The Theocracy of the Hebrews. But even this form of government, though dictated by infinite wiſdom, and wrote with the finger of GOD, was laid before his people for their conſideration, and ratified, introduced and eſtabliſhed by their common conſent.

WHAT form of government will anſwer the beſt purpoſes to ſociety, and moſt effectually diſplay the glory of the ſupreme Ruler, in the good of mankind, is a queſtion truly delicate and important; and a queſtion, which, in the hand of a maſterly politician, might admit of a diſcuſſion both intereſting and entertaining. But as neither time, nor capacity, will permit me to enter largely into ſo high and critical a ſubject; it ſhall ſuffice to obſerve,—

THAT a little acquaintance with the world and the hiſtory of mankind, in the ſeveral ages paſt, will clearly decide, that no one conſtitution, or form of civil government, can be ſuppoſed to be equally adopted to anſwer the beſt purpoſes of ſuch an inſtitution, in every ſociety, nation or ſtate.

THAT in the riſe and progreſs of ſociety, different modes of government have been adopted and introduced, at different ſtages and ſucceſſive periods, cannot be doubted.—And whether there hath not been, in many inſtances, at leaſt, a gradation in the modes of government, keeping pace with the progreſs of ſociety, in the ſeveral ages of the world, ſimilar to that gradation, which is eaſily obſerved in the ſeveral ſtages and periods of human life; is a queſtion, with all deference, ſubmitted to the candor and judgment of this reſpectable aſſembly.

AT firſt ſight, indeed, this circumſtance may not have been obſerved; nor can it be ſaid to have been the caſe, without many exceptions. But, in an attentive review of the hiſtory of mankind, have we not ſeen, in various inſtances, a people emerging from a ſtate of nature, and perhaps obſcurity, with all the life, vigor, heat and zeal, as well as undiſguiſed ſimplicity of youth, entering into ſociety; and their pulſe beating high for liberty, forming the ſocial compact upon principles of freedom, and eſtabliſhing a conſtitution purely popular—A form of civil government, in which every man conſiders himſelf a part of the authority, having a right to give his voice upon every law, meaſure, or public act of the ſtate?

IN a ſucceeding ſtage, have we not ſeen a people, perhaps the ſame, by gradual alterations and improvements, or by ſome thorough reform or revolution, like man arrived at mature age, for wiſdom, firmneſs and ſtrength, eſtabliſhing true liberty and a ſettled civil government, upon the more permanent Ba •• s of a FREE COMMONWEALTH? And under this happy form, flouriſhing for ages, and in the unmoleſted enjoyment of the ſweets of freedom and the bleſſings of government, riſing to the height of ſtrength and dignity, proſperity and glory?

MOREOVER, Have we not ſeen, at ſome diſtant period, this ſame ſociety, ſtate or nation, like man paſſed the meridian of life, and beginning to feel the infirmities of age approaching, by inſinuating corruptions, by the influence of parties, the malevolence of factions, and frequent diſorders, warned of its danger, and reduced to the neceſſity of ſtrengthening the bands of ſociety, and the powers of government, by a monarchial conſtitution; and putting the reins into the hands of a ſovereign, with certain limitations, to guard, as much as may be, the liberty of the ſubject and freedom of the ſtate?

IN fine;—Have we not ſeen, in the cloſing period, the ſame ſociety, ſtate, or nation, like man, in the decline of life, bowed with the infirmities of age and time, the conſtitution broken; the ſpirit of virtue, wiſdom, liberty and firmneſs gone; the political body, filled with vicious humours, attacked by painful diſeaſes, rack'd with malignant diſorders, which ſurpaſs the political phyſician's ſkill to heal or remedy? In a word, convulſed to the very foundations, by internal oppreſſions and violences, by public tumults and commotions; and divided and rent by the furious factions of wicked, deſigning, artful and ambitious men, tending to and ending in blood-ſhed, ſlaughter and civil wars, which nothing but the hand and ſword of abſolute power could reſtrain, quiet or controul—and thus prepared to be an eaſy prey to the daring tyrant, whoſe hand could ſeize, whoſe ſword could ſecure it!!

IT is not, indeed, pretended, that this hath been ſtatedly or literally the caſe, with nations that have entered into ſociety, and eſtabliſhed civil government in the world.—But whether, in the riſe and progreſs of ſociety, and the modes of government which have been adopted by mankind, ſomething of this kind hath not appeared, in various inſtances? And whether this, or ſome ſimilar gradation in the conſtitutions of government, at the ſeveral periods and ſtages of ſociety, are not natural and neceſſary, rational and juſt; and, upon the whole, for the beſt,—is humbly ſubmitted to the learned, the wiſe and judicious to conſider.

CERTAIN it is, that as different ſocieties and ſtates may require different modes of government; ſo the ſame ſocieties or nations may require different conſtitutions, at diſtinct and diſtant periods and ſtages of their exiſtence.

WHEN Brutus the Elder greatly dared to attempt a radical revolution, from an arbitrary to a free government, by the expulſion of the Tarquins, and the eſtabliſhment of a commonwealth at Rome; the virtue of his fellow-citizens, ſeconded and ſupported him: And the glorious plan was carried to effect to the inexpreſſible joy of every friend to liberty, to his country and the rights of mankind.—But when, from the ſame patriotic principles, Brutus the Younger, by the death of Julius Caeſar, ſeveral ages afterwards, nobly attempted the deliverance of his country from the ſhackles of tyranny, and the oppreſſor's yoke; and to re-eſtabliſh a free government; the virtue of his fellow-citizens failed him; and Rome was enſlaved, never—never to enjoy the bleſſings of liberty or a free government more!—And this was her choice!—otherwiſe ſhe would have rouſed, ſeconded and ſupported the arms and attempts of ſo faithful a friend and ſo valiant an hero, in the glorious cauſe of freedom and his country.

UPON the whole, the propriety or impropriety of this or that conſtitution or mode of government, for this people or another, depends upon a variety of circumſtances; ſuch as character, ſituation, manners, cuſtoms, trade, connections, &c.—of which the people, are, or, moſt certainly, ought to be the beſt, if not the only competent judges.—And happy is that people, who, having the opportunity, have wiſdom to diſcern and virtue to purſue their true intereſt, in a matter of ſo intereſting a nature, and ſuch laſting importance.

MYSTERIES in government, ſecrets of ſtate,—thoſe Arcana Imperii, by which the artful and ambitious have inſlaved the greater part of mankind, are totally abhorrent to all principles of liberty, and naturally tend to ſap the foundations of civil government, in a free commonwealth.

A people have an unalienable right to know the conſtitution they enjoy, the government they are under, the laws they are ſubject to, and what is juſtly expected and required of them as ſubjects.

NEXT to a good conſtitution, therefore, the laws of the land are the inheritance of the people.—All laws ſhould bear a reſemblance and carry the features, of the conſtitution; being deduced from its principles and founded in its maxims. And, if I may be allowed the expreſſion, the laws ſhould flow from the conſtitution, as the ſtreams from fountain, and even grow out of it, as the tree from the root, or the branches from the ſtock.

IT is alſo neceſſary to the well-being of ſociety, that laws be adapted to the ſtate and neceſſities of a people, and to the circumſtances and exigencies of the community.

IT is of no ſmall importance to the liberty of the ſubject, as well as the ſupport of governmental authority, in a free commonwealth, that laws be as few in number, and as plain, conciſe and expreſſive, in their form, as poſſible.

IT hath been often ſaid, 'The more laws, the leſs government.'—The inſtitutions of Lycurgus, the great founder of civil government in Sparta, and the laws of Solon, the wiſe lawgiver of the Athenians, under the happy influence of which thoſe ſtates, from ſmall beginnings, roſe to the heighth of ſtrength and glory, were few, plain, conciſe and expreſſive.

WHEN laws become numerous, or voluminous, it indicates the decline of virtue, the weakneſs of government and increaſe of vice.—For laws, taking life from neceſſity, hold up to view the vices, or crimes, they are intended to ſuppreſs, as the reaſon of their exiſtence.—Several ages paſſed, in the republick of Rome, before any law exiſted for the puniſhment of a Parricide; evidently taking for granted, either, that this crime had never been thought of, or that it was of ſo atrocious a nature, that no Roman could be ſo debaſed as even to commit it.

I only add, that to render laws effectual, to the purpoſes of their exiſtence, it hath ever been the care of the wiſeſt legiſlators, eſpecially in free ſtates, to have ſuch penalties annexed as are, not only apportioned to the malignity, but, as near as poſſible, expreſſive of the nature, of the crimes they are intended to puniſh, or ſuppreſs.Whether the multiplying ſanguinary laws and capital puniſhments, in a ſtate, can be juſtified upon the principles of equity, or even ſound policy, is a queſtion not unworthy the attention of wiſe legiſlators.—And whether puniſhing certain offenders, with loſs of liberty, and hard labour, at the 〈◊〉 , or elſewhere, in ſome places of public re • or • , where they might be held up to view, as ſpectacles of juſtice in terrorem for a certain term of years, or for life, according to the nature of their crimes, would not anſwer the ends of government & the purpoſes of civil ſociety, better than even an ign • minious death; 〈…〉 ſubmitted.

BUT laws, however good in themſelves, or wiſely adapted to the ſtate and neceſſities of a people, can be of but little advantage, unleſs duly obſerved and carried to effect. Hence the neceſſity of appointing certain perſons to be rulers, of inveſting them with power and cloathing them with authority, to adminiſter government, and carry the laws into execution.

CIVIL government, duly eſtabliſhed and organized, is fitly compared to a Shield, as it is inſtituted for the defence and protection of the ſubjects and the ſtate. And hence rulers and magiſtrates, being veſted and intruſted with the powers of government, are, with great propriety termed Shields of the earth, in the words of our text.—And as the powers of government give exiſtence to the ruler, to the magiſtrate: So it is with rulers and magiſtrates to give life to the conſtitution and energy to the laws, by a faithful admiſtration.

GOOD and faithful rulers are raiſed above their brethren, to places of honour, truſt and authority, not for themſelves, but for the people, and the good of ſociety. They are intruſted with ſeveral powers of government, that individuals may be protected and defended in their life, liberty, property and rights—that the internal peace and order of ſociety might be preſerved; and that the external defence, of the whole, againſt the encroachments, violence, aſſaults, or invaſions of enemies, or oppreſſors, might effectually be provided for.

IN this way, wiſe and faithful rulers are Shields to the ſtate, and Shields of the earth; as by this happy inſtitution, under their adminiſtration, the wiſdom and ſtrength of the whole ſtate, may, at any time, be collected in defence of the public, or of any part of the community, as occaſion may require. And thus every member is engaged for the peace, ſafety and defence of the ſtate; and the whole for the peace, ſafety and protection of every member: For theſe obligations are mutual, and equally ſacred and binding.

IN this light conſidered, rulers, by accepting a ſeat or an office in government, are fitly ſaid to pledge themſelves, their faith and ſacred honour, and that in the moſt ſolemn manner, to the people for their fidelity: and to them are they accountable.

BUT there is another argument, of yet higher importance, ſuggeſted in our text, which demands the attention of rulers of whatever ſtation; and may not be paſſed over in ſilence.

IT is ſaid, in the words before us,—the Shields of the earth belong unto GOD.

CIVIL government, as hath been ſaid, is of divine inſtitution. GOD, as Supreme, ſitteth on the throne of his holineſs. All power, rule, or authority is derived from GOD. In the government of ſociety, ſtates and nations, men are employed to carry his purpoſes of wiſdom and goodneſs to effect. And hence civil rulers are fitly ſtiled—"the miniſters of GOD."— R.m. 13, 4. And in the languague of the text, it may be ſaid, they belong unto GOD, in a peculiar manner, and in various reſpects.

'TIS GOD, by his ſpirit and providence, who qualifies, raiſeth up and calls them forth to publick view, in places of honour, truſt and importance, in the various departments of government.—Men indeed, may act freely in all their elections and appointments.—But after all, a divine agency attends them:—An all-ſuperintending providence is religiouſly to be acknowledged.—"the lot" ſaith the wiſe man—"the lot is caſt into the lap: But the whole diſpoſing thereof, is of the LORD." Prov. 16, 33. And in terms yet more nervous and expreſſive, the Pſalmiſt tells us, that "promotion cometh neither from the eaſt, nor from the weſt, nor from the ſouth: But GOD is the judge. He putteth down one, and ſetteth up another." •• al. 75, 6.

CIVIL rulers belong unto GOD, as it is his power with which they are veſted, in his name that they act, and by his authority that they adminiſter government and diſcharge the duties of their ſeveral offices and departments, whether as ſupreme or ſubordinate.

CIVIL rulers belong unto GOD, as he hath explicitly directed them upon what principles, in what manner, and with what views they are to act in office and adminiſter government.— That they are to fear GOD—hate covetouſneſs—ſhake their hands from bribes—to Judge righteouſly—to be no reſpectors of perſons in judgment—not to be afraid of the face of man, but always to realize, that the judgment it GOD's. Deut. 1. 17. &c.

CIVIL rulers, the Shields of the earth, belong unto the LORD, as the end of their adminiſtration is the glory of GOD, and that he might be greatly exalted, in the good of mankind.—Hence the apoſtle—He is the miniſter of GOD to thee for good. Rom. 13. 4.

IN fine; civil rulers, the Shields of the earth, belong unto GOD, as they are under his immediate inſpection, as they are accountable to him for the whole of their conduct, in this character, and as their reward is with him, "GOD ſtandeth," ſaith the pſalmiſt "in the congregation of the mighty: He judgeth among the GODS."Pſal. 10. 1.

DEEPLY penetrated with a ſenſe of the importance of theſe conſiderations, a good ruler hath the moſt engaging, as well as awakening, motives, to a faithful diſcharge of duty, and the moſt ſubſtantial arguments to ſupport him, under the weight and care of government.

IT is, indeed, readily admitted, that rulers, in devoting the •• • ime, talents and capacities to the ſervice of the public, have a juſt claim to reſpect and ſupport; and, in an upright diſcharge of their truſt, they have a right, not only to a pecuniary reward, in proportion to the dignity of their ſtations, and importance of their ſervices; but alſo to the grateful acceptance and chearful approbation of an obliged people. And it is very happy indeed, for both rulers and people, when it may be truly ſaid of perſons in authority, as of Mordecai, of old—that "they are great among their fellow citizens, and accepted of the multitude of their brethren, ſeeking the wealth of their people, and ſpeaking peace to all their ſeed." E ••• . 10, • .

BUT ſhould faithful rulers fail of ſo juſt, as well as pleaſing, a return, as hath ſometimes been the caſe, they are not without ſupport, encouragement, or reward.

THE fear of GOD, the ſentiments of religion, the approbation of their own minds, the acceptance of their judge and the rewards of his kingdom, are ſufficient to ſupport them under every weight, and to excite them to fidelity and perſeverance, under every diſcouragement.—Neither the frowns of the great, nor the flatteries of the multitude; nor yet, the more pleaſing charms of future promotion, will ever be permitted to influence the meaſures, or direct the conduct of the faithful ruler, acting under the influence of thoſe exalted ſentiments, which religion inſpires. But, realizing what he owes to GOD, and what his country may juſtly require, he is faithful to the one, and true to the other, even though the Oſtraciſm

"The Oſtraciſm makes a great figure in all the Greek hiſtory, and occurs frequently in that of the Athenians," among whom it is generally ſuppoſed to have had its riſe.—This peculiar law was originally deſigned, as a guard to liberty; though ſometimes abuſed, to the purpoſes of licentiouſneſs and faction. "By this law men, eminent to ſuch a degree, as to threaten the State with danger, were baniſhed for ten years—The method in which they proceeded to inflict the Oſtraciſm was this: Every citizen took a piece of broken pot or ſhell, on which having wrote the name of the perſon he would have baniſhed, he carried it to a certain place of the forum, which was incloſed with rails; then the magiſtrates began to count the number of the ſhells a for if they were leſs than ſix thouſand, the▪ vote did not take place; but if they ſurpaſſed that number, they laid every name apart, and the man whoſe name was found on the greateſt number of ſhells was of courſe exiled for ten years."

This law ſpeaks a people jealous of their liberty to an extreme.—For, however well intended; yet, through the craft of rivals in power, or the inſidiousneſs of •• bitious and popular men, this puniſhment ſometimes fell upon the worthieſt characters in the ſtate. Ariſ • ides, by the wiſdom of his councils, the firmneſs of his courage and the inflexibility of his integrity, at home, abroad, in peace and war, had proved himſelf an illuſtrious patriot, acquired the ſirname of the juſt and obtained the character of the moſt worthy and virtuous of the Athenians—But theſe very virtues and this high reputation, were artfully improved, by his rival Themiſtocles, as arguments againſt him, and to prove him a man dangerous to the ſtate. "It may form ſtrange (ſay the writers of the univerſal hiſtory) that Themiſtocles could raiſe the popular reſe ••• ent againſt a man amiable from peaceable virtues, yet he reflected it by c • uſi • g it to be whiſpered 〈…〉 , Ariſtides having aſſumed the name of juſt, and acting frequently as an umpire between contending parties, had inſenſibly erected a monarchy, though without pomp or guards.—On a ſudden, and when it was leaſt expected, citizens and countrymen flocked to the forum and demanded the oſtraciſm.—When the magiſtrates ſignified to him, tha • the oſtraciſm fell upon him, he retired modeſtly out of the forum, and as he went out, he lifted up his eyes to heaven, and ſaid, I beſeech the Gods, that the Athenians may never ſee that day, which ſhall force them to remember Ariſtides!"—vid. univerſal Hiſt. vol. 6. p. 377. 378, &c. What an exalted ſpirit! What heroic ſentiments! What a divine example!—This is the good ruler—the true Patriot—neither the ingratitude of his fellow citizens, nor the unjuſt ſeverity of his own cruel 〈◊〉 could remove his love from his country, or 〈◊〉 his prayers for the bleſſing of heaven upon an ungrateful people, who, for his faithful ſervices, had juſt excluded him the rights of ſociety, and drove him into baniſhment.