LEST it ſhould be thought, by any of this aſſembly, that the preacher has ſtumbled at the threſhold in chuſing a text contrary to the genius of our preſent conſtitution, it may not be amiſs to obſerve, that according to the language of ſcripture, the word king ſignifies any kind of governor, or the ruling power of any ſtate. Accordingly Moſes is called king in the 33d chapter of Deuteronomy; the Judges have the ſame appellation, Judges xvii; to the four great Monarchies, the government of ſome of which was democratic, viz. Greece and Rome, the ſame title is given; and in the new teſtament, the ſeven kings, mentioned Rev. xvii. 10, are, by ſome of the lateſt and beſt expoſitors, underſtood of ſeven particular emperors of Rome. So that by king in the text, without putting any force upon the words, may be underſtood the ruling power of any nation, be it called in modern language by what name ſoever. Were this not the truth of fact, it would be neceſſary for us, as we have changed our form of government, to omit a conſiderable part of the ſcripture as inapplicable to our condition. But interpreted in the manner above ſuggeſted, thoſe paſſages are as proper to be uſed by us, as by any people under heaven. The truth of the caſe ſeems to be this. At the time the text was penned, kingly rule was the moſt prevalent. Thoſe who were called by this name, were veſted with different degrees of power. Some governed by ſtanding laws; and others conducted the great affairs of ſtates and kingdoms according to their own arbitrary pleaſure. Amongſt the Jews, the king was only the ſupreme executive magiſtrate. He had little or nothing to do with matters of legiſlation. Their code of laws was previouſly ſettled by God himſelf, and given to Moſes for the rule of their conduct, in all the ſubſequent ſtages of their political exiſtence. In the times of the Judges the adminiſtration of their government was in the hands of God; and hence by the learned it is frequently called a theocracy: But the Jews, tired with having Jehovah for their ſupreme ruler, and perceiving that the nations around them had a mortal man to ſtand in this place, deſired, as is too common at the preſent day, to be in the faſhion, and to have a king like others. The requeſt, as being to their own diſadvantage, was diſpleaſing to the God of heaven. But, as he would not rule them in a manner contrary to their own inclination, he conſented to their petition, after pointing out to them the oppreſſive manner of the king. Their kings for ſeveral generations ruled in righteouſneſs, and made the inſtitutes of Moſes the meaſure of their adminiſtration. Concerning ſuch, Solomon pronounces as in our text, where the word of a king is, there is power. Whilſt they keep within conſtitutional limits they cannot be reſiſted with impunity. Diſobedience to ſuch, expoſes both to temporal and eternal puniſhments. To temporal; as the king is veſted with great authority, and may do whatever he pleaſes for the preſervation of order and the advancement of the public happineſs: To eternal alſo; as government is of divine inſtitution; and it is the will of heaven that we ſhould obey not only for wrath, but alſo for conſcience ſake, provided the ruling power be the miniſter of God for good.

There is no neceſſity of ſuppoſing the declaration of Solomon true only of kingly government, properly ſo called. It is, or ought to be true of all kinds of government; and if there be any concerning which the aſſertion of the wiſe man may not, with truth, be made, it is evidently defective, and ought immediately to be amended, or totally changed. Three different modes of civil rule have been prevalent among the nations of the earth, a monarchy, ariſtocracy, and democracy; and indeed ſome have a combination or mixture of all three, as England. This has been eſteemed by enlightened foreigners to be the happieſt of any other, and infinite encomiums have been paſſed upon it. Under ſuch a form the people were free for many centuries. Corruption has at length taken place, and deprived the community at large of many of the bleſſings which they formerly enjoyed.There was formerly a proper balance of power between the three conſtituent branches of the Britiſh conſtitution; and at that time it was a noble one. It had the ſtrength and diſpatch of Monarchy; the dignity and wiſdom of Ariſtocracy, and the freedom of Democracy all combined in one. But this happy equipoiſe of power was deſtroyed, when the Commons granted to the king certain duties and cuſtoms, in lieu of perſonal ſervice due to the Lord paramount, by the feudal ſyſtem, together with the diſpoſal of all the lucrative places that became neceſſary for the collection of thoſe cuſtoms. This gave the king an undue influence, and enabled him to carry any point in Parliament. He is now vertually, though not nominally, an abſolute monarch; eſpecially as the people are very venal and corrupt. Innovations in government are dangerous. Hence we learn that ſomething elſe is neceſſary towards making a people free and happy, beſides a good conſtitution.

Amidſt the different forms, it has often been enquired, which is the beſt? To ſuch a queſtion it may truly be anſwered, that no particular one is ſuitable for all people; nor any one for the ſame people always. As the tempers and manners of nations change, a change in their government becomes neceſſary. The Jews, at firſt, lived under a free commonwealth. Advancing in vice, they choſe a different one; and being indulged, they deſcended at laſt, namely, before their Babyloniſh captivity, to a mode of civil rule, ſimilar to that of the eaſtern nations, at the preſent day, where one man, by birth or conqueſt, takes the ſole command, and rules according to his deſpotic will.—The Romans underwent many changes in this regard. Formed at firſt of a ſet of outlaws and inſolvent debtors, they inſtituted kingly rule. This continued for a few generations, till their kings, intoxicated with power, broke over all wholeſome reſtraints, and committed perſonally, and by their ſons, crimes intolerable to a free and virtuous people. Brutus, teaching the evil of a certain nefandous deed, and ſeconded by his worthy citizens, baniſhed the royal family from Rome. After this, they ſet up a government of the popular kind, under which they enjoyed their liberties in great perfection, till falling under the burden of their own vices, and deſcending to a thouſand factions, Julius Caeſar, at the head of a well-diſciplined body of troops, taking the advantage of this diſtracted ſtate of the republic, retired from Gaul, and thundering with his legions at the gates of Rome, ſtruck terror into the inhabitants, and fighting a battle with Pompey, one of a wicked triumvirate, obtained a complete victory over him, and was, in conſequence, declared by the ſenate perpetual Dictator, a title ſimilar to that of abſolute Monarch. Now, it may well be queſtioned, whether this, for that people, under their preſent temper, was not the beſt government they could poſſibly have. Holland was once governed by a monarch who bid defiance to all former laws. They groaned under his juriſdiction; they refuſed his edicts; and, though they ſuffered much, they, at laſt, obtained a compleat independency, and remain to this day free in conſtitution, though ſome have pretended to affirm that they are ſlaves in reality.

From this view of the matter, it is apparent, that the character of a people is to be taken into account, in order to pronounce what mode of civil policy is beſt for them. This may, on the whole, be affirmed, that no people can be ſaid to enjoy freedom, who have not the choice of their rulers, either mediately or immediately, in their own power. A different doctrine, I am ſenſible, has frequently been preached. Time-ſerving prieſts and fawning ſycophants have ſometimes flattered kings that they enjoyed their places jure divino; and ſcripture has been quoted in defence of the abſurd tenet. Thus St. Paul has been ſuppoſed to patronize the doctrine, when he tells us, that the powers which be are ordained of God. But as this cannot intend that rulers are elevated to their places by the immediate agency of heaven; ſo neither does it mean that Peter, Richard, John, Charles, Henry or George are particularly deſignated to office. From that paſſage we learn only, that government is of divine appointment, and that rulers have no other qualifications for their places, but what God, in the courſe of his providence, has given them. King Solomon has been produced as an advocate for the doctrine of paſſive obedience and non-reſiſtance, the divine hereditary right of rulers. My text has been quoted in ſupport of this opinion by men, from whoſe genius and learning we might have expected more ſober and rational ſentiments. But, is it poſſible that a book written by divine guidance ſhould teach the doctrine of unreſerved obedience! The ſecond verſe of my context plainly demonſtrates the contrary. Hear what the wiſe man ſays; I counſel thee to keep the king's commandment, and that in regard of the oath of God. Now, can we ſuppoſe it is the pleaſure of heaven that we ſhould obey the unrighteous and oppreſſive commands of thoſe in power, and that, not merely for wrath, but for conſcience ſake. What! Does the command of heaven make it neceſſary that we ſhould take an oath of fealty and allegiance to all kinds of authority; and that, by virtue of it, we are obliged to obey even thoſe magiſtrates who command us to practiſe idolatry, or any other evil work? The caſe is too evident to need many words. All that Solomon, therefore, meant was, that it is impious and dangerous to reſiſt the authority of thoſe who rule for God, and conſult the common good.

My following diſcourſe will be to ſhew how the ſupreme authority of any ſtate ſhould be appointed and conduct, in order to its coming with power in its ſeveral edicts and commands; and then, ſecondly, ſhow what is the proper application of this power.

1ſt. The ruling power of every ſtate or kingdom ſhould be elected by the body of the people. As no man is born a ruler, ſo there is no poſſible way for him to get regularly into office, but by the election of his fellow-citizens. Dominion by conqueſt, by artifice, by ſaintſhip, or grace, is juſtly to be reprobated. It is our duty to reſiſt ſuch uſurpers whenever we are able. Under God, the original ſource of all power, mankind enjoy, or ought to do ſo, the liberty of governing themſelves. The powers of government are veſted in the body of the people, and they may exerciſe them as they pleaſe, either perſonally or by repreſentatives. Their local ſituation and numbers make it inconvenient to do the former; hence the latter mode uſually prevails.

Government by deputation does not conſiſt with that plenitude of liberty in the people that they might enjoy, could they give their ſuffrages perſonally. However, when our repreſentatives are regularly choſen, are amenable to our tribunals, and their election is not of long duration, then we may be ſaid to be as free as the ſtate of the world will commonly admit. To be deprived of the power of chuſing our rulers, is to be deprived of ſelf dominion. If they are appointed over us, by thoſe over whom we have no controul, we are in a ſtate of ſlavery. There is no difference, in this reſpect, between ſuch a people, and the horſes they ride on; neither are governed by their own will, in which the eſſence of all freedom conſiſts. Indeed, it is generally allowed at the preſent day, by men of the firſt character, that the choice of the people is the only ſource of power; and that republican government looks beſt on paper, but that it is not ſufficiently energetic and deciſive to anſwer the neceſſities of the ſtate. There has been, it muſt be confeſſed, too much reaſon for the above obſervation. Very popular governments have ſometimes been found too weak to prevent tumults, inſurrections and factions. A wiſe people, therefore, in the organization and eſtabliſhment of a conſtitution, will take all poſſible care to guard againſt ſuch a defect. But how ſhall this be done? Shall they recur to the long ſince exploded doctrine of the divine right of rulers; and labor to poſſeſs the body of the people with an opinion that damnation will be the inevitable conſequence of oppoſing tyrants? Shall they give up the claim of election, and aſſert that magiſtrates are ſent immediately from heaven, and govern independently of them? This would be ſpeaking wickedly for God. There is no neceſſity of recurring to any ſuch paltry expedients. To give energy to governments erected with our own hands, nothing more is neceſſary than a union of all the moſt enlightened and virtuous people in ſupport of them. And if our elections are made in wiſdom, if we chooſe out able men, who fear God and hate covetouſneſs, then among ſuch a people, obedience will be chearful and prompt. All laws bind by conſent. The majority can, and does always govern. It is their conſent and concurrence; their countenance and ſupport that give energy and power; and in order to obtain this, nothing more is neceſſary, than to have the whole government adminiſtered for the public good. This makes it the intereſt of the people in general to obey. Individuals having a different intereſt may be diſpoſed to reſiſt and even to call others into their vortex; but their feeble efforts may be eaſily overcome by the contrary exertions of the more numerous, the more virtuous and more rational part of their fellow citizens.

Republican governments are ſaid not only to be deſtitute of energy, but to be ſlow and unperforming. This defect may be removed by allowing ſuch prerogatives to a ſingle perſon as are neceſſary to the vigor and diſpatch of public meaſures. However, in large aſſemblies, where there is a diverſity of intereſts and opinions, matters of importance will never be ſpeedily diſcuſſed. This is an inconvenience to which we muſt ſubmit, and it is the price we pay for our liberties. It ought to be remembred there is ſafety, tho' there is expence in theſe ſlow and tedious diſcuſſions; and if we allow it a defect, we certainly can find no form of government, but what is chargeable with as great or greater.

In all free ſtates the people have a right, not only to ſay who ſhall be their rulers, but alſo by what tenure they ſhall hold their offices, and the ſteps by which they ſhall arrive at them.

In order to avoid the feuds and factions that the election of a chief magiſtrate would occaſion in ſome large nations, the conſtitution provides, that certain families ſhould rule by hereditary right. Though this eſtabliſhment avoids ſome, it is expoſed perhaps to greater inconveniences. By means hereof, they may oftentimes have for their firſt ruler, tho' not a compleat idiot, yet perhaps one ſeparated therefrom, only by a thin partition. Further, when children are born heirs apparent to ſome high and important ſtation in government, their education is commonly ſuch, as to fill them with ideas of ſuperiority, unfriendly to the rights of mankind. To govern well, with juſtice, clemency and mercy, we ought to be acquainted with human nature in the loweſt walks of life.

In elective kingdoms, the election for the moſt part, is either for life or for a conſiderable number of years. The better way is to chuſe our rulers frequently. The term ought to be known and aſcertained; at the expiration of which we may omit them if we pleaſe. This is true if they conduct ever ſo well; and there is great reaſon for it, if they have been guilty of mal-adminiſtration. But tho' frequent elections may be proper, yet it muſt be highly imprudent, frequently to change thoſe who are qualified for their truſt and diſpoſed to do the duties of it. This obſervation is true of any officer, but more eſpecially of thoſe who are high in command. There may be reaſons for electing the chief magiſtrate annually; but if a new perſon is yearly choſen, it will leſſen the influence of authority, weaken the ſinews of government, crumble the people into parties, and eſtabliſh habits inconſiſtent with that ſpirit of ſubmiſſion which is highly neceſſary to the good of ſociety. A monopoly of office ſhould never be permitted; a rotation indeed excludes it; and changes at proper intervals, excite people to a laudable application to buſineſs and books, that they may become qualified for poſts of eminence and diſtinction. But on the contrary, if the man who holds the firſt place in the government, knows that he ſhall enjoy it but a ſhort ſpace, let his deportment be ever ſo unexceptionable, he will hardly be warm in his office, get but a miſerable acquaintance with his duty, acquire no facility in the performance of it, and loſe a grand ſtimulus to excel. Unleſs therefore we were born governors, legiſlators, &c. it muſt be wiſe in a people to elect their principal officers for a ſucceſſion of years, provided they anſwer the end of their elevation. In this way, we ſhall ſecure to ourſelves more of the beneficial influences of government, than it is poſſible for us in the contrary practice.

As the choice of the people is the only rational ſource of power, ſo it makes obedience the moſt rational act. Slaves fear the rod, but freemen are kept in the line of duty by more ingenuous principles. That ſociety who will not be governed but by brutal force, is unworthy any degree of freedom, and will not long enjoy it. If we will not govern ourſelves, we muſt be ruled by thoſe over whom we have no controul.

The nation of America is remote from ſuch a calamitous event. The whole ſeries of our conduct, the unexampled patience with which we have waded thro' a ſea of trouble, in order to gain the preſent ſeparate and independent ſtation among the nations of the earth; the blood we have chearfully ſpilt in this unhappy conteſt, and the preſent determined ſpirit of by far the greater part of the community, will not admit the moſt diſtant thought of ever returning to a foreign juriſdiction, thro' want of alacrity in obedience to thoſe whom we have by our free, unbiaſſed ſuffrages conſtituted our rulers. But it is not to every kind of injunction they will readily ſubmit. Several things are neceſſary to procure chearful obedience to laws, beſides their being enacted by men in our own election. Particularly, firſt, they ſhould be agreeable to the genius of the people, and the ſpirit of the conſtitution. The conſtitution contains the fundamental principles of the ſtate in which we live. It is the civil compact, and points out the manner in which we chuſe to be governed, the privileges of the people, and the prerogatives of the governing body. Theſe powers are ceded to others, not for the ſake of aggrandizing any claſs of men; not for the purpoſe of keeping up a vain diſtinction among thoſe who by nature are equal; not that ſome may riot in plenty, whilſt others are indigent and diſtreſſed; but only that they may uſe them for the public good. As the rivers empty their waters into the ſea, that common receptacle, in order to receive them again, that their ſources may not be dried up, that they may waſh their banks, ſpread over and fertilize the adjacent plains; ſo the people delegate a part of their inherent power to thoſe whom they conſtitute their rulers, that it may be uſed in defence of their properties, their remaining liberties and their lives.—For this purpoſe ſome are cloathed with thoſe extenſive powers, which by the conſtitution reſide in the firſt magiſtrate of the Commonwealth.—He is the "mirror of the people's majeſty, and the right hand of their power." If he were more limited in his prerogatives, he would be incapacitated to anſwer the exigencies of the ſtate, and be only an empty pageant, an image of tinſel, or of gold, unworthy the confidence of the people.—The ſame may be ſaid of the emoluments of his office.—poverty and power are incompatible. The poor man's authority as well as wiſdom is deſpiſed. Wealth gives influence. A ſplendid exterior does much towards commanding reſpect. Such is the nature of mankind, that with huge reluctance they obey thoſe, on whom fortune does not ſmile.—Beſides, his ſtipend is granted, partly, in order to ſupport the dignity of the Commonwealth. He is the repreſentative of the people's wealth as well as power. To him foreigners of diſtinction reſort, by him they are accommodated in a manner ſuited to their condition, and in him they view the ability of the ſtate, 〈◊〉 in him all their ſcattered rays of opulence are reduced to one common focal point. Further, it ought to be obſerved, that he who bears the burden, ſhould reap the benefit. Rulers of exalted ſtation have a painful ſervice. A great weight lays upon them; they bear the cumbrance of all the people. It is therefore certainly reaſonable, that they who exhauſt their ſtrength, and ſpend their wakeful hours in the ſervice of the public, ſhould reap in ſome meaſure, the fruit of their toil and vigilance. At the ſame time no worthy magiſtrate would chuſe to become opulent from the profits of his office, eſpecially at a time of general diſtreſs. Good Nehemiah was ſo far from this, that when his countrymen were poor and afflicted, he would not ſo much as eat the bread of the governor—In conquered countries where governors have been ſent they have frequently robbed the people of their dear earned wealth, and returned to the land which gave them birth, after a few years abſence, with their coffers filled with the iſſues of oppreſſion. Witneſs ſome of the pro-conſuls of Rome. But with us, where our governors are at our own election, who are natives of the country, there is no fear of this. The probability rather is, that they will ſpend their own inheritance, in order to keep up the dignity of the government.

The legiſlative body is ſuperior in power to the executive. They hold the reins of government in their hands; but as in this, and all free countries, they conſtitute a numerous aſſembly, it is not to be expected▪ that at the public expence, each individual ſhould be ſupported in affluence. They ought however, certainly to be ſupported. Many of their High Mightineſſes, the members of the States General, make no great perſonal appearance; the ſplendor of majeſty reſides in the Stadtholder. But tho' the individuals who compoſe this body, may not all of them be perſonally very reſpectable, yet as a part of one great whole, they are, when acting conſtitutionally, an aſſembly with whom reſides a power, which no ſeparate parties may reſiſt. But if this aſſembly ſtretch their prerogatives beyond conſtitutional bounds, they may lawfully be oppoſed. Power is extremely apt to dilate, or ſpread itſelf abroad. Hence there is need of vigilancy on the ſide of the people. They who guard the golden alter of liberty, ſhould be poſſeſſed of eagle eyes. This ſacred depoſitum cannot be watched with too great attention. But then there is a wide difference between reaſonable care and capricious jealouſy. Allowances are ever to be made for the involuntary failings of rulers, but none for their deſigned faults. There are, and ever will be, in all free ſtates, a number of reſtleſs ſpirits, who under the ſpecious clock of liberty, are perpetually raiſing a clamour againſt thoſe in authority. We need no ſuch prompters. A groſs infraction of the conſtitution, and oppreſſive meaſures, will be immediately perceived by an intelligent people. Public incendiaries are baneful. To be called into combinations, under the notion of ſupporting liberty, is always a dangerous meaſure, and ought never to be complied with, except in ſome extreme caſes. A government within a government is a monſter in politicks. It is attended with the moſt unhappy conſequences. The beſt organized conſtitution in the world, may be ſubverted by the frequent meetings of ſuch demagogues. Of combinations there can be no need, where our rulers are ſo immediately under our controul, where they are elected once a year, and where every corporate body may meet as often as they pleaſe, to give inſtructions to thoſe whom they have deputed from their number. But tho' ſuch proceedings as I have now mentioned are juſtly to be diſpiſed; yet a ready obedience is not to be expected to reſolves and edicts that generally appear to ſenſible people to be unwiſe and hurtful. It concerns rulers therefore to keep within the boundaries eſtabliſhed by common conſent. A departure therefrom will bring their meaſures into contempt. In this caſe they may "reſolve and reſolve and dye the ſame." What ſignified the mandatory letters of Philip the ſecond, to the people of the United States, when the deſign of them was to deprive that people of the unalienable rights of men and chriſtians? Equally unavailing were the laws of the Britiſh parliament, at the beginning of theſe times, when their manifeſt purpoſe was to deſpoil us of our chartered rights, and bring us into a ſtate of bondage. Such acts are as little regarded as the bulls and thunders of the Vatican; at this enlightened period of chriſtianity.

Further, in order to have the word, or laws of rulers come with power, it is neceſſary to make frequent appeals to their conſtituents, and inform them of the neceſſity of their meaſures. This among an intelligent people has a weighty tendency to procure reſpect, and a ready obedience. Indeed this cannot always be done with ſafety. There is a maxim often mentioned of late, that there ſhould be no myſteries in government. If this be underſtood of the theoretick principles, it is juſt; but if of the adminiſtation thereof, it is not always true. The neceſſities of the ſtate ſometimes require great ſecrecy. The moſt important expedition or negociation might otherwiſe fail. But where ſecrecy is not eſſential, there the authority ought to make known the acceſſity of their meaſures. As rulers ſhould be juſt, ſo they ſhould remember that they rule over men, who are intelligent beings, and who are commonly governed by reaſon. To ſet before them, therefore, the neceſſity of their proceedings eſpecially when they are burdenſome, as is always the caſe in time of war, is the directeſt way to have a cheerful compliance. If taxes are heavy, and people know not to what uſes they are applied; if they are left to vain conjectures, and finally conclude that they are ſwallowed up in a manner not beneficial to the public, no wonder there is a reluctance in paying them. Frequent ſettlements with thoſe who are intruſted with public monies, and a proper account of the expenditure of them, laid before the community, will ſilence all murmerings among a people▪ where reaſon is more prevalent than paſſion, and where every noble principle is not under the controul of avarice.

Again, if rulers would ſpeak with power, they muſt ſpeak in the language of juſtice. All their laws, reſolves and taxes muſt be agreeable to the eternal rules of right. To do impartial juſtice to all; to preſide with an even hand, and carry the balance in equilibrio, is certainly their indiſpenſible duty. There is oftentimes a jealouſy between the different parts of a nation or commonwealth; a ſtruggle and competition between the landed and mercantile intereſt. It is the buſineſs of rulers to lay all ſuch jealouſies aſleep, and by their public determinations demonſtrate that they are not ſo friends to the one or the other party, but that they are greater friends to truth and equity. The ſame rule is to be obſerved in the proportion of taxes, that are laid upon the different ſtates in the continental confederacy. This ſhould not only be invariably maintained, but reaſonable evidence of it communicated to the conſtituents. Nothing gives life and ſpirit to any corporate body; nothing induces them to ſubmit to burdens with greater alacrity than to find they are neceſſary and levied in equal proportions.

Further, thoſe meaſures that are evidently calculated to promote the welfare and proſperity of the republick, are ever attended with energy and power. Government was inſtituted for the happineſs of the community at large. Rulers are miniſters to the people; they ſhould be miniſters of God for good, and where they are evidently ſo, there is but little danger of their commands being reſiſted. If the people oppoſe ſuch power, thus benevolently exerciſed, it is an evidence they have fallen into a moſt diſtempered ſtate, and are nigh unto curſing.

Again, in this view much depends on the conduct of the executive power. In the adminiſtration of juſtice and execution of the laws, much firmneſs, impartiality and mercy are requiſite. The ſupreme ruler of heaven and earth has required this. He will not allow one rule of adminiſtration for the poor man, and another for the rich. He ſays to the Judges, take heed what you do; for you judge not for man but for the Lord who is with you in the judgment: Wherefore let the fear of the Lord be upon you; for there is no iniquity with the Lord, nor reſpect of perſons, nor taking of gifts. 2 Chro. 19. 6. 7. As on the one hand, they ſhould not take bribes and favour the rich; ſo on the other, an idle compaſſion ſhould not lead them to befriend the poor, and indulge them in meaſures iniquitous, to the excluſion of a worthy part of the community from their juſt demands. The obſtructing the courſe of commutative juſtice even in a ſmall degree, tho' it may be done under the notion of mercy, is, however, a very pernicious precedent, and in the iſſue will be found to be extremely detrimental. It diſcourages the moſt induſtrious part of the community, and puts it out of their power to ſupport the burdens of government, on whoſe ſhoulders they principally fall. If any thing further can be done to prevent litigation, and the exhorbitant expences of ſuits inſtituted for the recovery of property, it certainly demands the attention of thoſe in power.

The Judges of the ſupreme judicial court have deſerved well of the public in theſe diſtracted times. With an even hand with a reſolute courage, and with a proper mixture of compaſſion have they diſtributed juſtice in their circuitous courſe; and much to them are we indebted for that peace and order which have been conſpicuous at a time when the ſinews of government have been much relaxed.

Laſtly, if thoſe in authority would have their word come with power, they muſt themſelves be an example to others. To lay heavy burdens grievous to be borne, which they will not ſo much as touch with one of their fingers, is what a rational people will not ſuffer in thoſe that preſide over them. Hence we ſee the reaſon why the meaſures of Britain with regard to this country were ſo very diſguſting. Living at eaſe, and rioting in luxury, they wanted aſſiſtance to ſupport them in this courſe. In this ſtate they caſt a wiſhful look upon America: From us they propoſed to draw a revenue ſufficient to uphold their prodigality, and enable them to live in ſplendor and pleaſure. Her Parliaments accordingly aſſumed a right of taxation, and of making laws to bind us in all caſes whatever. Feeling none of the burden, and under the influence of the moſt rapacious deſires, they would ſoon have brought us into the moſt unhappy ſituation, and impoſed burdens upon us, which neither our fathers nor we were able to bear. But now that our rulers feel themſelves a proportionable part of the burden, what rational body of men can with propriety complain? Are taxes at any time heavy, and do we under the burden begin to entertain hard thoughts? It is enough to repreſs the riſing emotion, when we remember, that the ſame perſons who lay them, bear an equal proportion of the whole, and are taxed according to their eſtates. As ſelf intereſt has ſo predominant a ſway among all orders of men, it cannot be thought, without doing violence to nature, that ſuch taxes are laid with ill deſign. Impoſts and duties of the ſame denomination with thoſe formerly laid upon us by Britain, which were then objected againſt, may be reaſonable now, as the objection was not againſt the duties themſelves, but the appropriation of the monies thence ariſing, and the authority by which they were impoſed.

As it is the buſineſs of thoſe in power to ſee juſtice done between man and man, and to keep the law open for that purpoſe, ſo example loudly calls upon them, as a public body, to do juſtice both to individuals and to other ſtates. In ſhort, I mean, it is of high importance that public credit be maintained; as a failure of it is attended with a thouſand difficulties.

The matter of example is to be extended ſtill further. Rulers ſhould not only be exemplary in matters that relate to the duties of their particular ſtation; but in all the virtues of life, they ſhould go before us in a ſhining example, if they would have their meaſures properly reſpected. Thoſe who live at the upper end of the world are greatly obſerved. Their manners are contagious. They do as much to ſupport order by their behaviour as by their laws, nay more. As every government makes laws to puniſh offenders, proportioned to the nature and degree of their crimes, ſo they ought to adopt a code of regulations which tend to prevent the commiſſion of evil. This is the moſt eſſential and benevolent part of government. Now, laws of this kind can never be better enforced than by the examples of men in authority. The examples of men in places of eminence and diſtinction, have ſuch an influence on their conſtituents, that the matter may be aptly illuſtrated by Ezekiel's viſion of the living creatures and the wheels; when the living creatures went▪ the wheels went by them; and when the living creatures were lift up from the earth the wheels were lift up. When theſe went, thoſe went; and when theſe ſtood, thoſe ſtood; for the ſpirit of the living creatures was in the wheels.

Thus I have mentioned ſome of the principal things that have a tendency to give weight and influence to the public meaſures of authority. After all, it is not to be ſuppoſed, that every one will be contented. A few dark deſigning knaves, a buſy plotting crew love to make diſtracted times. But this is certain, where a government is conſtituted and adminiſtred in the manner above mentioned, the body of the people; a goodly majority will always be in favour of it. For what ſhould make them oppoſe it? Do they think it unneceſſary? Let them try; let them live without government if they can? A few enthuſiaſts in former, and at the preſent times, thought it a uſeleſs and burdenſome inſtitution. But they are groſsly miſtaken. Indeed, were all men righteous there would be no need of human laws. The law was not made for the righteous man. But as there are multitudes who fear not God, and are not much influenced by future conſiderations; hence the reſtraints of human laws are neceſſary to keep the world in order. Without theſe, murder, adultery, rapine. and every evil work, would frequently happen. In vain would it be for individuals to have diſtinct intereſts, were they not preſerved in the enjoyment of them, by the combined power of the whole. Dreadful muſt be the ſtate of the world, when every man does what is right in his own eyes; when there is no king in Iſrael and when every perſon gives an unbounded licence to a ſpirit of avarice, revenge and luſt. What ſcenes of miſery would hence enſue▪ Altho' a ſtate of nature may have ſome attendant advantages; yet the inconveniences of it are a thouſand times greater—It is a ſtate of war. The paſſions of mankind being left to an uncontrouled range, would multiply numerous ſpectacles of diſtreſs. Implacable revenge. under the impulſe of keen reſentment, would hunt the real or ſuppoſed offender, and in order to meet him ſtretch the length of a ſpacious continent, traverſe prominent mountains, wade through eternal ſnows, penetrate almoſt inacceſſible woods, and when it overtakes him, inflict a puniſhment greatly ſuperior to the nature of his crime. But why do I multiply words in ſo plain a caſe. Without government ſocieties cannot live in any ſecurity.

Again, as this is neceſſary to the public order and happineſs, ſo it is an appointment of heaven, the ordination of God, who is a God of order and not of confuſion. By him kings reign and princes decree juſtice. The powers that be are ordained of God; therefore let every ſoul be ſubject to the higher powers. Whoſo reſiſteth the power, reſiſteth the ordinance of God, and they that reſiſt ſhall receive to themſelves damnation: For rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil. Wilt thou then not be afraid of the power? do that which is good, and thou ſhalt have praiſe of the ſame; for he is the miniſter of God to thee for good; but if thou do that which is evil be afraid; for he beareth not the ſword in vain; for he is the miniſter of God, a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doth evil; wherefore ye muſt needs be ſubject, not only for wrath, but alſo for conſcience ſake. For this cauſe pay ye tribute alſo; for they are God's miniſter's attending continually on this very thing.—Theſe are the words of St. Paul. And in perfect harmony therewith, ſays St. Peter; ſubmit yourſelves to every ordinance of man for the Lord's ſake, whether it be to the king as ſupreme, or unto governors as unto them that are ſent by him, for the puniſhment of evil doers, and for the praiſe of them that do well. From theſe paſſages it appears, not only that government is an ordinance of heaven, but alſo that obedience to it is a duty enjoined under the higheſt penalty. Upon the whole, therefore I may be allowed to conclude that thoſe rulers who are introduced into office by the choice of the people, and are upright and faithful in their ſtations, ought to be regarded as much as the Dictator, when he marched thro' the ſtreets of Rome, preceeded by Lictors, bearing axes and rods.

We cannot reſiſt ſuch government without ſubverting the order, and interrupting the happineſs of ſociety. Oppugnation to it is oppoſition to the Deity himſelf; it expoſes to many troubles here, and to damnation in the future world. Rebellion againſt ſuch authority is as the ſin of witchcraft, and ſtubbornneſs as the iniquity of idolatry.

I ſhall ſay a few things concerning the application of this power, and have done.

It ſhould be put forth to make the people induſtrious. Induſtry is the life of all ſtates. It is this that ſupports the world. When any are idle there muſt be a deficiency ſomewhere. The Chineſe have a maxim that the earth produces no more than is ſufficient to maintain very induſtrious perſons. Perhaps it is from a conviction of the truth of this obſervation, that the Emperor of China goes forth once a year, in ſolemn pomp, and ſowes a quantity of ſeed with his own hand, in the view of numerous ſpectators. This induſtry is a matter of importance at all times, but more eſpecially ſo, at the preſent day, when demands are great for the various product's of the earth. The beſt rulers have heretofore been called from the plow. Cincinnatus was twice taken from thence, and made dictator. Tho' we do not deſire to have all our rulers in this way employed, yet we could wiſh to have them induſtrious in their proper ſtations, and thereby ſet an example of diligence to others, who ſhould be farther excited thereto by premiums, and other methods within the limits of the magiſtrate's power.

Frugality is another important object of the rulers attention. This, both as it relates to dreſs and food is a matter of moment. Millions ſince the preſent war commenced might have been ſaved in this way. Sumptuary laws have often times been made; why they ſhould be improper now it is difficult to ſay? At leaſt the regulation of licenced houſes and a diſcouragement to the too copious conſumption of ſpirituous liquors, is a matter on which the welfare of ſociety much depends.

The promotion of learning demands the attention of the civil authority. It is never expected that all ſhould be philoſophers. The ſtate of the world, the neceſſities of mankind demand different improvement of their time and talents. All, however, ought to be taught the rudiments of ſcience. Schools ſhould be maintained, at the public expence, for this purpoſe; otherwiſe, in a few years, we ſhall not know the nature or the value of that liberty, for which we are now ſo juſtly contending. An ignorant people will never long live under a free government. They will ſoon become ſlaves, or run into anarchy. This, therefore teaches the infinite neceſſity of diffuſing intelligence among the body of the people. Several valuable literary inſtitutions have lately been founded by government; and the eſtabliſhment adds a brilliancy to their character. Theſe ſocieties are ſtill in their infancy. Much is wanting to their perfections; to make them the glory and ornament of the land. When by a ſeries of obſervation and experiment, by diving into the arcana of nature, and inveſtigating the occult qualities of things, they ſhall have made conſiderable acceſſions to the heep of ſcience, then their benign influence will be felt. Speculative knowledge may pleaſe the poſſeſſor, but that which is practical is only beneficial to mankind. What can be more ſo than the ſcience and art of medicine. Health is one of the nobleſt bleſſings. To have for the conſervators of it, men of genius, penetration and ſtudy, who underſtand the human conſtitution, the connections, dependence and ſubſervience of the particular parts of it, the diſeaſes to which it is obnoxious, and the moſt effectual means of cure, how happy the attainment? The Medical Society, if properly incouraged, will in a few years, give us a plenty of enlightened Phyſicians, before whom all empiricks, all pretenders to noſtrums and catholicons will hide their diminiſhed heads.—Our Univerſity, which has for a long time ſupplied both ſtate and church with men of eminence and renown, now ſtands with uplifted hands imploring the aid of government. Let not our academies, erected by patriotick perſons, caſt our alma mater into obſcurity, or in any degree ſuperſede its utility. May not the former, tho' noble foundations, acquire ſuch credit in the view of the authority as to put them on a par with that ſociety which was early inſtituted, which is richly furniſhed with a library, and an apparatus in natural philoſophy, and at the head of which there are men of eminent abilities.

Again; religion and morality among the people, are an object of the magiſtrate's attention. As to religion, they have no farther call to interpoſe than is neceſſary to give a general encouragement to it. Matters of conſcience are to be left to God and our own ſouls. Modes and forms of religion; ſentiments concerning doctrines, &c. people ſhould be indulged in, without moleſtation. If coertion would bring mankind kind to a uniformity of ſentiment, no advantage would reſult therefrom. It is on the contrary beſt to have different ſects and denominations live in the ſame ſocieties. They are a mutual check and ſpy upon each other, and become more attentive to their principles and practice. Hence it has been obſerved that where Papiſts and Proteſtants live intermingled together, it ſerves to meliorate them both. The ſame may be obſerved of any other ſects. It is however greatly to be lamented that there is not a more catholick and comprehenſive ſpirit among different denominations of chriſtians. Bigotry and cenſoriouſneſs ſour the temper and interrupt the happineſs of ſociety. The diffuſion of light leſſens this unhappy temper; and among people of knowledge, though of different communions, a harmonious intercourſe commonly takes place. With madmen and enthuſiaſts there can be no agreement, except among people as diſtracted as themſelves. But even ſuch, where they put on a religious guiſe, and do not interrupt the peace of ſociety, are not to be diſturbed by the civil arm. Render to Caeſar the things that are Caeſar's, and to God the things that are God's. To their own maſter they ſtand or fall. But that part of religion which has an immediate aſpect on the good of the community falls under the cognizance of the ruler. Every thing that tends to promote the fear of God, and reverence for an oath, to advance the intereſts of virtue and morality in the world, ſhould be encouraged and enjoined by thoſe in power; for where there is not the fear of God and reverence for an oath, it will be extremely difficult to keep the world in order. The young ſhould not only be inſtructed at ſchools in matters of ſcience, but alſo in the principles of morality; and they together with the adult ſhould attend thoſe places where they may hear the ſacred obligations of religion pointed out and inculcated. To compel them to attend any particular ſociety in preference to any, or all others, would be an infringement on the rights of conſcience. But to oblige them to attend ſomewhere, is what the authority have an undoubted right to, and it is moreover a moſt benevolent exerciſe of power: for ſhould publick inſtructions in religion and morality be laid aſide, profaneneſs, barbariſm, and every evil work, would become triumphant. Righteouſneſs exalteth a nation; it gives dignity, ſtrength and firmneſs to every body politick. Whilſt the Romans reverenced the Gods, and were nice in their notions of honour, truth and temperance, they conquered the neighbouring nations, ſpread themſelves far and wide, and were poſſeſſed of all worldly felicity. But when they loſt their virtue, they were weakned by feuds and factions; they were ſtraightned and brought low; tyrants ruled over them; till at length, being greatly enervated by voluptuouſneſs and effeminacy, they were overran and totally ſubdued by the hardy ſons of the North. Sin is a reproach or debaſement to any people. It is eſpecially detrimental to free ſtates. Stateſmen may plan and ſpeculate for liberty, but it is religion and morality alone which can eſtabliſh the principles upon which freedom can ſecurely ſtand. The only foundation of a free conſtitution is pure virtue; and if this cannot be inſpired into the people at large, in a greater meaſure than we have reaſon to think they poſſeſs it now, they may change their rulers and the forms of their government, but they will not obtain a laſting liberty; they will only exchange tyrants and tyrannies. So fully was Lycurgus, the Spartan king, perſuaded of this truth, that he took particular care of the youth, and had them educated in a manner ſuited to the genius of their government.

Laſtly; The power of rulers is to be exerted in the management of the great affairs of war. We have reaſon to be thankful that wars do not always rage; yet ſo frequent are they, that they ſhould be ſtudied as a ſcience, and proſecuted by the rules of art. Britain, a haughty and high-ſpirited nation, have been at war near half their time for ſome centuries paſt. It is lamentable to think what deſolations they have made in the earth. What judgment is there greater than this? How are the civil eſtabliſhments of former times ſubverted by war, and confuſion introduced into the world? The blood of our citizens is ſpilt; the bands which tye together the deareſt connexions are frequently in the moſt painful manner diſſolved; the penſive widow and the prattling babe being deprived of thoſe on whom, under God, was their main dependence. What benevolent heart can contemplate the ravages of war without pain? There are none but the fierce and ſavage who can delight in ſcenes of carnage. But, though the horrors of war are great; yet, when we come to contraſt them with ſlavery, we find the darkneſs of the night-piece immediately leſſens! Where ſlavery reigns, nothing good or great can poſſibly take place. Look into deſpotick governments, and you find no ebullitions of genius, no ſtrokes of the ſublime; but on the contrary, poverty of ſpirit; a depreſſed temper marks the character of the enſlaved nation. "What a high value ought we then to ſet upon liberty, ſince without it, nothing great, or ſuitable to the dignity of human nature can poſſibly be produced? Slavery is the ſetter of the tongue, the chain of the mind as well as the body.—Reaſon and Freedom are our own, and given to continue ſo. We are to uſe, but cannot reſign them, without rebelling againſt him who gave them. The invaders of either ought to be reſiſted by the united force of all men, ſince they encroach on the privileges we receive from God, and traverſe the deſigns of infinite goodneſs." Where, therefore, there is no other alternative but war or ſlavery, there ſhould be no kind of heſitancy. Being in this ſituation, we were compelled, more than ſeven years ago, to take up the ſword and make our ſolemn appeal to Heaven, who has remarkably owned our cauſe and ſucceeded our military enterprizes. So wonderful were the interpoſitions of God's providence, in many inſtances, in our favour, that we may, without preſumption, adopt the words of the Pſalmiſt and ſay, the Lord of hoſts is with us, the God of Jacob our refuge. How did the Almighty ride on the heavens for our help, and in his excellency on the ſkies, in the capture of two famous generals, with their powerful forces.Burgoyne and Cornwallis. Such events rarely take place, and are to be aſcribed to the Lord of hoſts, the God of armies. They are the Lord's doings, and are marvellous in our eyes.

If ſlavery ſtill clanks her iron chains, we muſt reſolutely perſevere in a meaſure which has been hitherto ſo very ſucceſsful. To arms, America, to arms! Let the former experience you have had of God's gracious aſſiſtance, induce you to put your truſt in him for the future, and ſay with the Apoſtle, he that hath delivered, and doth deliver, will ſtill deliver. But hark! Rumours of accommodation are circulating through the air. Great-Britain, it is ſaid, holds out the olive-branch, and makes overtures of peace. If the terms are not inſidious; if our independency can be ſecured; and treaties formerly made with our illuſtrious Ally, the King of France, kept ſacred, then it muſt be the wiſh of every good man in America to have the horrors of war ſpeedily cloſed by ſuch a peace. But of this our rulers in Congreſs muſt be the judges in the dernier reſort. With them it lays to make peace or prolong the war; and in them we ſhould confide. But, in order to a rational confidence in them, they ſhould be men of wiſdom, penetration, knowledge of mankind, their arts and intrigues; men of known probity, who are above the influence of venality and corruption; men of ſteadineſs and courage; incapable of being either terrified or flattered into meaſures diſhonourable, or incompatible with the publick weal. Of ſuch men, there is a plenty, even at theſe times. It is the duty of the electors to give their ſuffrages for them, and to act with caution in the choice of all our officers. A neglect in this regard, will be the ſource of the moſt formidable evils. The direction of Moſes is, to chuſe out able men, men of truth, who fear God and hate covetouſneſs, and conſtitute ſuch to be rulers. Now, if inſtead of regarding this direction, people are inattentive to the qualifications of thoſe men whom they chuſe into office; if they will ſuffer themſelves to be influenced in this matter by private piques, or favour, by party views, or ſiniſter motives; or, if they ſhould become generally indifferent about the election, and not attend aſſemblies called for that purpoſe then our pleaſing proſpects from our republican governments will "vaniſh like the baſeleſs fabrick of a viſion."

It is a matter of great importance to have wiſe men at helm at all times, but more eſpecially ſo in times of difficulty and danger. Abler pilots are wanted in a ſtorm, when the waves run high, and the wind is boiſterous, than in a calm when the ſea is ſmooth and placid. Now is a tempeſtuous time, and with difficulty is the political ſhip kept from rocks and quickſands, from ſhipwreck or foundering. How neceſſary then is it for the people at large to have at the helm, men who may with propriety be called Gods, for the ſuperior qualifications of their minds and hearts? If we are favoured with ſuch, we ſhould treat them with peculiar reverence and honor. This honoring rulers, implies that we eſteem them highly for their office and works ſake. I know of no men more deſerving of eſteem and honor than good magiſtrates. He that has a ſuitable idea of the neceſſity of civil government, can not eaſily prevail upon himſelf to reproach, defame, malign thoſe in power; becauſe ſuch conduct tends to weaken their hands. To honor government, and treat with contempt the governors, is impoſſible, according to the apprehenſions of mankind in general. We teſtify our reſpect to the office, by our reſpectful treatment of the officer. As ſpeaking evil of dignities has a powerful tendency to weaken their hands and leſſen their power to do good; hence God has forbidden us to ſpeak evil of them; and thoſe who deſpiſe government, and are not afraid to ſpeak evil of dignities, are ranked amongſt thoſe preſumptuous and ſelf-willed perſons who are reſerved to the judgment of the great day. From a conviction of the truth of the above obſervations, all virtuous conſiderate perſons will bear their teſtimony againſt thoſe diſcontented men who are continually raiſing a cry againſt thoſe in power, and in this way keeping ſociety in confuſion. On the contrary they will endeavour in all proper ways to ſtrengthen their hands and encourage their hearts, that their united exertions may come with power; and that under their wiſe and equitable rule, we may lead peaceable and quiet lives in all godlineſs 〈◊〉 honeſty.

Such has been the wiſdom of our elections in time paſt, that we may place a rational confidence in (I would charitably hope) all; but certainly in thoſe who have been ſome time in ſtation, and poſſeſs ſome of the moſt important places in government. We have had experience of their firmneſs, fidelity, love of liberty, patriotiſm, uniformity of conduct, and talents for command. His Excellency, the third time choſen the firſt magiſtrate of the Commonwealth, will excuſe me in ſaying, that the ſuffrages of his countrymen are an atteſtation to his merit, greatly ſurpaſſing the encomiums of an individual; and that his love of mankind, his generous ſoul, large as the ſands on the ſea ſhore, his princely munificence, his voluntary ſacrifice of eaſe and fortune, for the ſake of placing his country beyond the reach of deſpotiſm, have ſet his virtues ſo on high, that the tongue of malevolence and ſlander has not been able to throw them into the ſhade.—May God take his Excellency, his Honor, the Council, and both branches of the Legiſlature under his protection and guidance, bleſs them and make them bleſſings to the people. My honored Sirs, you have taken the lead at a time of great diſtreſs, when burdens are heavy, when jealouſies are ſtrong, when clamours are riſe; and when it requires the wiſdom and prudence of Angels to avoid the cenſures of petulant and licentious tongues. It is yours faithfully to diſcharge the duties of your truſt. In doing theſe you will have the approbation of your own minds, and, I dare ſay, the concurrence, the good wiſhes and ſupport of by far the greater part of the community.

The late meaſures of the Britiſh Parliament and king, will embarraſs your proceedings and make your path of duty more difficult than it was before. The total change of the miniſtry, and the introduction of thoſe who were heretofore deemed our friends, will probably bring on a negotiation delicate in its nature and difficult in its ſettlement, for thoſe before whom it properly comes.

Some ſeem to be confident we ſhall have a ſpeedy peace; but what honorable and laſting peace can we expect when the luxury and pride, the profaneneſs and debauchery, the diſſipation and intemperance of the people are ſo great? To pave the way for ſo deſirable a bleſſing, rulers and people ſhould exert themſelves to bring about a reformation. No wonder the times are perilous. when men are lovers of themſelves, covetous, proud, blaſphemers, falſe accuſers, incontinent, diſpiſers of thoſe that are good, lovers of pleaſure more than lovers of God; When we diſcern a different ſpirit, we may rationally hope for better times. Then will our peace be as a river, when our righteouſneſs is as the waves of the ſea. Much may be done by you, civil fathers, towards bringing the people to an outward reformation. The enacting and carrying into execution wholeſome laws, tending to the better obſervation of the ſabbath; requiring perſons under ſuitable penalties to attend, where they may hear their duty, and be reminded of the awful conſequences of neglecting it; where a future world may be brought into view, and the moral character of the Deity, as governor of the univerſe, is unfolded, will tend much to this. Laws of this kind properly executed, would very ſoon put a new face upon things; eſpecially if at the ſame time ſuitable care was taken to regulate ſome other matters of internal police. I am ſenſible I ſpeak the ſentiments of very many, when I aſſert, that ſerious people long to ſee a ſyſtem of preventive juriſprudence better eſtabliſhed, more attended to, and more generally carried into execution. This would make government eaſy, prevent a multitude of crimes, conciliate reverence to the perſons of thoſe that are in command, recreate the hearts of the pious, and contribute to the peace and pleaſure of ſociety.—Whilſt people are fighting againſt the burdens of deſpotic rule, ſome of the bleſſings of free government ſhould be taſted by them, leaſt they become diſcouraged, and ready to ſay, the former times were better than theſe. And tho' the war will take up much of the attention of our civil rulers, yet we hope they will find leiſure to proſecute meaſures for bettering the morals of the people. As this may be in part effected by proclamation. By law, and advancing none to places of truſt, but men of virtue; ſo perhaps more effectually by the ſhining examples of thoſe in power. If you will tread the paths of piety, probity, truth and honor, multitudes will follow you with a reſolute and perſevering pace, through the whole ſteep aſcent of duty.

You have, it muſt be confeſſed, a difficult ſtation, a laborious taſk. Some perhaps may ſeek the place thro' a love of power or luſt of domination. But the better inſtructed know that there is no good in power, but the power of doing good. You have great opportunities for this. Your influence is large. If it be properly directed, you are Gods to the world, his vicegerants on earth. As you have this title given to you by the great Jehovah himſelf, ſo it becomes you to imitate him in his perfections of juſtice and righteouſneſs, of wiſdom and truth, of patience and compaſſion, and eſpecially, of benevolence and diffuſive goodneſs.—How extenſive a bleſſing is a good magiſtrate? He is a father to the poor, and the cauſe which be knows not, be ſearches out. He breaks the jaws of the wicked, and plucks the ſpoil out of his mouth. He delivers the poor that cries, and the fatherleſs and him that hath none to help him. He is eyes to the blind and feet to the lame. The bleſſing of him that is ready to periſh comes upon him; and he cauſes the widows heart to ſing for joy. He puts on righteouſneſs, and it cloaths him; his judgment is as a robe and diadem. Such an one is as the light of the morning, when the ſun riſeht, even a morning without clouds, as the tender graſs ſpringing out of the earth, by clear ſhining after rain. This ſhould not only reconcile thoſe in power to the arduous and multiplied labours of their places, but alſo animate them to the faithful diſcharge thereof. This will embalm their memory, and procure them juſter praiſe than ever was beſtowed on Alexander or Caeſar. Good magiſtrates are excited to fidelity by other and nobler conſulerations than thoſe of going off the ſtage with the applauſe of their fellow men. They labour to approve themſelves to the heart ſearching, and omniſcient Jehovah. They know that though they are called God's, yet they muſt die like other men, and appear before the bar of Chriſt, to anſwer for the improvement of their time and talents. Keeping this ſolemn event in view, they endeavour to approve themſelves to their divine maſter, that ſo when they are called to account, they may receive this bleſſed euge from his lips, well done good and faithful ſervants, enter ye into the joy of your Lord.—If you, my honored Sirs, act under the impreſſion and influence of this ſolemn thought, I am perſuaded the elections of this day, and all the tranſactions of the enſuing year, will be ſuch as to meet the approbation of the wiſe and virtuous, and bid defiance to the impotent attacks of diſappointed ambition, or the unhallowed clamors of the licentious.

Finally, may the people at large ſee the importance of ſupporting government, and the neceſſity of carrying on the war with vigor. We are now in ſight of the promiſed land. How humiliating would it be to have our independence, juſt brought to the birth, ſail for want of ſtrength to be delivered? To encourage us to perſevere, let us anticipate the riſing glory of America. Behold her ſeas whitened with commerce; her capitals filled with inhabitants, and reſounding with the din of induſtry. See her riſing to independence and glory. Contemplate the reſpectable figure that ſhe will one day make among the nations of the earth; behold her venerable for wiſdom, for counſel and for might; flouriſhing in ſcience▪ in agriculture and navigation, and in all the arts of peace. Figure to yourſelves that this your native country will are long become the permanent ſeat of 〈◊〉 , the retreat of philoſophers, the aſylum of the oppreſſed, the umpire of contending nations, and, we would hope, the glory of Chriſt, by a ſtrict attachment to his goſpel, and divine inſtitutions. What though the preſent generation may not live to ſee the completion and fulfilment of theſe grand events? If we have laid the foundation of them, and can die in expectation that our children will taſte the happy fruits of our toil, it will give to benevolent parents the moſt heartfelt joy; and children poſſeſſing the effects of their fathers ſacrifice, will riſe up and call them bleſſed—But if there be any on whom theſe noble conſiderations will make no impreſſion, I would beg leave juſt to turn their attention to thoſe ſcenes of diſtreſs and carnage, which will certainly take place, provided we fail in our preſent enterprize, and are brought, by artifice or power, to ſubmit to the dominion of the Britiſh king. May the United States of America therefore bow down their ſhoulders to bear all the future burdens that may be devolved upon them, in the progreſſion of this tedious and expenſive conflict. A few more campaigns will determine the event of the preſent ſtruggle, and doubtleſs land us on the rock of independence, ſecurity and peace. Expence is not to be regarded in a conteſt of ſuch magnitude. What can poſſibly be a compenſation for our liberties? It is better to be free among the dead, than ſlaves among the living. The ghoſts of our friends, ſlain in war; the ſpirits of our illuſtrious anceſtors, long ſince gone to reſt, who tranſmitted our fair inheritance to us; a regard to children ſtill unborn, all call upon us to make greater exertions; and will riſe up in judgment againſt us, if, through cowardice, we deſert the noble cauſe, in which, for many years paſt, we have been engaged. From theſe conſiderations, therefore, let us perſevere till we have obtained the completion of our wiſhes, and have placed our country beyond the reach of over-bearing foes.—But let us remember that we are engaged in a higher warfare; and that, if we overcome our ſpiritual enemies, we ſhall, at laſt, be put in poſſeſſion of that kingdom where perpetual peace will reign and liberty, the moſt exalted and refined, ſhall be obtained. Be thou faithful unto death, and I will give thee a crown of life.