WHEN Moſes, being called by God from an obſcure ſtate of life, to ſtand before a court, and deliver the meſſage of Heaven to them, would have excuſed himſelf, alledging that "He was not eloquent," his falſe modeſty was frowned upon; his pleas were all over-ruled; and he was animated to his great work, with a promiſe of ſpecial aſſiſtance from God: "I will be with thy mouth, and teach thee what thou ſhalt ſay."

THIS inſtance may, I think, encourage us to hope for divine aſſiſtance, whenever we are by the providence of God called to undertake ſervices for which we may ſeem too unequal. It is this hope emboldens me now to appear in this place: and it is alſo hoped that the preſent attempt, undertaken in obedience to authority, may be favorably accepted, or at leaſt excuſed.

ON this occaſion, it will not, I preſume, be expected, or deſired, that I ſhould attempt to go beyond my own line, or affect to diſcourſe as a connoiſſeur in politics; but that I aſſiſt as a CHRISTIAN MINISTER at the ſolemn acts of religious worſhip which are this day publicly offered by a CHRISTIAN STATE to the ſupreme King of nations, whoſe ordinance civil government is; from whom all the authority of rulers and all the rights of ſubjects are originally derived; to whom the mutual duties of all orders of men are to be ultimately referred; and by whoſe bleſſing alone, communities, as well as individuals, can be happy.

THE knowledge of ourſelves is confeſſedly a capital and fundamental point of true wiſdom. "The proper knowledge of mankind is man." And of this there is no branch which more deſerves the attention of every one, than to underſtand our duty on the one hand, and our rights and privileges on the other. For want of clear and juſt apprehenſions of theſe things, ſome have been ready to imagine that there is a kind of oppoſition between duty and right; or in other words, that the bonds of duty are a reſtraint and abridgment of liberty; and that liberty is a licence to do whatever we pleaſe.—Hence different men have inclined to different extremes. Some by urging the obligations of duty in ſuch a manner as tends to beget and cheriſh a ſpirit of bondage, and by laying heavy burdens on the conſciences of men in things where God has left them free, have intrenched on the rights and liberties of mankind. Others, in their unguarded zeal for liberty, have relaxed the bonds of duty, and have given and taken too much encouragement to licenciouſneſs, "uſing liberty for an occaſion to the fleſh."

BUT our duties, and our rights or privileges, if rightly ſtated, are ſo far from interfering, or being inconſiſtent, that they mutually infer, eſtabliſh, and ſupport each other.

THE apoſtle, in the words now read, appears to have had both the mentioned extremes diſtinctly in his view. As there were ſome who, by endeavouring to impoſe the obſervance of the abrogated ordinances of the Jewiſh law, incroached on the rights and liberty of chriſtians, St. Paul aſſerts theſe their rights, reminds his chriſtian brethren that Chriſt had made them free, and exhorts them to ſtand faſt in their liberty to which they were called, and not be entangled with a yoke of bondage. At the ſame time he cautions them againſt the oppoſite extreme, of abuſing liberty for an occaſion to the fleſh; or of indulging themſelves in a carnal licentious life; and then directs them "by love to ſerve one another," and not think ſuch mutual ſubjection to be any way unſuitable the honor they were called to, of being the Lord's free men.

BUT whatever may be the ſpecial occaſion of the words, and however we may expound them in reference to that occaſion, we may, I think, be allowed to conſider them as applicable to all thoſe liberties which belong to us either as men, or as citizens, or as chriſtians. GOD has called us to liberty in all theſe different reſpects; and the goſpel furniſhes us with a good warrant to aſſert and claim theſe our rights. And though the main deſign of the ſacred writers be to inſtruct us in the great concernments of our eternal ſalvation; yet they have alſo given us to underſtand, that liberty, in a more general ſenſe, is our indefeaſible right. Chriſtianity is indeed alike favorable to the liberty of ſubjects, and the rightful authority of rulers; and is the beſt ſecurity and ſupport of both in their proper conſiſtency with each other. And we are more beholden to the oracles of GOD than to the ſchools of philoſophy, for juſt and generous notions of the rights of mankind.—A chriſtian, beſides his peculiar ſpiritual privileges, holds his natural and civil liberty by a ſtronger handle than any other, and can maintain it to better advantage. He has by the goſpel, a new covenant right to the common privileges of humanity, as well as to thoſe ſpecial ones he is entitled to as a child and heir of GOD. That ſtate of liberty to which he is called, and which he is authorized to claim and maintain, comprehends thoſe natural and civil rights which belong to him as a man, or as a member of the commonwealth, as well as thoſe ſpecial privileges which appertain to him as a ſubject of the kingdom of heaven. If I ſhould therefore take occaſion to offer ſome conſiderations on LIBERTY in this general view, the argument would, I conceive, be not foreign to my text, nor unſuitable to the preſent ſolemnity, nor unworthy of the attention of this grave and reſpectable audience.

HERE are three points which require to be diſtinctly conſidered, as the time will allow: and I ſhall take them in the ſame order in which they lie before us in our text.

FIRST. GOD hath called us to liberty.—

IT is his declared will, that mankind ſhould be free. The cauſe of liberty is the cauſe of GOD; which he approves, favors, and befriends. The law and light of nature make it evident that liberty is the right of all mankind. But the ſcriptures make it yet more evident that the people of GOD, the ſubjects of his heavenly kingdom, are entitled to, and inveſted with, this invaluable privilege, of which they have in the goſpel an authentic charter, ratified, ſealed, and • worn by GOD himſelf.

BUT it ſeems neceſſary that we here examine what we are to underſtand by that LIBERTY which we claim as our right, by virtue of a Divine grant. For though we are generally forward to profeſs ourſelves to be its friends and advocates, and the love of it is ſaid to be natural to us; yet there are many who do not well underſtand what they ſay, or whereof they affirm, in their flouriſhes on this ſubject. Indeed, if the matter be duly conſidered, we ſhall have reaſon to think that none but perſons of real virtue are heartily friendly to true liberty, or deſire the enjoyment of it either for themſelves or others, whatever flattering encomiums they may beſtow upon it.

WHEN we ſpeak of liberty as our right or privilege, we muſt be ſuppoſed to mean ſomething valuable, dignifying, and deſirable; ſomething which our nature and ſtate are capable of; ſomething which is conſiſtent with our moral agency, and our being under the obligations of law, and duty to our maker and our fellow creatures.

HENCE it follows clearly, that human liberty cannot conſiſt in lawleſs licentiouſneſs, or in being independent, and not ſubject to any authority; or in being allowed to invade the rights of others; to act unreaſonably, and make ourſelves and our fellow-creatures miſerable. Far be it from any of us to imagine that the ſtate of liberty, to which God has called us, diſſolves the bonds of our duty, or confounds the eſſential differences of right and wrong: or to entertain ſo abſurd a thought as that any one can poſſibly have a right to do wrong: or to conceive that an exemption from the obligations of morality, and from ſubjection to rightful authority, would be any deſirable privilege.—A lawleſs perſon is the baſeſt, moſt odious and contemptible creature in the world.

EVERY man is neceſſarily ſubject to the authority of GOD. This is indeed an argument of our imperfection and dependent ſtate. But we are ſo far from having any reaſon to be uneaſy at it, that it is matter of joy and glorying to us that the Lord is our king. And his authority over us is ſo far from depriving us of any deſirable liberty, that it is indeed the baſis, guard and ſecurity of it. We therefore claim it as our right to be free from every yoke of bondage which can juſtly be accounted any grievance, becauſe we are the ſervants of God, who allows none to tyrannize or uſurp authority over any, and forbids our ſubmitting to ſuch unauthoriſed claims. And though we are required to be ſubject to our lawful ſuperiors in families, in church and ſtate, yet God requires us to yield this obedience not with a ſlaviſh, but a free and liberal ſpirit—we are to be ſubject to the higher powers in the Lord, and for the Lord's ſake, whoſe ordinance they are. And while we obey their lawful commands, it is our right and duty to diſown them for our abſolute maſters. For we are not the ſervants of men, but of God alone.

IF I ſhould attempt a definition or deſcription of liberty in general, conſidered as a right or privilege claimable by mankind, I would ſay that it conſiſts in a perſon's being allowed to hold, uſe and enjoy all his faculties, advantages, and rights, according to his own judgment and pleaſure, in ſuch ways as are conſiſtent with the rights of others, and the duty we owe to our maker and our fellow creatures. Liberty muſt never be uſed but within the bounds of right and duty. God allows us not to hold, uſe, or enjoy any thing to the injury of any one. A licence to do wrong and encroach on the rights of others, is no part of that liberty which God has granted us; nor is it any reſtraint of our true freedom for us to be reſtrained by laws from wicked, unreaſonable and injurious actions.

BUT that we may underſtand more diſtinctly the nature and extent of our liberty under the government of God, we may conſider ourſelves in three different ſtates—1ſt. As individual perſons in what is called the ſtate of nature, that is previous to ſuch confederation as forms a civil community.—2dly. As united and incorporated into a political ſociety.—3dly. As members of the church of God.—Anſwerably to theſe ſeveral ſtates or capacities, we may conſider that liberty which we claim as our right as coming under a threefold diſtinction and denomination: ſuppoſing any one to be in a ſtate of nature, he has then a right to NATURAL LIBERTY: if we conſider him as a member of a civil body, he has a right to CIVIL LIBERTY; and if a member of the chriſtian church, he is entitled to CHRISTIAN LIBERTY.

NATURAL LIBERTY does not conſiſt in an exemption from the obligations of morality, and the duties of truth, righteouſneſs and kindneſs to our fellow men; nor does it give any one a right to ſeize by force or fraud whatever he may have a mind for, how much ſoever it may be to the damage of others; as ſome have moſt abſurdly taught. The obligation of the law of God, which we are all under, and which requires us to love our neighbour, and do as we would be done unto, does not take its force from human compacts. Our natural rights are bounded and determined by the law of nature, which binds us to be ſubject to the will and authority of God, to love and worſhip him; to be juſt and benevolent to our fellow creatures, doing them all the good in our power, and offering no injury or abuſe to any one. It is therefore no violation of our natural liberty and rights for us not to be allowed to do wrong, and to be reſtrained by force and puniſhments, from invading the right and property of others.

BUT in a ſtate of natural liberty, every one has a right to be exempt from ſubjection to the authority of any man. There is alſo a right to think, ſpeak, and act freely, without compulſion or reſtraint; and to uſe our faculties and property as we pleaſe, provided that none are thereby injured, nor the obligations of morality infringed. Liberty of conſcience is alſo the natural and unalienable right of every one: A right of which no man can be juſtly deprived; which can never be forfeited, never given up to any one upon earth. Our Supreme Lord allows us not to ſubject our conſciences to the authority of any but himſelf alone. If therefore any one ſhould conſent to give up this previous branch of liberty, and acknowledge any man as the Lord of his conſcience, ſuch an unwarrantable act would be null and void.—In a ſtate of natural liberty, men have alſo a right to form ſuch aſſociations with others, and enter into ſuch confederations, and ſubmit to ſuch laws and conſtitutions, as ſhall be for the general good. In other words, they have a right to form into a civil ſociety, and authorize fit perſons to exerciſe the powers of government neceſſary to effectuate the good ends for which the ſocial union is formed.

BUT it is to be carefully remembered, that no man has ever any rightful liberty to conſent to any conſtitution or compact inconſiſtent with his own ſafety and welfare, and that of his fellow men: for inſtance, to authorize any to govern unrighteouſly and oppreſſively.—The eſtabliſhing a pernicious tyranny is a great injury to mankind, and ſo is beyond the limits of our natural rights. No human laws or covenants can give any authority or validity to an act which God diſallows: and if any people have been ſo imprudent and blameable as to conſent to, and put themſelves under a tyrannical government, they are ſo far from being bound in honor or conſcience to ſupport it, that it is their duty to overthrow and aboliſh it as ſoon as they can—As individual perſons in a ſtate of natural liberty have no right or leave from God to make themſelves miſerable, or to injure and oppreſs others; ſo they have no right or leave to join and concur with others in any meaſures inconſiſtent with the intereſt of mankind.—And as no ſociety has a right to oppreſs any of its members, it cannot convey to any one a rightful authority to oppreſs. All tyrannical government is therefore an unauthorized invaſion of the rights of mankind, and no obedience is due to it.

A JUST apprehenſion of our natural rights is very uſeful and neceſſary in order to our conceiving aright the nature and extent of CIVIL LIBERTY, which is next to come under our conſideration. And we are now to view mankind as united together in political ſocieties or ſtates, that ſo the united wiſdom and ſtrength of a community may be employed to advantage for the good of the whole, and of the ſeveral individual members, in a conſiſtency with the public intereſt.

THAT the human ſpecies were formed and deſigned for civil union, appears from the rational faculties, and ſocial affections which God has given them. It appears alſo from their moral character, and ſtate, and the need they ſtand in of mutual aſſiſtance, in order that their rights and properties may be better ſecured, and enjoyed to greater advantage. The ſtate of nature, tho' attended with ſome peculiar privileges, is yet very unſafe, and ſubject to great and manifold difficulties and diſadvantages. Civil polity is evidently for the intereſt of mankind: and in a well conſtituted and regulated ſtate, ſubjection to civil government is no way prejudicial to true liberty. For though ſome of our natural rights and property are, as it were, put into a common ſtock, under the management of the community; yet this is ſuppoſed to be done by our own free conſent, and in the prudent exerciſe of our natural liberty. And as each one continually receives his ſhare of the vaſt profits thence accruing to the community, and has his moſt important rights ſo ſecured and improved as to be much more valuable; he is, upon the whole, a great gainer by all the expence he is at for the public ſervice, and enjoys more liberty for the reſtraints he ſubmits to.

NAY, further: ſince civil polity is evidently for the good of mankind, and ſince no individual ought to hold his natural right of independence, if it ſtands in oppoſition to the general intereſt—it would ſeem that men's entering into civil ſociety was a matter of duty as well as right; and that they may be juſtly compelled to it, when the general intereſt ſo requires.—

Now, in every civil body there muſt be a governing authority and power, to be exerciſed on the behalf of the community, over the ſeveral members—ordering matters of common concernment for the good of the whole: and the rightful authority of thoſe who are intruſted with powers of government, is the ordinance of God. They are not only the truſtees of the ſtate, but the miniſters of GOD, who ratifies their commiſſion, requiring every ſoul to be ſubject to them, and not reſiſt them on their peril, in the due exerciſe of their authority.

FROM the brief account here given of a ſtate of civil polity, it is plain that civil liberty divides into two branches, which will require ſome diſtinct notice. It includes the freedom of the ſtate conſidered as a ſyſtem or collective body. It includes alſo the freedom of the ſeveral parts or members of which the community is compoſed.

THE FORMER BRANCH of civil liberty is poſſeſſed by a people, when they hold and are allowed freely to exerciſe the rights, powers, and prerogatives of FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES. Theſe are much the ſame with thoſe of an individual in the ſtate of natural liberty and independence; of which we have given ſome account: and are alike limited by the law of nature and of GOD, who is the ſovereign of nations as well as of particular perſons. But it is to be obſerved, that free ſtates have alſo right to rule their own members: whereas individuals have no natural right which properly anſwers to this.

NOTWITHSTANDING what has been ſo boldly pretended by ſome, of the tranſcendent authority, and omnipotency of the ſupreme civil power, and of thoſe who are intruſted with the adminiſtration of government, it is plain that the whole authority of a ſtate over its members is limited. The liberty and authority of a free commonwealth to enact and execute laws and ordinances for the public good, muſt be always underſtood with this limitation, viz.—that the ſacred rules of righteouſneſs are not to be violated at any rate. The liberty and ſovereignty of a ſtate implies no right or authority to ſerve its own intereſt by unjuſt or immoral meaſures; even though ſuch meaſures ſhould be thought for the public advantage. It has no rightful liberty, under any ſuch pretence, to violate the laws of GOD, or the rights of any of its members, to oppreſs or injure any of its neighbours, or falſify the public faith. That common maxim, "that the ſafety and welfare of the people is the ſupreme law," how much ſoever it has been applauded, is, therefore, unſound morality, unleſs it be underſtood and applied in an invariable agreement with that divine rule, "that evil is not to be done that good may come." Every man has his private, unalienable rights, particularly the right of conſcience, which he ought to hold and uſe without reſtraint or diſturbance from any human authority. There can ſcarce be a worſe miſtake than to think that the laws of morality muſt give way to ſerve any intereſt, whether public or private; or that all perſonal rights in the ſubjects are abſolutely at the diſpoſal of the ſupreme civil power.

THE liberty of a ſtate may be violated and abridged ſeveral ways. It is ſo when a foreign authority, to whom the ſtate owes not ſubjection, claims and exerciſes a governing and controuling power over it. This is alſo the caſe when a part of the ſtate, without right, ſeizes on the powers of government, or hinders the free exerciſe of them: or, when thoſe who are intruſted with authority, ſtretch their prerogatives beyond due bounds, to the enſlaving of the people. If the whole authority of a ſtate over its members be limited, as has been ſhewn, much more is the authority of rulers ſo, who have not the whole authority of the ſtate put into their hands to be uſed by them as they pleaſe, but only ſo much of it as is judged to be needful to fit them to anſwer the end of their appointment. The ſupreme civil authority remains always in the community at large, whoſe will and order is the ſupreme law of the ſtate. And they have always a right, when their rulers are evidently unfaithful and unworthy of their truſt, to reſtrain them and revoke their powers.—They have a right to alter and reform their laws when they are found to be pernicious; any law or compact to the contrary notwithſtanding. Civil rulers are indeed to be conſidered as the ordinary repreſentatives of the ſtate, and the laws enacted by them as the will and law of the ſtate, when the contrary does not appear: but ſurely ſuch laws ought not to ſtand in force againſt the manifeſt will and intereſt of the community.—For a people to be ſo enſlaved, either to their rulers, or even their own laws, as not to be able to exerciſe their eſſential right of ſovereignty for their own ſafety and welfare, is as inconſiſtent with civil liberty, as if they were enſlaved to an army, or to any foreign power. Whatever form of government a people may chooſe to be under, the ſupreme civil authority remains always attached to, and diffuſed through the whole body: nor can they give it up without injuring and enſlaving themſelves, their fellow-citizens and their poſterity, which they have no natural right to do.

IT is therefore a wiſe proviſion in our frame of government, that an orderly way is left open, and pointed out, for the ſtate to reviſe its civil conſtitutio • 〈◊〉 make ſuch amendments as may be found neceſſary. Alterations of this nature, are not, indeed, to be attempted for light reaſons, ſince they are always attended with inconvenience and danger. But when the ſafety and intereſt of a people requires that ſuch alterations be made, they have an indefeaſible right to make them.

HAVING thus far conſidered the firſt great branch of civil liberty, and then touched a little on the rights of a free ſtate, I will now attend to the other branch, which includes the rights and privileges of the ſeveral members of a political body IN THEIR INDIVIDUAL AND PERSONAL CAPACITY.—Liberty is the right of every member, as well as of the whole body, or ſyſtem. And a perſon may juſtly be accounted a free citizen, when he is allowed to hold and uſe his natural rights and faculties, together with the civil privileges proper to his rank in the commonwealth, according to his own judgment and pleaſure, in ſuch ways as are conſiſtent with his obligations to the community, and his fellow citizens, and with the juſt and reaſonable laws of the ſtate.

THE order and intereſt of a civil ſociety require that there ſhould be different ranks of men, with different civil rights and privileges annexed to them; and ſubject to different reſtrictions. Nor is the true liberty of any rank infringed by this ſubordination, but rather ſecured, improved and enjoyed by all to better advantage. But though the ſeveral ranks in a political ſyſtem may riſe one above another in a long ſcale of ſubordination, yet we may conveniently diſtribute them all into two general claſſes, viz. RULERS and SUBJECTS. Indeed in a free ſtate the right of authority and the duty of ſubjection are interwoven, and, as it were, incorporated together through the whole ſyſtem, ſo that they are mutually tempered by each other. They who are veſted with moſt authority are yet fellow-ſubjects with their inferiors, who are governed by them. They are not only alike ſubject to the law of GOD, but alſo to the law and authority of the ſtate, whoſe miniſters they are. And the loweſt orders of men have a rightful ſhare in that ſovereignty or ſupreme civil power which is lodged in and diffuſed through the whole community.

As the bounds of civil liberty are determined by juſt and reaſonable civil laws, it is plain that when RULERS are allowed freely to uſe the powers committed to them for the public good, and enjoy the privileges annexed to their rank, they then enjoy that civil liberty which is their right. But when they are overawed and controuled in the exerciſe of their rightful authority, or are not allowed the privileges they have a right to, their civil liberty is then infringed. But as rulers have no rightful liberty to claim and exerciſe powers to which they are not entitled by law, or to violate the rules of righteouſneſs, or to oppreſs the community or any of its members, by hindering them from holding and uſing their juſt rights, their liberty is not infringed in the leaſt, if the ſtate interpoſes its ſovereign authority, when it is neceſſary to reſtrain them from effecting unrighteous and pernicious deſigns; which, whenever they attempt, they act without authority. GOD never gave them authority for any ſuch purpoſe: the people never meant to do it: they could not do it if they would: they had no ſuch authority to give.

AND though SUBJECTS, as ſuch, have no rightful claim to the peculiar civil privileges of rulers, they have yet a right to civil liberty, and to all the privileges of citizens of their rank, unleſs they have forfeited them by ſome high miſdemeanor. And they may juſtly be ſaid to enjoy this their right, when they are allowed the free uſe of their natural unalienable rights, 〈◊〉 moſt important of which are, the rights of conſcience; and alſo to ſpeak and act, to uſe and diſpoſe of their property, to hold and enjoy every rightful privilege, without diſturbance or controul, in ſuch ways as are not injurious to any, or contrary to the reaſonable laws of that civil body of which they are members. And though ſuch laws as lay the ſubject under needleſs and burdenſome reſtraints may juſtly be accounted an abridgment of liberty, yet no one has any reaſon to complain that he is denied the liberty of a free citizen, when he is reſtrained by human laws and penalties, from vice and immorality, and obliged to yield due obedience to civil authority, and obſerve ſuch ordinances, and pay ſuch taxes; as are neceſſary for the ſupport of government, and to maintain the order, peace and welfare of the common wealth.

NATURAL and civil liberty is the right of every man and member of a civil community. But there is yet another branch which belongs peculiarly to chriſtians, and which we may therefore fitly term, CHRISTIAN LIBERTY.

THE goſpel does not curtail any of our natural rights, or civil privileges, but allows and acknowledges them, and ratifies the right which chriſtians in common with others have to the enjoyment of them. But the new covenant contains a grant of ſpecial privileges, and thoſe of the higheſt importance. It calls us to, and inveſts us with the "glorious liberty of the children of God." The apoſtle ſeems to have had the peculiar privileges of chriſtians moſt directly in his view, when he ſaid in our text, "Brethren ye have been called to liberty." It ſeems therefore but fit that ſome diſtinct notice ſhould be taken of theſe, though the time and preſent occaſion will not allow of enlargement.

THE liberty we are called to as chriſtians, does not in any meaſure relax the obligation we are under to be ſubject to the authority and laws of GOD, and alſo to ſubmit ourſelves to thoſe who, under him, have rightful authority, whether economical, political, or eccleſiaſtical. But the goſpel calls us to liberty from the bonds of guilt the condemning power and curſe of the divine law, and from th • obligations to puniſhment which ſin had laid us under, which is a moſt miſerable bondage. We are alſo called to liberty from a ſlaviſh ſubjection to the power of ſin, and of Satan the God of this world, who rules in the children of diſobedience, and leads them captive at his will; than which what ſlavery can be more wretched, abject and ignominious? We are called alſo to liberty from a ſlaviſh ſpirit in the ſervice of GOD, and of one another; ſo that a chriſtian is not driven on in the way of his duty againſt his inclination, but acts with a cheerful, free, and ingenuous ſpirit. "Where the ſpirit of the Lord is there is liberty." We are alſo diſcharged from ſubjection to any maſter or dictator on earth, in matters of faith and worſhip; and are to acknowledge no lawgiver to the church but Chriſt alone. We have liberty to uſe the ordinances inſtituted by Chriſt for the edification of his church, and to have communion with him, and his ſaints in them, and that without any human inventions, or unſcriptural terms of communion impoſed on us. Finally, we may think, and ſpeak, and act, and uſe our ſpiritual privileges with all freedom, according to the meaſures of wiſdom and grace given to us; nor may any human authority forbid or reſtrain us from it.

I HAVE taken the freedom to enlarge a little in opening the nature and ſtating the extent and proper bounds of NATURAL, CIVIL, and CHRISTIAN LIBERTY; becauſe the right underſtanding hereof might, I conceive, be of great uſe to us: and at this day in particular, it may ſeem to be a matter which needs to be conſidered with ſome ſpecial attention. In the next place, I am to ſhew "that we have been called to liberty." It belongs to us by virtue of a divine grant—we claim it as our RIGHT; and, bleſſed be GOD, we hold and enjoy it as our INHERITANCE. The expreſſion "ye have been called to liberty," may be taken both ways, and may ſignify either that GOD has given us a right to liberty, or that he has given the poſſeſſion and uſe of this right. In the former ſenſe, he calls us to liberty, by declaring to us that it is his will that we be free, and requiring us to aſſert and maintain our right. In the latter ſenſe, he calls us to liberty, when he gives us the poſſeſſion of it, and breaks thoſe yokes of bondage which had been impoſed upon us.

THAT God has called to the RIGHT of liberty; that he allows us to claim and maintain it, againſt all who would bring us into bondage; that he favors the glorious cauſe, and would have us ſtand up for it, is evident from the light of nature, and from the oracles of divine revelation.

THE light of our own REASON and CONSCIENCE, that "candle of the Lord" which he hath put within us, makes it plain that we have a right to be free. There is no need of long and ſubtle trains of reaſoning in the caſe. We appeal to the moral ſenſe, the inward feelings and reſentments of every honeſt heart. Can it be right that men, made in the image of God ſhould be ſlaves? That fellow ſervants of the ſame Lord ſhould uſurp and tyrannize over one another? Are not the pretences urged to juſtify ſuch uſurpation ſo weak, ſo pitiful, ſo unfair, that it is a painful exerciſe of patience to a man of reaſon and virtue, and generous feelings, to have his underſtanding and heart affronted, and harrowed with them? It is true, the intereſts of ſociety require ſubordination: but this deprives none of liberty, but helps all to enjoy it better. In ſhort, if equity, requires us to do to others as we would that they ſhould do to us; if the plaineſt and ſureſt dictates of our reaſon are to be believed; if the law of nature be of force, then liberty is our right; and conſequently it is the will of God that we be free. Nor is it eaſy to determine, whether the injuſtice of thoſe who would put a yoke of bondage on their brethren, or the meanneſs of thoſe who would tamely ſtoop to take it on, be the greater reproach to human nature.

IF we now turn our eye to the oracles of DIVINE REVELATION, we ſhall find clear and manifold evidence that God approves and favors the cauſe of liberty, and that tyranny is moſt offenſive to him—This appears in his delivering the Iſraelites from a ſtate of miſerable bondage, and puniſhing their oppreſſors with a mighty hand, and ſtretched-out arm. It appears in the laws and form of government he gave them; whereby liberty and property were ſecured to every one. It appears in the awful threatnings denounced by the prophets againſt the enſlavers and oppreſſors of mankind; and which have been terribly executed. It appears in the whole ſtrain, ſpirit, and tendency of the doctrine and religion taught and inculcated throughout the ſcriptures; which is to promote the practice of goodneſs, righteouſneſs and truth, with all other divine and ſocial virtues; and to diſſuade men from all acts of injuſtice or unkindneſs, where by the rights or liberties of any might be violated. It appears further, from expreſs directions and exhortations to chriſtians, that they ſtand faſt in their liberty▪ and be not entangled with a yoke of bondage; nor be the ſervants of men; nor call any man maſter upon earth; nor exerciſe lordly dominion over one another. Finally, it appears from the example of Chriſt, and the apoſtles, prophets, and holy men, whoſe characters and conduct are recorded for our imitation; who ſpoke and acted with the moſt ingenuous freedom, and moſt reverſe to a baſe ſervile ſpirit. Theſe hints might be copiouſly illuſtrated from the ſcriptures,See Mr. Stevens' election Sermon. which might be both inſtructive and entertaining. But I muſt wave it.—

BUT this call to liberty, which we are now conſidering, may be underſtood to import God's giving us the ACTUAL POSSESSION of, as well as a right to this invaluable privilege. And here this divine goodneſs deſerves our grateful notice, that, through the kind and wonderful diſpoſals of providence, mankind enjoy ſo much liberty. For though it is a melancholy truth that there is much tyranny and oppreſſion in the world, and all are more or leſs entangled with yokes 〈◊〉 b • ndage in ſome kind, and are not ſo free 〈◊〉 they ought to be; yet it muſt alſo be acknowledged, that as every degree of liberty which men enjoy, is the gift of God, ſo there are none but have a ſhare of this ſweet bleſſing; and indeed the greater part enjoy conſiderable degrees of it.—Notwithſtanding the deſpotic claims of tyrants, we ſee that their penicious and oppreſſive power is reſtrained by God in ways innumerable. Theſe fierce beaſts are chained, their horns are ſhortned, their mouths muzzled, and they are diverted from their purpoſes. By this means men often enjoy no ſmall ſhare of liberty, even under thoſe forms of government which are moſt unfriendly to it.

IT is, however, to be obſerved, that as God has a ſovereign right to deal out his own gifts in what meaſure and proportion he pleaſes, ſo he calls different men to different kinds and degrees of liberty. Though the natural rights of men may, in general, ſeem much alike, they being, in this reſpect, "all FREE and EQUAL;" yet it is in different degrees that they are permitted to uſe them. According to the differen • civil conſtitutions which men are under, their civil liberty is larger, or more reſtricted.—And, indeed, under every form of government it is neceſſary that ſome ranks and denominations of men ſhould be allowed more ample civil privileges than others. And as to chriſtian liberty, this is the peculiar right and privilege of the diſciples of Chriſt: no others have any lot or portion in this matter. And though all chriſtians are fr • e indeed, and are by the ſpecial grace of GOD, entitled and admitted to the liberties and privileges of his heavenly kingdom; yet all do not enjoy them in like meaſure: nor is the liberty of any perfect in this world; but is more or leſs entangled and reſtrained by the power of ſin and Satan, and the men and things of the world. It will, however, gradually work itſelf clear of all theſe clogs; and our call to the glorious liberty of the children of GOD, will, in the heavenly ſtate, have its full effect.

As it is a great happineſs to a people when their civil conſtitution and laws are favorable to civil and religious liberty; ſo there is perhaps no part of the world more happy, in this reſpect, than theſe United States, or that have been called by Divine Providence to the poſſeſſion and enjoyment of ſuch a degree of liberty as we have been.

IF what has been offered under this firſt head ſhould ſeem too long, abſtruſe, and ſpeculative, I will endeavour to make ſome atonement by being ſhorter, plainer, and more practical in what remains.

OUR SECOND GENERAL POINT is, "they who are called to liberty ſhould be careful not to abuſe it for an occaſion to the fleſh." They ſhould not run wild becauſe they are free; or take encouragement to indulge themſelves in a lawleſs and licentious temper and practice.

IT is a great evidence of the weakneſs and folly of men that they, in general, can no better bear that ſtate of freedom to which they are called; and when they have ſuch a price in their hands, they ſo ſeldom uſe it wiſely and ſoberly, and to advantage. Their luſts and paſſions are ready to break out into wild exceſſes when they find themſelves free from outward reſtraints. The apoſtle, well aware of this danger, has left this caution in the text, "uſe not liberty for an occaſion to the fleſh." And St. Peter alſo ſpeaks to the ſame effect; "As free, but not uſing your liberty for a cloak of maliciouſneſs." We are pleaſed with the thought of being free; but how often do we ſhew that we have not a heart rightly to improve our privileges? When we get the helm into our own hands, what wild courſes do we often ſteer. When we find ourſelves at liberty to direct our ſteps, how prone are we to turn aſide into crooked paths!

WE cannot therefore be too much on our guard againſt theſe licentious abuſes: for, beſides our liableneſs thereto, it ſhould be conſidered that they are highly criminal. When we make an ill uſe of liberty, we ſhew ourſelves moſt unworthy to have it, and deſerve to have our talent taken from us. It is ungrateful to GOD, and injurious and uncharitable to men. It turns our glory into ſhame, and expoſes to reproach that perfect law of liberty by which we profeſs to be governed.

THE abuſe of liberty draws after it alſo a train of the worſt conſequences. It is, we may ſay, "the root of all evil." It makes our privileges become our grievances, and turns our bleſſings into curſes: yea, it deſtroys liberty itſelf, and is an inlet to tyranny and ſlavery. True liberty is a tender thing: it languiſhes and dies under licentious abuſes. Rulers, by abuſing their liberty, betray their truſt; and their authority degenerates into tyranny. And when ſubjects abuſe their privileges, and become diſorderly, ungovernable, undutiful, factious, and irreligious, their ſocial union is greatly weakened, and they ſuffer the worſt effects of ſlavery, while they have only an empty ſhadow of freedom. It is true virtue, and religion, and ſubjection to the laws and ordinances of GOD, that can only preſerve the liberty of any people. Without this, declarations of rights and forms of government are vain: And I know not whether it be not better for a licentious people to be under a deſpotic government than any other. Such a people may well expect to come under ſuch a government, as the natural and penal effect of their vices—Thus it befel the Iſraelites as they had been forewarned: "That if they would not ſerve the Lord they ſhould ſerve their enemies, who would put a yoke of iron on their necks."

No leſs prejudicial is the abuſe of religious liberty to the ſpiritual intereſts of the chriſtian church. From this ſource an inundation of infidelity, and manifold corruption in doctrine, diſcipline, worſhip, and practice, with moſt uncharitable contentions, and ſchiſms, have iſſued, which have made terrible havock in God's heritage. Hence—But I muſt leave it to my hearers to purſue theſe reflections. The evils flowing from this ſource are ſo many, that it is impoſſible to give a detail of them.

For the like reaſon I can only ſuggeſt a few ſhort and general hints, reſpecting the ſeveral ways in which we might be in danger of abuſing our liberty; a point highly worthy of ſpecial attention, and which I had thought to have conſidered more particularly: But on ſuch a ſubject one would hardly know where to ſtop. I ſhall therefore only ſay, we ſhould take heed that Liberty of thinking for ourſelves, or the right of private judgment become not an occaſion of infidelity, or ſcepticiſm, or of our being carried away with unſound doctrines, and our minds corrupted from the ſimplicity that is in Chriſt. Liberty of ſpeaking our thoughts muſt not be abuſed to the diſhonor of God, and religion and virtue▪ to the encouragement of vice, or hurtful errors; to the detriment of the commonwealth; or to the injury, grievance, or ſcandal of any one. Liberty of conſcience muſt not be abuſed into a pretence for neglecting religious worſhip, prophaning God's ſabbaths and ordinances, or refuſing to do our part for the ſupport of government and the means of religious inſtruction. In a word,—as we would avoid the abuſe of liberty, let us all take heed that we uſe it not irreligiouſly, by tranſgreſſing God's commands, or by neglecting or prophaning his worſhip and ordinances; nor undutifully, by refuſing due Honor and ſubjection to rightful authority, in families, churches or commonwealth: nor injuriouſly, unkindly, and uncharitably, to the wrong, the damage, the grief and offence of our brethren: nor inordinately, exceeding the bounds of moderation, ſobriety and expediency, even in things that are in themſelves lawful.

As a preſervative from theſe, and all other abuſes, let it be our care thoroughly to imbibe the ſpirit of the goſpel, "that perfect law of liberty," and have our ſentiments, our temper, and manners, formed by its divine doctrines and rules. Let us cheriſh in our hearts the fear and love of God, with that benevolence and charity which is the fulfilling of the law, and which only can effectually correct the inordinacy of thoſe ſelfiſh affections which are the malignant root of theſe abuſes. And, to add no more, let it be our care to underſtand, diſtinctly, the nature and extent of our liberty, and of our duty, in their connection and conſiſtency with each other; and that our freedom can no otherwiſe be maintained and exerciſed, ſo as to be any real privilege, than by our being the ſervants of God, and "by love ſerving one another."

THIS was the THIRD POINT contained in our text, viz.—That it is our duty, and no infringement of our liberty, to ſerve one another in love. Though God has made us free, yet it is no diſparagement to be, in a liberal ſenſe, ſervants to each other: nay, it is our honor to be ſo—this gives true dignity to men of the higheſt rank. It is a very honorable character given to David, a great and excellent King, that he SERVED his generation by the will of GOD—And a far greater King, even David's Lord, and the heir of all things, when he aſſumed our fleſh, and dwelt among us, "came to miniſter," and "was with us as one that ſerveth." We ought, as the apoſtle directs, to "be all of us ſubject one to another." Rulers, as has been obſerved, are all of them FELLOW SUBJECTS with other members of the civil body, and hold their authority under the ſtate. They who exerciſe the higheſt ordinary powers of government do it as the truſtees and ſervants of the people; and it is their duty to ſerve the Commonwealth faithfully, and not tyrannize over any. And it is no leſs the duty of every one, whatever his rank may be, to perform the ſervices properly incumbent on him, with like fidelity. But as the duty of mutual ſubjection was conſidered at large upon the laſt anniverſary of this kind, I ſhall inſiſt no further upon it.

THERE is one thing, however, our text ſuggeſts, relative to the mutual ſervice required of us, which ſhould not be paſſed over unnoticed: and that is the principle by which we are therein to be moved and actuated. "BY LOVE ſerve one another." Love muſt be the vital ſpring to put every member of the body in motion, and ſet the whole ſyſtem at work in a circulation of ſervices, and then they will be all free. We act moſt freely when we are prompted by love. If we have a ſincere and warm affection one to another, our ſervices will not be performed with ſlaviſh reluctance, but in the full enjoyment of liberty. A ruler, or a ſubject, who is of a truly public ſpirit, who tenders the intereſt of his fellow-citizens, and ſympathizes with them in their joys and ſorrows, will rejoice in an opportunity of ſerving them; nor will he grudge the pains it coſts him. Love makes his ſervices eaſy, pleaſant and free: and he never enjoys his liberty more to his own ſatisfaction, than when he is moſt engaged in the ſervice of his generation.

THE REFLECTIONS with which it is time to cloſe this diſcourſe muſt be confined to the preſent occaſion.

WE in this land have great reaſon to bow our knee before God in humble thankfulneſs that he has called us to liberty. He has not only given us a right to natural and civil liberty in common with others of our fellow men, but has alſo given us the poſſeſſion of this invaluable bleſſing, and that in ſuch a degree as few in the world are favored with.—It is an happineſs almoſt peculiar to theſe United States, for an enlightned people to have the opportunity of deliberately forming and freely chooſing the plan of government under which they are to live. And though we do not preſume to ſay that there is nothing amiſs or defective in our civil conſtitution; (it is the prerogative of God alone to have his work all perfect) yet the form of our government, and ſpirit of our laws are, to ſpeak modeſtly, favorable to the free enjoyment of our natural rights, ſo far as can conſiſt with our political union, and the intereſt of the Commonwealth. And we ſhould be unthankful to GOD and man, not to be ſenſible of, and own the wiſdom and fidelity of thoſe who had the chief hand in this important and arduous work. Beſides the ample civil privileges which are ſecured to all orders of citizens, we rejoice to find that the right of enſlaving our fellow men is abſolutely diſclaimed. That inhuman monſter SLAVERY, which has too long been tolerated, is at length proſcribed, and is no longer ſuffered to live with us. And it is devoutly wiſhed, that the turf may lie firm upon its grave. The rights of conſcience alſo, in matters of religion, are ſtrongly guarded, and the door is happily ſhut and faſt barred againſt eccleſiaſtical eſtabliſhments by human laws, which have done ſo much hurt in the world. Every one is now fully at liberty to worſhip GOD in the way which he judges to be moſt acceptable to him, while he demeans himſelf as a good citizen. Nor ſhould we forget our chriſtian privileges in having the ordinances of the goſpel adminiſtred among us, which we may with all freedom attend upon for our ſpiritual edification, if it be not our own fault. Add to this the ſovereignty and prerogatives of FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES, which at length are acknowledged and ſolemnly recognized as belonging to us. How much reaſon have we to account ourſelves happy that our lot has fallen to us in pleaſant places, and we have ſo goodly an heritage. Bleſſed are our eyes which ſee the things we ſee, and our ears which hear the things we hear. And bleſſed be the Lord who hath viſited and redeemed his people; who hath called them to liberty, and granted them the bleſſings of peace, that we, being delivered out of the hand of our enemies, might ſerve him without fear, in holineſs and righteouſneſs before him, all the days of our life.

AND is it not then our duty to ſtand faſt in this liberty to which GOD hath called us? We ſhould ſhew ourſelves moſt unworthy of our birthright, if, like Eſau, we ſhould ſell it for a contemptible price; nay, if we ſhould ſell it at any rate. Liberty is a pearl of too great price to be bartered. We may fitly accommodate the words of Solomon; She is more precious than the rubies; and all the things thou canſt deſire are not to be compared to her. Length of days are in her right hand, and in her left are riches and honor. Her ways are ways of pleaſantneſs, and all her paths are peace. She is a tree of life to them that lay hold upon her; and happy is every one that retaineth her. We have done ourſelves great and laſting honor by our brave, vigorous, and, by the bleſſing of GOD, ſucceſsful and effectual defence of our civil liberty. Though in reſpect of right, we were free born, as every man is; yet it is with a great ſum that we have obtained the poſſeſſion of this our inheritance, clear of the incumbrance of being dependent on, and ſubject to the controul of foreign power. To ſecure the continued enjoyment of the prize which has been won with ſo much expence of blood and treaſure, is ſurely an object worthy of the attention of every one. And we can do nothing better for this purpoſe than to make it our moſt ſerious care to uſe our liberty aright, that is, piouſly, equitably, charitably, and ſoberly; and that we abuſe it not for an occaſion to the fleſh.

THIS caution againſt the abuſe of liberty ought to ſink deep into our hearts; for here ſeems to be our greateſt danger. Our conduct, at the time when attempts were made to wreſt our privileges from us, is a witneſs for us, that we were not inſenſible of the value and importance of them. By the bleſſing of Almighty GOD our ſtruggle is now happily terminated▪ and we are now unbuckling the harneſs, having accompliſhed our warfare with deſired ſucceſs. WE ARE A FREE PEOPLE. We have maintained our claim to liberty effectually againſt thoſe who diſputed it; and have indeed more liberty than we at firſt thought of claiming. And if we are ſo wiſe and ſober as not to abuſe it, we truſt in God that we ſhall be happy ourſelves, and leave this fair inheritance to ſucceeding generations. But we flatter ourſelves, if we think that our having legal ſecurities of civil and religious liberty will inſure our proſperity. Nay, if our privileges are licentiouſly abuſed, we ſhall have no ſolid advantages of them, but they will rather prove; as was ſaid, intolerable grievances. The name itſelf of liberty has been reproached, I had almoſt ſaid blaſphemed, on account of theſe abuſes, which have given occaſion to ſome to call it a popular idol. And we ſhall make an idol of it indeed, if it draws away our hearts from the ſervice of God, and emboldens us to ſtrengthen ourſelves in wickedneſs, and bleſs ourſelves in our own hearts, ſaying, we ſhall have peace though we walk in the imagination of our hearts. That people only can be truly free and happy who have the Lord for their God, their law-giver, and king; and who demean themſelves as his obedient ſervants. O that there were ſuch an heart in us, that we might fear the Lord, and keep all his commandments always, that it might be well with us, and with our children forever.

OUR honored RULERS will conſider themſelves, as, under God, the guardians of this PRECIOUS DEPOSITUM, which divine providence has put into our hands. In this light we view them, and not with an evil eye of malignant jealouſy, as thoſe who would willingly rob the commonwealth of its crown, or ſteal the jewels out of it; that is, abridge our privileges, to extend their own prerogatives. As the places of higheſt authority are diſpoſed of by the free ſuffrage of the people, they are to be conſidered as marks of great confidence in the wiſdom and fidelity of thoſe whom they call to fill them; and as public teſtimonies to their merit. Nor will they take it amiſs to be ſtiled the ſervants of the people; but will accept the title as it is meant, for a title of diſtinguiſhed honor. For it holds equally true in a free commonwealth as in the church, that "He who is greateſt, is moſt eminently ſervant of all."

WE have confidence in our civil fathers, that their upright and faithful endeavours will not be wanting to ſec ••• and perpetuate the bleſſings of peace and liber •• which God hath given us, and to promote the true intereſt of this people; and that their integrity will preſerve them and us. While the meaſures of righteouſneſs are faithfully obſerved in their adminiſtrations, we doubt not but that they will, by the bleſſing of God, be crowned with good ſucceſs. "Unto the upright ariſeth light in the darkneſs," to direct, cheer, and comfort them, in their greateſt difficulties and ſtraits. It is "by righteouſneſs that the throne of government is eſtabliſhed, and the nation is exalted." And indeed the grand ſecret of political wiſdom is to maintain a ſteady, thorough and untainted integrity: a ſecret hidden from thoſe ſerpentine politicians, who think it neceſſary to turn aſide into crooked paths to compaſs their deſigns. Unfair artifices and intrigues may ſometimes anſwer a preſent turn; but they do more hurt than good: they breed worſe diſtempers than they remedy or prevent. Whatever deſigns cannot be carried by fair meaſures, had better not be carried at all. God will curſe that policy which ſets the rules of righteouſneſs at defiance. If this ſentiment ſhould be aſcribed to the ſimplicity of one who is unexperienced in the affairs of the world, it may be confirmed by the atteſtation of the great HARRINGTON, who ſays, That the pretended depth and difficulty in matters of ſtate is a mere cheat. From the beginning of the world to this day you never found a commonwealth where the leaders having honeſty enough wanted ſkill enough to lead her to her true intereſt, at home and abroad. And, that I may not ſeem to have gone beyond my own line, a yet greater authority may be adduced; even that of the wiſe and inſpired king SOLOMON, who ſays, He that walketh uprightly walketh ſurely; and the integrity of the upright ſhall guide him.

ALAS! for that people whoſe rulers think it can be good policy to break over the ſacred rules of juſtice. We hope in God that the conduct of our public affairs will never fall into the hands of thoſe who are given up to ſuch an awful infatuation. If indeed we could perſuade ourſelves that the world was governed by chance, ſuch a ſtrict adherence to theſe rules might not ſeem needful, or fit to be inſiſted on. But under the government of a righteous GOD, we may be ſure that unrighteous meaſures can never be for the true intereſt of a people. It is the bleſſing of GOD that muſt render the means ſucceſsful we make uſe of to anſwer our ends. What madneſs then muſt be in their hearts who imagine that GOD will annex a bleſſing to the preſumptuous tranſgreſſion of his own laws!—It is ordered indeed for the trial and diſcipline of virtue, that it ſhould ſometimes have to ſtruggle with great difficulties and oppoſition, which might be avoided if we would let go our integrity: but the avoiding theſe difficulties in this way, will, without fail, run us into much worſe ones. The advantages of unrighteouſneſs are dearly bought. If our country, nay, if the world can no otherwiſe be preſerved than by violating the rules of truth and righteouſneſs, IN THE NAME OF ALL THAT IS SACRED LET IT SINK. But while the throne of GOD ſtands unſhaken, we may truſt in him, and not fear that we ſhall ever be loſers by our fidelity and obedience to his laws.

THAT corrupt craft, and thoſe cunning contrivances, which politicians have often had recourſe to in ſtate affairs, when they were reſolved to carry a favorite point at any rate, have been the diſgrace of policy, and the peſt of ſtates. They who turn aſide into theſe crooked ways, will ſoon find themſelves in a perfect labyrinth. Tricking will ſoon ſink a man's credit and reputation, and loſe him the confidence of mankind, which is of the utmoſt importance in order to a ſucceſsful proſecution of deſigns of public concernment. Unfair artifices are an inſult upon the moral government of GOD, who knows how to take the wiſe in their own craftineſs, and turn to fooliſhneſs the counſels of the Ahitophels, who applaud themſelves moſt in their ſkill and addreſs.

IT may well diſcourage wiſe obſervers from attempting to promote the public intereſt by iniquity, that ſuch attempts are conſtantly found to be of unhappy and pernicious conſequence. The laws by which GOD governs the world muſt be quite altered, the courſe of nature muſt be reverſed, before it can reaſonably be hoped that unrighteous ſchemes will operate for the real advantage of a people. And it is the fervent wiſh of thoſe who have the true intereſt of their country moſt at heart, that there may be a full and fair experiment made what effect a ſtrictly righteous and equitable adminiſtration of government will have upon the national intereſt. And they have raiſed expectations, that in that caſe we ſhould ſoon ſee our public affairs in a ſituation much to our ſatisfaction and honor, and the honor of virtuous policy, which would appear in its proper dignity after ſuch a triumph over its intriguing rival. The eyes of the world are turned to obſerve our conduct at this important period, which will be likely to fix the ſtamp of honor, or the brand of infamy, on our national character. We hope our rulers will not be leſs tender of the honor of the commonwealth than of their own, or that of their families: and that they will not give occaſion to any to apply to them what has been obſerved by ſome, That ſuch deeds have been often done by bodies or communities of men, as moſt of the individuals of which ſuch communities conſiſted, acting ſeparately, would have been aſhamed of. And it is alſo to be remembered (which ought much more to move us) that the eye of the great KING OF NATIONS is upon us to obſerve whether we will be obedient to his laws: and he is, as it were, ſaying to us in the words of the prophet, Prove me now herewith, whether I will not open you the windows of heaven, and pour you out a bleſſing.

As for thoſe who ſneer at righteous policy, integrity and public ſpiritedneſs, and who repreſent all men as being alike perfectly ſelfiſh, I ſhall only ſay, that if the picture of mankind which they give us was taken from their own hearts, we will not diſpute their ſkill in drawing, but will own it may be a ſtriking, yea, a ſhocking likeneſs of the perſons who ſat for it. But let them go—My honorable hearers know, as every honeſt man does, that there is ſuch a thing in the world as integrity, and virtue, and public ſpirit, and that it is no hypocritical pretence.

As righteouſneſs is the root and baſis of liberty, I have not, I hope, wandered from my ſubject in inculcating a due regard thereto in the adminiſtration of government. And it is alſo hoped that the freedom of ſpeech which has been uſed on this occaſion, (a freedom which the preſence of thoſe before whom it has been taken, has no tendency to check, but rather to inſpire and animate,) will not be deemed an abuſe of liberty. But if more has been ſaid than may be thought needful, or if any expreſſions ſhould ſeem too warm or bold, they will I hope, be candidly imputed to an honeſt zeal for public virtue, and for the liberty, the intereſt, and the honor of my dear country; and to an earneſt and inexpreſſible deſire that this vaſt political ſtructure, which to the wonder of the world has roſe ſo ſuddenly as a temple of liberty in NORTH-AMERICA, the building of which has been carried on ſo far with ſuch happy ſucceſs, may receive the finiſhing touch to the utmoſt adadvantage, and may ſtand as a glorious and laſing MONUMENT to the honor of thoſe by whom, under God, it has been erected:—a monument far more grand and magnificent than MAUSOLEUMS, PYRAMIDS, or TRIUMPHAL ARCHES.

THE preſent ſtate of our affairs is ſuch as calls for the utmoſt attention of our civil rulers, and affords them uncommon opportunities for ſervices of the moſt important kind. It is, I think, needleſs, and might ſeem preſumptous, for me to go into a detail of thoſe objects which claim their ſpecial attention: their own more juſt, penetrating, and comprehenſive views, will readily ſuggeſt the vaſtneſs of their truſt, in having the care of the liberties and properties, the religion and morals▪ the means of education and literary improvement, of this people; beſides ſuch regulations as are neceſſary to maintain and ſtrengthen that connection between the ſeveral parts of this united ſyſtem of ſtates, which is of ſo much importance to the welfare of the whole. We are not inſenſible of the difficulties they have to ſtruggle with,—and ſympathize with them on that account. But theſe ſhould rather animate than diſcourage them. THESE ARE THE TRIALS AND PROOFS OF VIRTUE, whereby it is diſtinguiſhed from counterfeit pretences, and is found unto praiſe, and honor, and glory. If they are faithful they may expect to diſpleaſe ſome: but they will have the applauſe of their own conſciences, and of the beſt friends of their country: their children will riſe up and call them bleſſed, and GOD himſelf will think on them for good. "The armour of light" will repel the darts of calumny which may be thrown at them. They will only need to ſtand forth in open day. The light will render them invulnerable; and their being known will be their ſecurity.—And GOD forbid that any of us ſhould be backward to ſupport them in their faithful endeavours; or that we ſhould ceaſe to pray for them, that GOD would be with them: that their hearts may be encouraged; and their hands ſtrengthened with a double portion of his ſpirit: that they may be inſpired with the wiſdom, integrity, fortitude, and unfainting reſolution neceſſary to proſecute and accompliſh their deſigns for the public good. We wiſh them a bleſſing from the houſe of the Lord; yea, we bleſs them in the name of the Lord.

THIS day may well be accounted the day of the gladneſs of our hearts. We enjoy, at length, the bleſſings of peace and liberty:—Bleſſings;—for which; ſaints, now with God, have earneſtly prayed—heroes, of glorious memory; have fought and bled—and patriots have worn out themſelves with care; travail and exertion. The joy of reaping the harveſt which has been ſown and watered with ſo much tears and blood, is reſerved for us. This day, UNITED AMERICA ſees the iſſue and fruit of her travailing throes, and is ſatisfied. The ſight of ſo ſweet and lovely a birth, comforts and rejoices her, after her agonizing labor.

THIS day, we have the happineſs to ſee our CONGREGATION, even the legiſlative aſſembly of the commonwealth, eſtabliſhed before the Lord—our NOBLES from among ourſelves—and our GOVERNORS proceeding from the midſt of us. We view this auguſt body as repreſenting the whole republic, veſted with its majeſty and authority; the diſtinct branches of which unite-and concentre in the GOVERNOR, the common repreſentative of the whole ſtate. As his EXCELLENCY and his HONOR are here preſent, it would ſeem ſcarce decent for us to give them their due encomium, or to expreſs freely how worthy we eſteem them of that pre-eminence to which they are advanced; but their continued and often repeated election to the higheſt ſeats in the Commonwealth, ſpeaks louder and more ſignificantly than words can, the peculiar eſteem and confidence of the people, and in ſuch a way as leaves no ſuſpicion of flattery.

WE regard his EXCELLENCY in particular, as moſt eminently authorized to act as the guardian of our rights, and take care that the Republic receive no detriment. His prerogatives and powers we conſider as a wiſe proviſion for our ſecurity againſt the pernicious effects of that narrow policy which may prompt ſome to aim at ſerving their own particular connections in ways prejudicial to the general intereſt, or injurious to other parts of the ſtate—Nor do we wiſh that the due exerciſe of theſe powers and prerogatives ſhould be cramped or diſcouraged; but that they be exerted with all freedom and firmneſs for the good of the people, whenever it ſhall be needful. It is, we doubt not, his ſincere aim to improve thoſe talents with which GOD has diſtinguiſhed him, in promoting the true intereſt of the Commonwealth, and of the United States.—May he have the ſublime ſatisfaction of ſeeing the accompliſhment of his wiſhes, and the ſucceſs of his endeavours, to ſerve his generation.—And the honorable COUNCIL will, we truſt, be always ready to aſſiſt and co-operate in theſe arduous and important ſervices, with their wiſe, upright, and faithful advice.

THE honorable SENATORS and REPRESENTATIVES of the Commonwealth, who ſuſtain and exerciſe ſo great a ſhare of its authority, and in whom the people repoſe ſo much confidence, will not take it amiſs to be reminded of the expectations and juſt claims of the State, that its intereſts be faithfully attended to and purſued by them, not only in the elections of this day, but in all other matters on which they may afterwards have occaſion to act. Their views will be as extenſive as the field of ſervice they have before them; and not only the intereſts of their particular conſtituents, but that of the whole Commonwealth, yea, of the whole United States, will be duly regarded in their deliberations and reſolves—liberality of ſentiment, love to their country, a truly public ſpirit, with untainted, unſhaken integrity, will give dignity to their proceedings, and throw light upon their paths: whether they conſider themſelves as the miniſters of God, or the truſtees of the people, they can no other wiſe ſupport the dignity of their character, or anſwer the juſt expectations of God and man, than by a faithful diſcharge of the duties of their ſtation; nor ſhould it be forgotten that all mankind of what ever rank, muſt another day ſtand before an impartial tribunal, where an account will be taken how every talent has been improved, and a recompence will be adjudged to every one according as his work ſhall be. Happy then will he be beyond expreſſion, who has maintained his integrity in a corrupt and enſnaring world; who has kept "a conſcience void of offence towards GOD and towards man;" who can hold up his face before the Judge and ſay, Remember, O Lord, how I have walked before thee in truth, and with a perfect heart; and who will receive from him an anſwer of acquittance and approbation, Well done good and faithful ſervant, enter into the joy of thy Lord.

WILL this grave and venerable audience bear with me while I add one reflection of general concernment;—that if we would enjoy true liberty, we muſt not only maintain our civil privileges, and guard againſt a licentious and malicious abuſe of them, but it is above all things neceſſary that we be delivered by GOD's ſpecial grace from the bondage of guilt, and the ſlavery and ſervice of ſin and Satan, and that we be called effectually to the ſpiritual freedom of the children of GOD. Little reaſon ſhall we have to boaſt of liberty, or bleſs ourſelves in our external privileges, if we are the ignominious ſervants of corruption. This ſpiritual liberty, Chriſt has obtained for all his true diſciples: and it can no otherwiſe be enjoyed by any of us, than by taking his yoke upon us, learning of him, and continuing in his word—Then ſhall we know the truth, and the truth ſhall make us free indeed. It is the true Chriſtian alone who is the LORD'S FREE MAN, and a denizon of the new Jeruſalem. An honor and privilege to which we cannot maintain our claim, unleſs we realize our profeſſion of Chriſtanity, by ſerving the Lord Chriſt with all good fidelity, and ſerving one another in love. Be this the object of our greateſt care and ambition. We may then with hope and earneſt expectation, wait for the day of our complete redemption. The GRAND JUBILEE will at length be proclaimed by the ſound of the Arch-Angel's trumpet, which will call the ſons and heirs of GOD to the CONSUMMATE LIBERTY of his heavenly kingdom, and induce them to the inheritance incorruptable, undefiled, and that fadeth not away, reſerved for them.

MAY this be the lot of us all, through the grace of GOD our Saviour.