AN Election SERMON.
PROVERBS, CHAP. XXIV. VERSE 2.
WHEN THE RIGHTEOUS ARE IN AUTHORITY, THE PEOPLE REJOICE; BUT WHEN THE WICKED BEARETH RULE, THE PEOPLE MOURN.
THE preacher conſiders it to be the ſpecial deſign of our preſent meeting in this place (according to common uſage, and the laudable example of our pious Anceſtors) to ſeek the divine influence and direction in the important concerns of the day—to expreſs our grateful and devout praiſes for the ineſtimable bleſſings of government—to implore the divine bleſſing upon our civil magiſtrates in the diſcharge of the duties of their ſeveral departments—and to meditate on ſuch ſuggeſtions from the oracles of truth, as may be pertinent to ſuch an occaſion.
THEREFORE he ſhall hope to have acquitted himſelf to the ſatisfaction of this numerous and reſpectable aſſembly in the part aſſigned him, if purſuant to the line of his own miniſterial character,
he ſhall offer ſuch religious conſiderations, as may be thought proper for the buſineſs of the day; though he ſhould avoid political diſquiſitions—though he ſhould not decide in matters of controverſy; or dictate in matters of ſtate, or attempt to give instructions to politicians who are furniſhed with much better means of knowledge, and muſt be preſumed to be already well informed, reſpecting the proper duties of their ſtation.
WAVING therefore whatever might ſavour of impertinency upon ſuch ſubjecis, I would obſerve, that the ſentiment contained in the words under conſideration, is clearly this, that the ſubjects of every government, however depraved, or inſenſible they may be to ſome purpoſes, have uſually an ability to diſcern the virtues or defects of their rulers—that they quickly feel the advantages or embarraſſments of a virtuous or vicious adminiſtration, and uſually diſcover their internal ſentiments, by exhibiting external demonſtrations of ſorrow or joy.
THE Words ſeem alſo to carry with them this further implication, that righteouſneſs (which in the ſcriptures is uſed to ſignify ſincere piety, or the fear of God) makes an important part of
the character of a ruler. Yet there are many profeſſors of chriſtianity, who, (not much to the honour of their profeſſion) will ſtrenuouſly maintain, that between religion and politicks, there ought to be little or no connection—that an Infidel or an Atheiſt ought to ſtand as fair a candidate for the ſuffrages of a people, as the pious man, or the exemplary chriſtian. Indeed it muſt not be diſputed that perſons of ability and accompliſhments, who act from no higher motives than thoſe of honour, popularity or ambition, are often improved by Divine Providence, to render very eſſential ſervices to a community. But after all, muſt it not be allowed, that ſincere piety, the true fear of God, refines and exalts the character of the ruler? Doth not this firm and unſhaken principle which ever directs his actions, give him a better foundation for the people's confidence? He actſ from the pureſt motives—he meditates the nobleſt actions —prompted by ſo divine a principle, his ſalutary influence, like the beams of the morning ſun, diſperſeth the gloomy horrours of vice, tyranny and oppreſſion; and diffuſeth over the whole community, the bleſſings of light, joy, liberty and peace. Thus are the words of inſpiration, "the ſpirit of the Lord ſpake by me, and his word was in my tongue;
the God of Iſrael ſaid; the rock of Iſrael ſpake to me, he that ruleth over men, muſt be juſt, ruling in the fear of God; and he ſhall be like the light of the morning, when the ſun riſeth, even a morning without clouds; as the tender graſs ſpringing out of the earth by clear ſhining after rain."
OUR ſubject naturally reſolves itſelf into the two following propoſitions by way of enquiry, viz.
I. What evidence may be reaſonably expected from rulers, that they poſſeſs thoſe virtues which are the ſource of joy to the people?
II. When a people may reaſonably expreſs their grief on account of the corruption or ill adminiſtration of rulers?
JOY and grief are human paſsſions, which are readily excited, and often very ſrongly expreſſed: and they are to be commended or blamed, according to the various cauſes whereby they are produced, and the meaſure to which they extend. The body of a people, may not always judge right reſpecting the qualifications of their rulers; yet with proper means of information, they generally form a juſt opinion: and the opinion
which they form, is not to be holden in contempt: For no wiſe and good magiſtrate will wiſh to hide his character from the view of the people, or refuſe to give them the beſt poſſible evidence of his integrity and virtue.
RULERS therefore in the legiſlative department, ought to enact laws which are well calculated to ſuppreſs vice, and puniſh the tranſgreſſor. The laws of men have often a more immediate influence upon mankind, than the laws of God; becauſe human penalties, though not more certain, yet are expected to be more immediately inflicted. This makes it neceſſary that rulers ſhould pay the utmoſt attention to the enacting good laws; for without theſe the community can never be ſafe; vice muſt reign and triumph, virtue be unprotected and depreſſed.
RULERS in the executive department, ought to ſee that good laws be well executed; for to what purpoſe doth it prove to enact the moſt excellent laws, with the proper penalties, when theſe penalties are never to be inflicted, nor the laws carried into execution? When the boldeſt tranſgreſſors may bid defiance to the laws of juſtice,
and flatter themſelves with impunity? To indulge the violators of law, with frequent inſtances of impunity—to make it eaſy for them to evade public juſtice, has always a tendency to deſtroy the influence of the magiſtrate, and bring government itſelf, into a ſtate of contempt. When the guilty eſcape, the number of offenders is quickly found to increaſe: But when the laws are held ſacred, and their penalties inflicted, the authority of the magiſtrate is eſtabliſhed, his perſon reſpected, and the government ſevered.
RULERS are obliged to do juſtice, not only in reſpect to the laws, but in reſpect to the ſubjects; and they are to enforce the execution of them, (unleſs where ſome particular reaſons of ſtate may require a ſuſpenſion, or omiſſion) in order to make the beſt compenſation that may be, for the injury of the offence. The neglect: of puniſhment juſtly merited, is often the cauſe of God's heavy judgments upon a people. The Benjamites refuſed to do juſtice upon the man who had occaſioned the death of the Levite's Concubine; multitudes of them were ſlain in battle, their cities were laid in aſhes, and their whole tribe almoſt extinguiſhed. To puniſh great and notorious acts of injuſtice, is called in ſcripture,
"to put away evil from the land;" becauſe to this purpoſe the ſword is put into the hands of rulers; and they bear the ſword in vain who refuſe to protect their people. I am ſpeaking in general of the neglect to put good and wholeſome laws into execution, without having reference to particular inſtances; for ſurely not to puniſh an offence, is to encourage it, unleſs, as was ſaid before, the indemnity is juſtified by particular reaſons of ſtate; and will not be an inducement to others to commit the like offences. In all other caſes, that ſin which was perſonal at firſt, becomes national, by the neglect of the government to puniſh or ſuppreſs it. And it is certain that the impunity of the offender, is ſpring of univerſal miſchief—it is not owing to the publick magiſtrate, if the beſt man in the community is not as vicious as the worſt.—A law had better be annihilated, than to exiſt with univerſal contempt. And no good magiſtrate will be an unconcerned ſpectator, and ſee the righteous laws of the State openly violated; but recollecting the duty of his office, will endeavour to bring offenders to their merited puniſhment.
RULERS ought to furniſh the people with this further evidence of their virtue, that they are
friendly to religion among their people, and uſe their influence and authority to uphold and promote it. Religious worſhip and order maintained among a people, hath a moſt ſalutary effect upon their morals; it promotes vital piety, and due obedience to the laws of God and man. Rulers therefore ſhould, by their example and authority, encourage the worſhip of God, and ſee that it is maintained with dignity and reputation. For in this the glory of the great Supreme, and the beſt intereſt of men are jointly concerned, which are the great deſigns of the providential government of God in the world. It is by no means beneath the dignity of the greateſt magiſtrate or monarch on earth, to yield the moſt profound ſubjection to God, and pay homage to the Redeemer of men; nor to conſecrate themſelves, their power and authority, to his ſervice. God requires that they co-operate with him in his deſigns to effect the beſt intereſt of his people—that they ſhould be hearty friends to religion—devout worſhippers of God—afford protection and encouragement to his ſervants—that they ſhould be patrons, and nurſing Fathers to the church of Chriſt; and uſe their utmoſt endeavours to advance his kingdom. All which they may do without binding the
rights of conſcience, or exerting their authority to impoſe articles of faith, or modes of worſhip; or enforcing theſe by penalties. Indeed ſuch an exerciſe of power in a ruler would be to extend his commiſſion beyond its limits, and to defeat its deſign, which was to protect and preſerve the rights of conſcience. The authority of rulers may be exerciſed in matters of religion, ſo far as to tolerate, encourage and ſupport the worſhip of God in ſome form or other. The pleas of conſcience are frequently made to cover a deſign, and with intent only to form an excuſe from contributing to the ſupport of religion, or upholding any form of ſocial worſhip. In this caſe the conſtitutional power of government ought to be employed to diſappoint the diſsſembler, and enforce the rights of religion.
RIGHTEOUS rulers will alſo attend to the morals of their people. Morality is an eſſential part of religion, and intimately affects the very being of ſociety: and the magiſtrate bears the ſword in vain, who pays no attention to a matter which ſo much concerns the peace of ſociety. He forgets the deſign of his commiſſion, which is "to be a terror to evil doers, a praiſe to ſuch as do well." A proper uſe of the authority veſted in
civil rulers is commonly effectual to check the rapid growth of impiety, to curb and reſtrain the vicious inclinations of men. The profanation of God's ſacred name and worſhip, as well as other enormous crimes againſt the laws of God and the community, will be duly noticed and puniſhed by the vigilant magiſtrate. The happy effects produced by the vigilant care of rulers in promoting religion and virtue—and by their attention to the morals of the people—by their exertions for the eſtabliſhment of ſchools and ſeminaries of inſtruction, to form the morals of youth to virtue and religion, are hardly to be deſcribed. The community have had large experience of theſe ſalutary influences of the magiſtrate; and it is ardently to be wiſhed that the ſenſe of their importance, might produce a ſtill greater degree of attention.
A PEOPLE may reaſonably expect to find in their rulers, a love and eſteem for virtuous men; and a diſpoſition to advance thoſe of that character to places of honour and truſt. Thus the royal Pſalmiſt, "Mine eyes ſhall be upon the faithful of the Land, that they may dwell with me;" "he that walketh in a perfect way, ſhall ſerve me".
SURELY a man ought not to be advanced to a ſtation of honour merely becauſe he has a high ſenſe of his own merit—nor becauſe he requires very great reſpect to be paid him—or becauſe he is able to flatter, and willing to do any thing for preferment—nor perhaps becauſe he may be uſed as an inſtrument to effect a particular purpoſe—nor becauſe he is indigent, yet ſcorns to ſubmit to the duties of his proper calling—or becauſe he hath important friends to ſolicit for him. Therefore good rulers will regard the ſafety and true intereſt of the publick, and will let thoſe ſhare their favours who beſt deſerve them; having regard both to their accompliſhments and virtues. They will commit no truſt to a man devoid of principle, ſenſible that he would be likely to oppoſe every good purpoſe, as he who hates to be reformed, will hinder reformation. The unprincipled perſon is never to be truſted; for the moſt trifling conſideration he will betray his truſt, and make uſe of his power and influence to ſubvert the government that gave them. The frequent inſtances of this nature which have happened, furniſh matter of caution to every government, reſpecting the ſervants they employ, and what characters they truſt, with ſuch powers as they have a conſtitutional
right to confer. Thoſe who are ſtrangerſ to a principle of virtue and conſcience, and who contemn the laws of God, will not heſitate to trample upon the laws of men, whenever it anſwers any ſiniſter purpoſe of their own. But the man of virtue will be ready to ſacrifice every private conſideration, that he may promote the intereſt of his country, and diſcharge the duties of his truſt with fidelity and ſucceſs. He will hazard both reputation and life, as the caſe may be, in ſupport of the dignity of government, and the honour of the laws. Such an one will be proof againſt the evil inſinuations of the deſigning and crafty; and both in publick and private will bear teſtimony againſt faction, ſedition, and every evil work. Such characters therefore, will be in great eſtimation with righteous rulers.
IT is not degrading the character of righteous rulers to pay a decent and candid attention to the complaints of their ſubjects, expreſſed in a decent manner; but it is ſuch an evidence of their virtue as may excite a peoples' joy. Rulers derive their authority from the people, and they cannot ſuppoſe themſelves elevated beyond the reach of their addreſſes or applications. They hold their offices for a ſhort term, after which,
they muſt ſtand upon a level with their ſubjectſ. Thoſe who are worthy of the honour, and who accept their election with proper view, will be deſirous to know the particular ſtate and circumſtances of their ſubjects, that they may be under the greater advantage to ſubſerve their intereſt. They will therefore pay a particular regard to their complaints, and as far as they can (conſiſtently with the intereſt, reputation and ſafety of the commonwealth) afford them relief: or aſſign a ſatisfactory reaſon why ſuppoſed grievances are not redreſſed; and convince the people that their want of ſucceſſ in their applications to government, is not owing to want of ſympathy and affection; but becauſe their petitions are incomepatible with the intereſt of the ſtate. Such attention paid to the ſuppoſed grievances of ſubjects, naturally procures affection and confidence, and ſeldom fails of eſtabliſhing ſuch rulers' intereſt in the hearts of a grateful people. It diſpoſeth their ſubjects to pay to them all due ſubjection and honour, according to the inſpired Apoſtle, "not for wrath, but for conſcience ſake;" and to do it from intereſt, inclination and choice. Thus will they become the joy of their ſubject, and the terror of their foes. As the wiſe man aſſerts, "when the righteous are
in authority the people rejoice."—They will enjoy peculiar ſatisfaction to ſee perſons of known virtue and integrity promoted in the government, and the adminiſtration put into the hands of ſuch, as both underſtand in what manner to uſe their power; and are diſpoſed to uſe it with equity and moderation. This will have a tendency to conciliate the eſteem, and procure the veneration of the people; one and all will be ready to unite their influence to render their adminiſtration eaſy and happy.
LET us now attend to the ſecond queſtion, viz. When a people may reasonably. expreſs their grief on account of the corruption or ill adminiſtration of rulers?
BY contraſting the former character, we have the anſwer. For if a people have reaſon to rejoice when their rulers give the moſt plenary evidence of a righteous and faithful adminiſtration, by ſuppreſſing and puniſhing vice, encouraging virtue—protecting the virtuous, and religious, promoting ſuch to office, and cheriſhing a fellow feeling of the diſtreſſes of the community at large, they cannot forbear to mourn and weep when they obſerve in their rulers, a reverſe
of this excellent character. For as we have before remarked, mankind have not loſt all ſenſe of the excellency of virtue—they retain ſuch an idea of goodneſs, that they are willing to ſee it exemplified in the character of their rulers, even when they find it not in themſelves. They have an exalted opinion of it in others, however averſe they maybe from admitting its influence in their own practice.
NOTHING occaſions more grief to a people than to find their rulers like Omri, the Iſraelitiſh king, making ungodly ſtatutes—when miſchief is eſtabliſhed by laws, and the people enjoined to enforce them under ſevere penalties. God has oftentimes permitted the rulers of a people to be ſo devoid of all ſenſe of juſtice and equity, as to frame the moſt pernicious ſtatutes, which in their operation, have been productive of infinite miſchiefs: and which, with tolerable diſcernment, might have been eaſily foreſeen. When therefore a people have the extreme misfortune to have rulers of ſuch a deſcription, they can expect nothing from them; but ſuch adminiſtration as will be the occaſion of ſorrow and mourning as long as it ſhall continue.
AND hence originates that diſhonour and contempt in which the rulers of a people are ſometimes holden by their ſubjects. When a people deſpiſe their magiſtrates, contemn their government, profane the worſhip of God, and inſult the miniſterſ of religion, we are ready to conſider ſuch conduct as the effect of ſome weakneſs in government, or want of virtue in the magiſtrate. But when a people diſcover a diſpoſition in their rulers, to ſubvert the principles of natural juſtice, and injure them of their juſt rights under colour of law; is it matter of ſurprize, in the preſent ſtate of human nature and paſſions, to ſee them meditating to reform government, and to procure deliverance from ſuch intolerable oppreſſion?
ADD to this, when the great political characters who ought to be the moſt exemplary perſons, are without a ſenſe of religion—ſhew no proper reverence of authority, or regard for the church of Chriſt; do not act under the influence of conſcience, or the fear of God; this is a ſufficient cauſe for publick mourning and lamentation! As ſuch perſons are greater in power and influence, ſo much greater is the calamity of the people; for they are not only unhappy by natural
and immediate conſequences, but are thereby expoſed to the more ſevere judgments of God, which will undoubtedly ſucceed. When iniquity or irreligion is "framed into a law," and God muſt be diſhonoured, or the rights of his people invaded, this ſurely is a ſource of grief to every good man.
NO injury ſo great, no iniquity ſo much to be abhorred as a wicked law, therefore it concerns every ſtate to ſee that their laws are righteous and juſt. And whenever any Legiſlature, find on a review, that laws have been paſſed, though perhaps by inadvertency, which deſerve that deſcription, juſtice to God and man, demands that they be inſtantly repealed. That rulers ſhould frame laws notoriouſly unjuſt, deprive innocent citizens of their liberty, ſubject them to grievous penalties, for no cauſe but to gratify their own evil paſſions, is ſuch a direct violation of the laws of God, and the rights of men, as muſt fill every ſenſible heart with grief and horrour. Every citizen of every deſcription, as he contributes an equal ſhare towards the ſupport of government, hath a right to expect equal juſtice and protecttion; unleſs by ſome crime or errors in his conduct, he hath forfeited that right; and when
the right is denied, unleſs on account of ſome defect of his own, he hath certainly a good cauſe to complain. And when cauſes of complaint, by the adminiſtration of unprincipled and tyrannicle magiſtrates, became general, and perhaps almoſt univerſal, the effectſ will alſo be as extenſive as the cauſes; little beſide expreſſions of lamentation, and ſorrow, will be ſeen or heard through the whole community.
THE people have equal reaſon to mourn when wicked men are preferred by their rulers, and diſtinguiſhed by their ſpecial favours. In times of confuſion and degeneracy, wicked and deſigning men, obtain promotion; and oftimes ſuch personſ are entruſted with the more important concerns of the public, who were never poſſeſſed of virtue and economy, ſufficient to tranſact their own. Hence the public are deprived of the abilities of ſuch in the Commonwealth, who are perſons of the beſt underſtanding, and the greateſt wiſdom. This is a ſure conſequence of the promotion of wicked men, that many of the moſt valuable characters, retire into-obſcurity, and decline any part in government. As Solomon obſerves, "when the wicked riſe, men hide
themſelves, but when they periſh the righteous increaſe." Flatterers and paraſites are the men who find favour with a wicked adminiſtration, but ſuch as govern their lives by the maxims of religion, and the laws of virtue, if not; wholly neglected, will commonly be diſpoſed to excuſe themſelves. If they are poſſeſſed of large property, they will ſoon find that their exertions in favour of virtue, will render their property inſecure—have they great talents and abilities, they will ſoon find that to uſe them in favour of virtue, will be to expoſe them to the depredations and perſecutions of a wicked, lawleſs power—do they exert themſelves in favour of the public intereſt, and to deliver their country from embarraſſments and diſtreſſes, they find that their virtuous efforts, do but expoſe them to the fury of a wicked adminiſtration.
HAPPY is it for a land, when good men increaſe, and more happy when their talents are exerciſed for the good of the community. "But when the wicked riſe, a man is hidden." They who are void of principle, deteſt every thing which is ſacred, as far as they have power they thruſt good men into obſcurity, and they are
forced to abſcond for their own ſafety. Thoſe who are loſt to all ſenſe of virtue, duty or moral obligation, will improve their power to the worſt purpoſes; and by this means they debaſe their character in the eſtimation of the people, who feel themſelves truly miſerable under their oppreſſive admiſtration. They cannot but mourn to ſee their rulers ſo devoid of the principles of virtue, while they behold the melancholy effects of their wickedneſs, wherever they turn their eyes—they cannot but mourn when they anticipate the event of ſuch unrighteous meaſures of government, and the miſerable conſequences which muſt neceſſarily be produced. Sad indeed is the condition of that people, who have juſt occaſion for ſuch complaints! They cannot but give their atteſtation to the truth of the obſervation, in the text, "when the wicked beareth rule the people mourn."
IMPROVEMENT.
A very natural reflection, which may be made Upon the ſubject is this, viz. That virtue is honourable, and adds an eminent luſtre to the reputation of a ruler. And in this view particularly that it is praiſed and admired by thoſe that love it not, that it is honoured by the followers
and family of vice—that it forces glory out of ſhame, honour from contempt—that it reconciles men to the fountain of honour, the Almighty God, "who will ever honour thoſe that honour him." Certain it is, that religion ſubſerves even our temporal purpoſes; no great end of ſtate, can be well attained without it; even ambition itſelf often ſeeks to derive its ſupport from a pretence of religion. "If a new opinion be commenced, and the author would make a party, and draw diſciples after him, at leaſt he muſt be thought to be religious." This is a demonſtration how great an inſtrument or means of reputation, piety and religion are. Now if only the pretence will do us ſuch good offices amongſt men, the reality will do us much more, beſides the advantages we may hope to receive from the divine benediction. The power of godlineſs, will certainly do more than the form alone.
NO one it is preſumed, can infer from any thing which hath been ſuggeſted, that obedience is not due to rulers from their ſubjects, although they might have reaſon to be ſuſpicious of their moral character, and although there be many things in their adminiſtration, which might be a juſt cauſe of grief and mourning. The obedience we
owe to magiſtrates, differs eſſentially from that which we owe to God. We ought to obey God with our underſtanding, and will, that is, weought to obey him intelligently and freely; our obedience reſulting from a ſenſe of the rectitude of his precepts. But ſuch obedience to human laws is not always required; for we may ſometimes doubt of the fitneſs or equity of them. For ſo long as magiſrates are liable to error, though it be highly neceſſary, conſidering ourſelves as members of ſociety, that we conform our own actions to their laws; yet it is not always our duty to believe that their laws are moſt ſalutary or convenient, becauſe human laws may be ſometimes otherwiſe. But our ſocial obligations require us to be ſubject to laws which we may think very inconvenient, provided they be not ſinful in themſelves. It would be happy if inferiors would not employ themſelves too much in diſputing the policy and prudence of their rulers, and the propriety of their laws. We are not to obey laws, which cannot be obeyed without conſcience; but an action may be wrong in reſpect of the perſon commanding it, and yet innocent in reſpect of the perſon who executes the command.
IN the caſe of wars between nations or States, the ſubject cannot be ſuppoſed always to be a competent judge of the equity of the diſpute, yet perhaps he muſt bear arms, i. e. he muſt pay due obedience to the powers of the State. And in the caſe of executing an unjuſt ſentence on a ſuppoſed criminal; not the executioner, but the judge is commonly conſidered as the author of the injury. He who ſerves his Prince in an unjuſt war, is but the executioner of an unjuſt ſentence. It is generally true, that ſubjects are obliged to yield obedience to the laws of the State, without queſtioning the policy of them, if they are not apparently repugnant to the laws of God: Whereas to oppoſe the ruler, on any other principle than this, tends to introduce confuſion into ſociety; weakens the bands of government; deſtroys the authority and influence of rulers, and is in danger to iſſue in the ſubverſion of the State.
HUMAN government is of divine ordination, and our underſtandings are impreſſed, at firſt view, with the neceſſity of it. Every one muſt feel and acknowledge the propriety and utility of that ſubordination in ſociety, which is required by the divine conſtitution. And he who is ever
ready to impeach the conduct of rulers, reproach their adminiſtration, and diſpute the wiſdom, propriety or policy of their laws, obſtructs their uſefulneſs, weakens their influence, and cxpoſeth himſelf to the diſpleaſure of him, whoſe ſervants or vicegerents they are: He doth all in his power to bring the wiſdom and power of the magiſtrate into contempt, and plunge the State into confuſion and diſorder. Suffer me to add, that he who is confident of his own underſtanding (and who is more ſo than he who thinks himſelf wiſer than the laws?) needs no other tempter, than himſelf, to pride and vanity, which are the natural parents of diſobedience. The laws which are enacted by wiſe and juſt legiſlators, are not dictated by an arbitrary will, but reſult from the principles of reaſon and juſtice. They are reaſonable and good in themſelves; they are calculated not to ſubſerve any ſiniſter purpoſes, or private views, but to advance and ſecure the happineſs of men. Whenever it happens otherwiſe, the legiſlators are tyrannical, and the government oppreſſive: Statutes contradictory and inconſiſtent are to be expected, and even ſuch as might invert the order of things, and ſubſtitute vice, in the room of virtue. From the rotations of ſubjects to rulers, obligation to
rulers, and duties upon thoſe obligations, do neceſſarily reſult. Subjection to laws being considered the firſt and moſt eſſential of thoſe duties, ought to be chearfully yielded by the good ſubject, though in ſome caſes it may be apprehended that the laws are not the moſt ſalutary to the intereſt of the people. Every citizen cannot be ſuppoſed to be able to determine abſolutely on a ſubject of ſo great importance. But it muſt be his duty to perſevere in his ſubjection and allegiance, till his rulers may perhaps be convinced that their meaſures ought to be changed; which conviction, if there be real foundation, they may quickly receive from the complaints of the people, and from ſuch regular remonſtrances, as will proceed from the moſt loyal and virtuous citizens.
LET us all endeavour to cultivate within our ſphere, a reverence for authority, and a due ſubmiſſion to laws and government. Lifting up our deſires to God that he would ever favour this Commonwealth with righteous rulers, who ſhall not feel indifferent to the rejoicings, or complaints of their ſubjects. And that under their wiſe and prudent adminiſtration, "the people may lead quiet and peaceable lives in all godlineſs and honeſty."
THE uſual addreſſes on ſuch occaſions as the preſent, will cloſe the ſubject.
AND as decency and propriety dictate, I would addreſs my ſubject to his Excellency the Governour and Commander in Chief of this Commonwealth.
May it pleaſe your Excellency,
GOD in his good providence hath conferred a ſignal honour upon you in repeatedly placing you in the higheſt ſeat in government, and entruſting you with the principal management of the moſt important concerns of this Commonwealth. It cannot, Honoured Sir, but excite in your breaſt the moſt pleaſing ſenſation, to find your character thus revered, and your perſon holden in ſuch high eſtimation by ſo numerous and reſpectable a people as compoſe this State; and to ſee the evidence which it gives that your adminiſtration is of a ſimilar complexion with that mentioned in our text, which is ever a ſource of general joy.
AND however gloomy and difficult the day is in which you preſide, your adminiſtration being of the deſcription above, you may look for
and expect all needed aid from him "who giveth wiſdom to the wiſe, and knowledge to them that know underſtanding."
YOUR Excellency's early and intimate acquainttance with the ſituation of the Commonwealth, and a thorough knowledge of the conſtitution particularly, render you a more able inſtrument in the hands of Providence, and give you peculiar advantages for guiding our publick affairs with a ſkilful hand. An uncommon ſhare of knowledge, prudence and wiſdom in a Governour is ſpecially neceſſary in ſuch an important and critical day as the preſent; to ſteer the helm of government with diſcretion—to afford light to a people enveloped in darkneſs and doubtful expectation—to relieve them of unneceſſary burthens—and to protect their liberties from any encroachments. Your Excellency will find occaſion for the improvement and exerciſe of all your peculiar talents in directing and regulating the publick affairs of government, ſo as to preſerve the rights of conſcience, and give ſatisfaction to all your citizens. The popular eclat is very uncertain; and though the important ſervices rendered to your country in the moſt hazardous tranſactions, have raiſed your Excellency's
reputation, and enrolled your name among the patriotic heroes of the age, yet ſuch is the uncertainty of human things, that it is poſſible that ſome inconſiderable circumſtance, which might counteract the wiſhes of a miſguided people, might fully the luſtre of all your former glories.
IF your Excellency had no higher ſpring of action, and were not actuated by the nobleſt, and moſt diſintereſted motives, in your arduous and unwearied endeavours to promote the laſting reputation, intereſt and peace of your citizens, your ſituation might expoſe you to the ſevereſt mortification. But we flatter ourſelves that you have a more ſtable foundation of ſecurity and honour from a conſcience witneſſing your integrity; and your ſincere endeavours that righteouſneſs ſhall mark all the ſteps of your adminiſtration; that the preſent and future joy of your citizens may not be interrupted or diminiſhed.
AS your Excellency's character ſtands high in the eſtimation of this people, it gives you a greater advantage, and ſhould be no leſs a motive with you to ſtudy, and invariably to purſue their beſt intereſt and happineſs. In ſeeking the common good and welfare of your people, you
will ſecure your intereſt in their affections, and live in their hearts; which muſt afford the greateſt ſatisfaction to a good magiſtrate. You will doubtleſs think it your duty to diſcover a becoming zeal in promoting and maintaining that righteouſneſs among the people "which exalteth a nation;" and for the want of which, the baſis of the happieſt governments, in other reſpects, have been wholly ſubverted.
YOUR example and influence will not be wanting to the ſupport of religion and religious order—that the worſhip of God be upheldmdash;the Sabbath duly ſanctified—the miniſters of Chriſt encouraged and ſupported—that ſchools of learning be duly maintained, according to the true ſpirit and intent of the good laws of our Land, and the pious examples of our anceſtors.
BUT eſpecially will your Excellency be diſpoſed to uſe the influence of your dignified and exalted ſtation, to bring vice and irreligion into diſrepute, the rapid growth of which, is truly alarming! As the miniſter of God you cannot be an unconcerned ſpectator, while his enemies are profaning his ſacred name, degrading his worſhip, contemning his Sabbaths, and treating his faithful ſervants with ſcorn. Your pious indignation
in this caſe, will be rouſed, and
〈◊〉
zeal will you countenance and ſupport the arm of the proper magiſtrate, in executing the laws of the land, againſt bold tranſgreſſors, that they may flee or fall before them. In this way, Honoured Sir, you will mightily ſubſerve the cauſe of reformation, and lay a reſtraint upon vice, which will, in the final iſſue of things, be branded with eternal infamy.
IN every part of your Excellency's adminiſtration, your reverence for God and zeal for his cauſe, will induce you to make his revealed will, that unerring ſtandard of truth and righteouſneſs, the baſis of your conduct: not unmindful that this is not only the rule by which your adminiſtration is to be regulated; but whereby Deity itſelf will be guided in the final deciſions of the laſt day; in which the greateſt Potentate will be equally intereſted with the meaneſt peaſant.—A ſuggeſtion which your Excellency will not judge unſeaſonable, from the recent inſtance of the death of your worthy, pious and truly excellent cotemporary in office,His Honor THOMAS CUSHING, the firſt Lieutenant-Governour of this Commonwealth, who died Feb. 28, 1788. ſince the laſt anniverſary Election:—Whoſe virtuous character, and unwearied endeavours to promote the true intereſt and reputation of his country, will render
his memory clear, and laſting, with all the ſons of freedom.
THAT your Excellency may long live the joy and ornament of this great people; that your health may be confirmed, and your uſefulneſs protracted—that your adminiſtration may be productive of ſtill greater rejoicing with the people of this Commonwealth; and when filled with days and replete with grace, you ſhall be diſcharged from further ſervices here, that you may ſhare the honours of the heavenly world, will be the unceaſing prayers of the virtuous and good.
OUR ſubject is next addreſſed with due humility to the Honourable the Senate, and Houſe of Repreſentatives.
Honoured and reſpectable Gentlemen,
THE ſovereign powers of this Commonwealth veſted in you, by the united voice of this large people, give high importance to your character, and intitle you to their reſpect and confidence. And that you may not diſappoint their moſt ſanguine expectations, you will make religion and righteouſneſs the baſis of your adminiſtraiton and rule of your proceedings. That all your laws ſhall favour of piety and a ſacred regard for the honour of God, and the beſt good of your conſtituents.
THIS was the original deſign of the inſtitution of civil government, and ſo far as you ſhould deviate there from, you would defeat the end of your promotion.
THERE is no poſitive certainty, indeed, that the beſt rulers will wholly eſcape the invectives of diſappointed individuals, but integrity and uprightneſs will be ſure to eſtabliſh the approbation and eſteem of all that are truly virtuous. Such perſons are not unappriſed of the difficulties and embarraſſments with which all publick buſneſs is attended—and they very well know that great allowances are to be made for the ſeeming inconſiſtencies that are many times diſcoverable in governmental matters; and are more likely to be found in republican governments, where it is ſo peculiarly neceſſary to comply with the humours and conform to the wiſhes of the people. When rulers make it evident that they are governed by principles of integrity; and there is no appearance of injuſtice in any of their acts, the judicious part of the community will revere their authority and obey the laws, even when they may not be exactly conformed to their own political ſentiments. The publick are in no danger from its virtuous citizens; for
they never will be found to leſſen the influence of authority, or unhinge the bands of government, even though they ſhould conſider the operation of ſome particular laws as being unjuſt, oppreſſive, and ſevere, if at the ſame time, they conſidered their legislators as honeſt men, who had no intention to oppreſs.
RULERS therefore ſhould ſtudy to approve themſelves to God, to their own conſciences, and to the virtuous among their people, if they would be deſirous to be uſeful, and increaſe the joy of their citizens. Envious and diſappointed individuals will be able to make but a feeble oppoſition to the meaſures of government, if the character and conduct of rulers juſtly command a general reverence with the virtuous and good in the Commonwealth▪ Theſe will feel themſelves conſtrained from a love of order, from a reſpect to real merit, from a ſenſe of intereſt, from a regard to the morals of the people, and from the more important conviction of duty to God's inſtitution, to exert their influence in favour of eſtabliſhed government.
IF then, Gentlemen, you would anſwer the end of your delegation, and would "be a terror to
evil doers, and a praiſe and encouragement to them who do well," it will be a principal object of your attention to rule in righteouſneſs. And in order to rule well, it will be equally neceſſary that you ſhould exhibit an example of virtue, that religion and piety may not only be diſcovered in your laws, but in your converſation,—"rendering you conſpicuous for piety and mercy, juſtice and ſobriety;" in this way will your authority be ſtrengthened, and your adminiſtration ſupported. Your couſtituents will be induced to take their meaſures and example from you. And they will be encouragers of peace or licentiouſneſs, in ſome meaſure, as they ſhall find countenance or encouragement from your converſation and example.
THE eyes of the people are upon their rulers, and upon you, Gentlemen, in particular, to hear your ſentiments in the moſt critical caſes, and diſputable ſubjects; and may expect from you ſuch things as do not fall within your department. In ſuch a caſe, Gentlemen, you will doubtleſs recollect the powers veſted in you by your commiſſion, and keep within its limits.
HOWEVER, Gentlemen, I would not preſume to go out of my line, to dictate to you any meaſures
of a civil or political nature; your wiſdom and good ſenſe do not require this from me.
PERMIT me to ſay, that as magiſtracy is of God's ordination, you have a right to expect and demand due reſpect and obedience from our ſubjects. And we "ought for ever to conſider it as a peculiar favour of Heaven, that Chriſtians are promoted to be rulers and judges among Chriſtians."
IT belongs to your department, Gentlemen, hot only to enact righteous laws, but according to your conſtitutional department, to judge righteous judgment—to plead the cauſe of the oppreſsed; to relieve the fatherleſs and widow, and him that hath no helper; to render to every one according to the juſtice of his cauſe which ſhall be brought before you. You will remember, gentlemen, that your commiſſion is limited by God. He who has dignified you above your brethern, hath limited your powers by his holy word. You are not authoriſed to obey the dictates of paſſion or arbitrary will, but to act agreeably to the revealed will of God. When Joſhua was appointed chief magiſtrate, God inſt
•
lled him in his powers, and put the law into his hand ſaying.
"this book of the law ſhall not depart out of thy mouth." Look then gentlemen upon the copy that is before you, then upon the commiſſion which is given you. And as you are God's vicegerents to carry on the affairs of his kingdom on earth, you will take your directions from his word, and imbibe his ſpirit.
WE being ſenſible, gentlemen:, that your work is difficult, and that you have an arduous taſk to cure all the diſorders of the political body, reſtore harmony and peace, and to unite the jarring intereſts of parties, and fix them to one common center, do moſt ſincerely commend you to that God, "who giveth wiſdom to the wiſe, and underſtanding to the prudent". Ye yourſelves cannot but be ſenſible of your need of divine aid and direction: "In all your ways then acknowledge God, and he ſhall direct your paths." Let a conſciouſneſs of human weakneſs prompt you, to repair to the fountain of light and knowledge, and may you improve them, when obtained, to the honor of God and the good of your conſtituents. And may you obtain the divine preſence and bleſſing in the faithful diſcharge of the duties of your department during your whole adminiſtration. And as a reward for your ſervices, may you
be honoured as the political ſaviours of this people, and meet their moſt cordial approbation with great rejoicing. And more eſpecially may you reap the effects of a ſerene and acquiting conſcience. And having ſerved your generation according to the will of God, may you participate the joys of the bleſſed forever.
THIS whole aſſembly of God's people will permit me to make the ſuggeſtion, that virtue in rulers is not more neceſſary than in the body of the citizens collectively. The more virtuous the community, the leſs is the occaſion for the exerciſe of the gifts and graces of thoſe in authority, and the leſs is the danger of injury from rulers if they were ill diſpoſed. When we are tempted to complain of our rulers and feel anxious leaſt they ſhould betray their truſt, and expoſe the people to the loſs of their liberties, we may recollect that a virtuous people cannot be enſlaved, and that it would be impracticable for rulers to involve their citizens in calamities that are grievous and mournful, if there were not a large proportion of abandoned and unprincipled men to give countenance to, and aid them in their evil deſigns. And if a community are ſo loſt to a ſenſe
of their own interſt, and ſo regardleſs of their obligations to God and each other, as juſtly to expoſe themſelves to the moſt fatal injuries, who can declare that their calamity is unmerited?
THAT the adminiſtration of civil rulers may be ſuch as may occaſion rejoicing, it becomes us not only to ſolicit God's preſence with them and his bleſſing upon them; but to demean ourſelves as good citizens, and remove all the embarraſtments which may render it exceſſively difficulty if not wholly impracticable, to do equal juſtice in all caſes.
IT cannot be denied but that a people may have ſometimes a mighty influence upon a righteous adminiſtration, and procure ſuch meaſures to be adopted as are fraught with matter for grief and mourning. But this evil ought not to be palmed upon our rulers. We ought, in ſuch caſes, as honeſt men, to reprobate our own conduct, and keep within our own province. There is not a greater miſchief which can baſal a people, than to be divided into fects and parties, either in reſpect to religion or civil policy. The conſequences are fatal to peace, harmony and order; and it is this, my friends,
which renders our preſent ſituation very threatening.
On all accounts it is our intereſt, and we are bound in honour and conſcience faithfully to adhere to, and vigorouſly to purſue the ſame glorious cauſe. We are bound to unite our influence that religion and righteouſneſs may ſpread and prevail—that practical piety and holineſs may be more viſible in our lives, and that the worſhip of God in private and public, may ornament our ſociety, and that our own hearts eſpecially, may become a fit habitation for the holy ſpirit.
TRUE piety in the hearts of men, will render them the beſt citizens. And both rulers and people are under the ſame divine laws, are ſubject to the ſame authority, encouraged and animated by the ſame motives, and favoured with the ſame example. It would be happy if their objects might be the ſame: and they were equally ſtudious to promote the honor and glory of their common Lord.
LET us not forget that the ſame rules that will teach, and the ſame grace and integrity, that will diſpoſe rulers to diſcharge the duties of their office faithfully, are equally neceſſry and ought to
be equally regarded by thoſe whom God hath made ſubject to them:
AND that all oppoſition to lawful authority, "is reſiſting the ordinance of God," who hath made it our duty to be "ſubject not only for wrath, but for conſcience ſake."
AND let me ſuggeſt, that as we make our religious character our boaſt, and have ſo oft made our appeal to Heaven, that we are God's people, and our cauſe the cauſe of God, we ought ſtrenuouſly to endeavour to make the ſincerity of this profeſſion, more evident to the world; otherwiſe we ſhall juſtly deſrve the imputation of having our hearts and tongues at the greateſt remove from each other.
IT declarations entitled us to credit abroad, and even with Deity itſelf, our deſerts could hardly be compenſated. But let us deal faithfully with ourſelveſ and confeſs our perſonal and national unworthineſſ, if we expect God's forgiveneſs and bleſſing. And let us cultivate a principle of juſtice, of public ſpirit, and benevolence in the community; and live as the grace of God teacheth. Let us be ſenſible of the invaluable bleſſings, which indulgent Heaven beſtows—and particularly,
that we enjoy the great advantage of civil government, by the continuance and ſupport of which, we are, for the preſent, ſecure in our perſons and properties. And while we all affect to ſeek a mild and equal government, may we unite our influence to ſupport the ſame, that "in the peace thereof, we may have peace."
AND though we might be apprehenſive that there were grievances which ought to be redreſſed, yet ought we to let a manly firmneſs and reſolution be diſcovered in purſuing the paths of virtue till the object be obtained.
A people may be as criminal in adopting means of relief, as they can ſuppoſe thoſe to be, who originated the cauſe of complaint. And while our conduct is ſuch as it ought to be towards our rulers, and we ſuitably addreſs them upon the ſuject of public burdens, let us encourage ourſelves that they will feel our diſtreſſes, and eaſe our complaints.
LET us reſume courage and hope for better times—when peace and good order ſhall be establiſhed upon a proper baſis—when juſtice ſhall be impartially adminiſtered—when friendſhip, brotherlv, love, and chriſtian fellowſhip, ſhall be
univerſal. When it ſhall be reckoned an honor to be ſincerely religious, and to be ſubjected to the rules of righteouſneſs in all our tranſactions with men. When none but the virtuous ſhall rule and judge the people of God, the adminiſtration of whom ſhall greatly increaſe their joy and gladneſs.
THEN truly "bleſſed is the people that know the joyful ſound; they ſhall walk, O Lord, in the light of thy countenance. In thy name ſhall they rejoice all the day, and thy righteouſneſſ ſhall they be exalted. For thou art the glory of their ſtrength; and in thy favor our horn ſhall be exalted. For the Lord is our defence, and the holy one Iſrael is our King."