AN ELECTION SERMON.
II. PETER, II. Chap. part of the 10th and 12th Verſes.
THEY DESPISE GOVERNMENT—ARE NOT AFRAID TO SPEAK EVIL OF DIGNITIES—AND THINGS THEY UNDERSTAND NOT.
AN honeſt man is a character more frequently claimed than deſerved. But of all claims, that of a calumniator is one of the moſt unfounded. The pen of inſpiration has left a ſtigma on the evil of detraction. It is condemned by the voice of nature, and the verdict of reaſon. Whether it is vented by the tongue, the pen, or the preſs; whether it is conveyed under the diſguiſe of dark inſinuation, affected ſilence, or the contumelious brow; whether it ariſes from competitions of honour, or the jealouſies of intereſt from prejudice, or rancorous paſſion; or is retailed only for amuſement, to ſupply the vacancy of reaſon, or the barrenneſs of converſation; from whatever ſource it ſprings, whatever form it aſſumes,
or however confined in its walks, ſlander is a crime of the deepeſt dye, baſe in itſelf, and baneful to ſociety. But if ſuch is the criminality of "ſpeaking evil one of another" in the circle of private life, what is their crime "who dare to ſpeak evil of dignities?" Preſumptuous and ſelf willed are they called, and in company joined with characters of ſuch infamy, that the moſt copious language on earth, under the control of genius and inſpiration, was found too barren to deſcribe them, without the aid of metaphors, the moſt degrading that could be borrowed from Heaven, Earth, and Sea.
"Fallen angels, wandering ſtars, raging waves of the ſea, foaming our their own ſhame, filthy dreamers, ſpots and blemiſhes in ſociety, trees twice dead, curſed children, brute beaſts made to be taken and deſtroyed," with ſuch company are they ranked who deſpiſe government. And is there not a cauſe amply ſufficient to juſtify this marked diſtinction between evil ſpeaking in common, and ſpeaking evil of dignities? An attempt to inveſtigate this diſtinction, while it diverſifies a common topic, will perhaps ſuggeſt ſome uſeful obſervations on civil government. I feel on this occaſion, the want of more than all the apologies that have ever been made in this place: but to aſk the candour and patience of ſuch an audience as this, might be "to ſpeak evil of dignities;" and to ſpeak evil, is in the original Greek, to blaſpheme; to open the mouth againſt the civil magiſtrate, the vicegerent of God on earth, is "to ſet
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againſt heaven."
The word, dignities, is here taken in the abſtract, and ſignifies political authority; in the concrete it is put for perſons exerciſing power and juriſdiction. While it extends to all the grades and departments of public office, it ſtrongly implies, that all men in public office ought to be men of dignity. But who are theſe dignities? What is that government which cannot be ſpoken againſt, without incurring the guilt of blaſphemy, and the penalty of damnation? The anſwer is plain: That government, which the Apoſtle calls an ordinance of God, is a government choſen by the people; for he as expreſsly calls it the ordinance of man. Rulers are miniſters ordained of God, only when they are the miniſters of good to the people. Obedience therefore, to civil rulers impoſed on the people, or to any form or adminiſtration of government contrary to the will of the people, was never inculcated by the inſpired Apoſtle on pain of damnation: for the ſame authority which in this inſtance condemns, in others juſtifies open reſiſtance and oppoſition to government. The unreaſonable humour of Ahab King of Iſrael, the menacing edicts of Nebuchadnezzar, and the peremptory mandate of the Egyptian Monarch were diſregarded with impunity, and even without blame. Was it a crime in Huſhai to develop the machinations of Ahitophel? or did Mordecai ſpeak evil of dignities when he expoſed the plot of Haman againſt the whole nation of the Jews? If Sir Edmund Androſs is a tyrant, if Arnold is a traitor, or even Lord Bacon is the bribed Judge, let their villany be unmaſked, let their guilt be unkennelled.
To do this every citizen is bound by prior and ſuperior claims of ſociety. Should the higheſt officer of any government on earth, flagrantly abuſe the authority of his ſtation, even by proſecuting private deſigns, or by adopting public meaſures hoſtile to the public good, it is not a crime, but the duty of a free people to be free enough to ſpeak evil of him. The tongue in this caſe is the proper weapon to chaſtiſe and reſtrain, where the laws of men cannot reach. This will keep the public mind awake, by adding ſtimulus to ardour and information.
Hence we conclude, that ſpeaking evil of dignities is a crime on the ſuppoſition only, that rulers are both the choice and miniſters of good to the people. When this is a fact, thoſe words of the Apoſtle which ſeem to carry horror in their ſound, do not exaggerate its criminality. This will appear both from the nature and deſign of government, and from the duties and character of its officers.
In man, the nobleſt work of God on earth, three worlds co-exiſt: The material, animal and angelic; or ſpirit, ſoul and body. Theſe are all governed by Deity, in a manner wiſely adapted to their different natures and capacities. The material world is governed by irreſiſtible force, the brute creation by inſtinct, man by law, he alone is endued with moral life, united with the animal and intellectual. This triple life, which combines all the known powers of nature, renders man a moral agent; amenable to God
the moral governor of the world. With the angel and the brute in his compoſition, he poſſeſſes power and propenſity to do wrong as well as right. This renders him a fit ſubject of civil government. The impulſes of animal nature render it neceſſary, and the ſocial principle makes it agreeable, as the author of theſe powers, God himſelf is the author of government.
To that aſtoniſhing variety in his compoſition, which renders man a proper ſubject, we may add, the ſtill greater variety, viſible in the human genius and diſpoſition, which demonſtrates the neceſſity of ſubordination. Different ſtations in life require different talents and qualifications. If every man had the ſame degree of taſte, of reaſon, or education, which are the portion of a few individuals, how wretched would be the lot of thoſe who occupy the loweſt offices, and perform the drudgeries of life. A ſublime genius, a refined imagination, without an object, or the poſſibility of gratification, would ſerve only to tantalize and torment the poſſeſſor. Such is the difference of intellectual abilities among men, that the condition of an ox or an aſs, endued with ſome human intellect, would not be more wretched, perhaps, than that of ſome philoſophic genius deſtined only to drive them. This diverſity of genius, which is independently the gift of providence, plainly indicates the neceſſity of thoſe diſtinctions in life, which are implied in government; it ſhews moreover, the wiſdom and benevolence of the deity, in providing for all, in ſuch manner, as proves at once
the indiſpenſability of every man in ſociety; and that the pooreſt in his humble condition may be as uſeful, contented and happy as the richeſt and moſt elevated officer of government.
Again—The ſignatures of ſubordination are legible in the human form. We behold in the countenance of ſome perſons a kind of dignity, which at once beams reverence, and deſignates for dominion: in others, we obſerve ſuch vacancy and proſtration of dignity, as equally marks them for ſubjection. This diverſity, altho it may ariſe in part from the original conſtitution of the mind, or from moral culture and improvement, is ſo conſpicuous and captivating, as none will affirm, that the elevated ſtature of King Saul, the beauty of Abſalom's perſon, the ruddy complexion of David, and the ennobling form of Waſhington, had no ſhare in raiſing them up to the higheſt ſtations in life.
There is yet another proof of the divine authority of government, and that is the manner in which we come into exiſtence. Had this been, like the original pair of our race, in a ſtate of adult maturity and independence, it would have been, perhaps, more difficult to reduce fallen men to a ſtate of government than the moſt ſavage beaſts, "which are tamed, and have been tamed of mankind." But, happy for us, a different plan has been adopted. By a law of nature we all begin to exiſt in a ſtate of helpleſs infancy, under the entire control and direction of parents. By
this means children early become members of a family, which is itſelf an empire in miniature. Having formed in the moulding age of life, proper ideas and habits of government, they become at length prepared for civil ſociety, in larger communities. While this benevolent law of nature announces government coeval with our exiſtence, it ſpeaks louder than the tongue of men or angels, the neceſſity of early education. Her voice to legiſlators is, "depend not on the number of your laws, or the ſeverity of fines and puniſhments; but lay the axe at the root of vice, take poſſeſſion of the heart, and charm, if poſſible, the young ſtranger to the love of virtue and country, in the tendereſt period of life. Do this, by giving birth and energy to every poſſible inſtitution for the education of youth." It teaches parents alſo, the miniſters of religion and others, that while employed in the humble office of inſtructing youth, their ſervices may be as patriotic, and perhaps more uſeful to their country, than the wiſdom of their counſels in the ſenate, or the valour of their arms in the field. In fine, while it teaches all this, it ſhews, that to deſpiſe government is to violate a law of nature.
But in ſtill blacker colours does this crime appear, if we conſider the deſign of government, and the manner in which it is ſupported. Its benevolent deſign embraces the greateſt good of the whole community. But this can be effected in that way only which GOD himſelf has taken, both to inſtruct mankind, and to govern the world. His will is taught us
in the ſacred ſcriptures, not in detail, but by general rules. In like manner GOD governs the world by the laws of a general providence. Theſe laws are calculated to ſecure the good of the whole. They muſt therefore, equally affect each individual comprehended under them, without any diſtinction of perſonal circumſtance or character. Should the thunderbolt be diverted in its courſe, or ſtopped in its career, contrary to the fixed laws of electricity, to ſave one uſeful citizen, why not to ſave another? "But ſhall the earth be forſaken, or the rock moved out of its place for thee?" This would introduce ſuch a train of miraculous events, as would ſubvert the whole conſtitution of nature, and deſtroy that eſtabliſhed connexion between cauſe and effect, which is now the principal ſource of human knowledge and foreſight.
Analogous to this divine model, all human governments muſt be conſtructed and maintained; i. e. by general laws; laws adapted to the ſtate and happineſs of men collectively. That endleſs variety in the condition and circumſtances of individuals who compoſe by a community, renders it impoſſible to ſecure by general laws, the good of the whole, without injury or inconvenience to ſome individuals. An attempt to avoid, by particular laws, the jarring claims, and infinite colliſions of intereſt, which happen in ſociety, would be perfectly nugatory. GOD himſelf has not done it. Inattention to this ſubject has been the unhappy
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, not only of ſtrong prejudices againſt the book
of GOD, but of bold cenſures againſt GOD and man. Under a miſtake of this kind, the friends of Job cenſured an innocent man. Is it not owing to this, more than to any other cauſe, that men ſo often ſpeak evil of dignities? Obſerving that ſome exiſting law is leſs favorable to their own private intereſt, than to that of ſome others, or than different regulations might be, they at once let looſe the tongue of cenſure againſt them; not conſidering perhaps, not knowing, that the very law which would pleaſe them might injure, if not ruin thouſands. Let us further obſerve, that the ſame object in view, when the legiſlator frames a law, ought to be in his eye, when the penalty is affixed; that is, the general good: In order to which, he will conſider that moral evil is eſtimated by the intention of the agent; political evil by its conſequences in ſociety. Human laws cannot reach the heart; the cognizable actions therefore, of men in ſociety, muſt be eſtimated in the abſtract only; as ſuch they are denominated political crimes, varying in magnitude, according to their tendency or general conſequences to the community; that is, in proportion to the intenſity and extent of miſery that would follow, if all actions of that deſcription were to be generally tolerated, or become common.
By this ſtandard the penalty of every law ſhould be adjuſted; and not by the ſuppoſed moral evil of the action, which cannot be known, nor by its particular conſequences to a few individuals, which cannot be regarded, but by its general effects on ſociety. This
is the pole ſtar of every ſtateſman; by the
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ight of which only it is that we can account for the capital puniſhment of Uzzah for touching the ark, the zeal of Saint Paul in abſtaining from meat, and the neceſſity of ſevere puniſhments for burglary, counterfeiting money, running contraband goods, exercitual deſertion for cowardice, and many other actions, which in themſelves appear ſmall offences, if not innocent or indifferent.—Inattention to this principle, it is preſumed, has been the fruitful ſource of great miſdemeanors and public diſturbance. Can it be ſuppoſed, that the late inſurgents in a ſouthern ſtate would have refuſed the payment of a ſmall exciſe, had they conſidered, that the general conſequence of that refuſal was the certain loſs of all public revenue, and the final ſubverſion of all government?—From the ſame cauſe, have we not ſeen, what humanity ever bluſhes to relate, a reputed honeſt man, in open town-meeting, hold up his hand to defraud the public, or a public creditor, who would not, ſcarcely for his right hand, have been ſeen to injure one of his neighbours?
Inattention, permit me to ſay, is the beſt apology I can make for numbers of my fellow-citizens who neglect public worſhip, perform journeys, and unneceſſary buſineſs on the LORD's Day. They do not conſider, that if every other perſon, who had an equal right and the ſame excuſe, ſhould follow the example, public worſhip, that great pillar of civil government, would be entirely overthrown. But
more than all, this principle now unfolds its chief deſign, and ſhews, as with a ſun beam, the enormity of reviling dignities. A ruler is the father of his country; he ſtands at the head of government, at the helm of the ſhip, in which our lives and fortunes are all embarked. An attack upon him may ſink the whole. Slander in this inſtance, is more then death; it is parricide, more fatal than all the malignant influences once aſcribed to baleful comets, which ſpread plagues and deſolations through a whole country.
But if we conſider civil rulers in character of real dignities, it will ſtrike a deeper
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of guilt and baſeneſs into the crime.
If it could be ſaid of David, on account of the dignity and importance of his public character, that he was with 10,000 of the people; was it not a greater crime to ſpeak evil of ſuch a "dignity," than of another man? Dignity is oppoſed to meanneſs. It can be applied to no action but what is virtuous, and therefore to no being on earth but man. To him it is applied in point of character, ſentiment and behaviour, all which in ſome degree, muſt unite in a man of dignity. But to form a ruler of that deſcription, he ought to be—1ſt. a man of a good diſcernment and information. Great talents, and erudition may be indiſpenſable in the learned profeſſions, and in the pretorean department of a government, in which the people are governed by laws and not men. The police of ſome nations may indeed, be a ſcience of operoſe attainment; but the adminiſtration
of a government, ſimple in its ſtructure and formed as our own is, by the common ſenſe of a free, virtuous people, cannot be a ſubject of vaſt depth or difficulty. Where men have honeſty enough, they rarely will want ſkill enough, to guide well the affairs of ſtate. The human body is ſubſiſted chiefly by common food. This is the moſt eaſily obtained and the moſt wholeſome, otherwiſe it would not have been common. The grand object, let us remember, as well as name of our government, is the "Common-wealth." It muſt however, be granted, that the ſmalleſt acceſſion of knowledge adds to every character a dignity which is felt; and were it not for envy, would be acknowledged by all. Children ſoon feel the ſuperiour authority, it gives a parent even in the government of a family. Rulers may not all be men of ſcience, but if they are not men "who have underſtanding in the times, and know what Iſreal ought to do, it is at the riſque of both of their country, and their own reputation, as dignities. 2d. meekneſs of wiſdom, a cool diſpaſſionate temper, is a diſtinguiſhed trait in the character of official dignity. The greateſt legiſlator was the meekeſt man on earth. It was an exceſs of diffidence in Moſes; to decline, for want of abilities, the office of an embaſſador to a royal court. But it raiſes in the mind an idea of greater dignity, than the conduct of that aſpiring young man, who ſpoke the real ſentiments of others, beſides his own, when he ſaid, "O that I were made ruler in the land, that every man who hath any ſuit or cauſe, might come to me and I
would do him juſtice! Hypocrites may be found in politics, as well as in divinity. With patriotiſm on the tongue, there may be faction or tyranny in the heart. High pretenſions of friendſhip to the rights of man, attended with bitter criminations of men in public office, ought never to be admitted as a teſt of ſincerity, or of real qualifications for office; becauſe great zeal and oſtentation are ſeldom united with that cool diſpaſſionate temper which is always neceſſary to form a juſt opinion upon any ſubject. In our cooleſt moments, "we ſee through a glaſs darkly." But when we ſee through a ferment of paſſion, we ſee and judge falſely. The medium has a property ſtrange and unknown in optics. It diſtorts and diſcolours, magnifies and diminiſhes every object at the ſame time. The raſh policy of boiſterous men at the helm of Government has been compared to a whirlwind at
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ea. When it happens to blow the right way, it may drive the ſhip from rocks or ſhoals, and ſave the cargo. But tornadoes are always dangerous to navigation.
To this cool diſpaſſionate temper we muſt unite, 3d. reſolution and intrepidity of mind; for this gives great dignity and elevation to a ruler. Unmoved by the fawnings of flattery or the ſour ſcowls of ambition, deaf to the croaking of anarchy and blind to the ſplendid baits of monarchy, he will nobly dare to ſpeak his opinion, and act with firmneſs and deciſion. Like a rock in the midſt of the ocean, he ſtands unſhaken. The waves of violence, of
intrigue and faction may riſe, foam and roar againſt him, but daſh and die at his feet. This firmneſs of mind is directly oppoſed to that indeciſive temper, by which ſome are perpetually halting between two opinions, without forming any at all. It ſtands oppoſed alſo to another temper, which may be called deciſion in exceſs, a rapid rotation of opinion.—Men of this caſt decide in ſuch haſte, and with ſo little diſcretion, that they are given to change; vibrating from one ſide to the other, that we know not where to find them. "A double minded man is unſtable in all his ways, unſtable as water he ſhall not excel." There is another contraſt of this mental fortitude, and that is ductility of mind; this renders the poſſeſſor too obſequious to flattery, to the lure of intereſt and popularity; too prone to be duped by the intrigues of diſaffected aſpiring men. Whatever may be the real cauſe or compoſition of theſe different tempers, certain
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is, that the indeciſive character, a bivious mind, and the ductile temper, all diminiſh dignity; and diſqualify men for public office.
Firmneſs of mind muſt be accompanied with, 4th. conſideration; for this, when united as commonly it is with induſtry and a public ſpirit, is one of the moſt prominent and pleaſing features in the whole character of dignity. With what mild and gentle rays it ſhines through the characters of David, Solomon and a Waſhington, and gives them more real dignity, than all the dazzling ſplendours of a throne? This will ſoften the ſplendors of their ſtations, and give them an affable deportment, a complacency
of behaviour, and ſuch conciliating manners, as cannot fail to ſecure the moſt commanding influence over the people.—In this way the greateſt monarch of the earth governed men, who were in debt, in diſtreſs, and diſcontented. There our exaſperated ſpirits, bankrupts, and broken fortunes, who had no intereſt in the welfare of the country, he influenced into one common concern for its property.—Such a motley maſs of diſcordant materials he kneaded up, into one uſeful harmonious compound! It is a unanimous vote in our world, never to reſpect, but always to deſpiſe a haughty diſpoſition. This diſpoſition once degraded from his throne, the royal brute of Babylon, and turned him out a grazing with the beaſts of the field! it ſunk another as low in the eyes of millions, when in the haughtineſs of his ſpirit, he ſaid "I will bring all America to my feet." Pride goeth before deſtruction, and a haughty ſpirit is the fall of dignity. How unreaſonable in a ruler as well as degrading is ſuch a temper? What has he that he did not receive? Is he ſuperior to others in the dignity of his perſon? GOD is the author of his frame. Has he more official dignity? It is derived from the ſovereignty of the people. Does he ſhine in the moſt elevated ſtations? Like the moon he ſhines only in borrowed light. We do not particularly mention juſtice, humanity and patriotiſm, becauſe they are all included in 5th. "Religion" which above all, gives to a ruler the higheſt dignity of character. The patriarchal benediction truly applies to religion alone: "thou art the excellency of dignity and the excellency of power."
This refines, enables and animates all the features that compoſe dignity, both of character and office.—Emancipated from inglorious paſſions and purſuits, which rob me of all true honour, religion plants in the heart ſuch undiſſembled virtue and piety, as will enſure reſpect and reverence, even to men of the loweſt rank, but in men appointed to move in the higher ſpheres of life, religion caſts a luſtre on their elevated ſeats, and "by a ſtrong reflection doubles the beams of dignity." How amiable, how ſublime in ſuch a character! Every feature, every action in it, creates eſteem, and commands reverence. How ſordid then is the wretch who dares to ſpeak evil of ſuch dignities! Is it now poſſible to fully this crime with an additional ſtain of infamy? Yes, it is done only by conſidering that the character of a ruler deprives him of the power of retaliation in his own defence. "When Michael the arch-angel contended with the Devil about the body of Moſes, he durſt not bring againſt him a railing accuſation;" the dignity of Michael's character, rendered him an unequal match for Satan, at railing; therefore he ſaid, the Lord rebuke thee, and not I. From the ſubject naturally ariſe the following
OBSERVATIONS:
1. Rulers are involved in the guilt of ſlander, when their conduct affords a juſt occaſion for the people to ſpeak evil of them. Can it be poſſible, that a legiſlator ſhould enter the walls of the Senate, and under the ſolemnities of an oath, there give his voice and ſanction to a law which he ſacredly commits to the
magiſtrate for execution; and then both of them be ſeen to violate that law, which the one has made, and the other is ſworn to execute? Is it a crime to ſpeak evil of ſuch dignities? there is no dignity in ſuch men. Vice is eternally mean. 2d. The character given of a ruler, leads us to decide a long controverted queſtion, reſpecting the beſt form of civil policy, in favor of a free republic. I mean "a democratical ariſtocracy, reſting on the free election of the people, and revocable at pleaſure."—The ſtrength and glory of ſuch a republic depend on the virtue of the people, which is real dignity. That of monarchy is ſupported by the glare of earthly grandeur, by the pageantry of heroiſm, and the weapons of death, which is royal dignity. This intoxicates the ſenſes, but the other touches the heart. Hence a republican form was the choice and fabric of GOD himſelf for his own people. Moſes with a ſenate of ſeventy, ſhared the government of Iſreal. The nature of man, the character of chriſtian rulers, above all the benevolent principles of liberty and equality, emboſomed in the religion of JESUS, are congenial to no other form; at leaſt they appear incompatible with monarchical principles and the dynaſty of kings. 3d—The advocated principle of calculating laws to embrace the aggregate ſum of happineſs in a community, ſhews the abſurdity of that doctrine, which maintains that moral evil is political good; or that private vice is public virtue. Were this a fact, it would be the duty of legiſlators to eſtabliſh iniquity by law, i. e. they ought to enact laws to encourage
the practice of fraud, rapine, falſehood, robbery, aſſaſſination &c. than which nothing can be more abſurd, or abhorrent to the principles of reaſon and commonſenſe. 4th. Since it is a crime of ſuch malignity to deſpiſe government, it highly concerns every citizen, particularly to know in what manner this may be done. Government, I would obſerve, may be deſpiſed by fallacious compariſons—by inequality of elections—licentiouſneſs of the preſs—neglect to diffuſe virtue and knowledge—diſunion of the magiſtracy and chriſtian prieſthood—exorbitant wealth in the hands of individuals—improper connexions with deſpotic governments—neglect to watch and provide for our own government, the means of mili
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tary defence—in ſuch ways as well as by ſpeaking evil of dignities, we may deſpiſe and even deſtroy a free government. On ſome of theſe articles, I would ſubjoin a few obſervations.
1ſt. The palladium of Liberty may pull down the pillars of freedom. A licentious preſs, like the unruly tongue, is full of deadly poiſon. It ſows the ſeeds of diſcord, and ſaps the foundation of all government. By corrupting the ſource of public information, it becomes the bane both of private and ſocial felicity. When political poiſon is vomited from the preſs, few will eſcape the contagion. When partiality in a printer loſes its infamy, or the moſt uncorrupted integrity ceaſes to be the ſummit of his ambition—when he and his readers are not ſtruck with the horror of an earthquake, at the idea of venality and miſrepreſentation
—when they print falſehood for hire, publiſh ſcandal for money, ſell the liberties of their country for a reward, and the wicked bare rule by their means, and the pe
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ple love to have it ſo—what ſhall we do in the end thereof?
2d. Whatever tends to deſtroy or diminiſh an equal voice in elections, will endanger the immunities of a people. Aſſociations of every deſcription, whether civil or eccleſiaſtical, whether ſelf-created or ſanctioned by government or by the god of nature, all tend to create in the mind certain byaſſes and attachments which produce an accretion of power and influence in future elections; nor can this be avoided without eradicating the principles of human nature. The exiſtence of ſociety depends on this principle; ſimilar effects will ariſe from a natural ſuperiority of genius, from greater acquiſitions in knowledge, in wealth and in the arts of addreſs. The Deity never intended a perfect equality among men, not even in their elective power. This would have been a ſcar, if not a ſoleciſm in the analogy of nature. This however, bears no proportion to that inequality which prevails among deſpotic nations, and which ought to be conſidered as the horror of all free governments. In nature we always obſerve variety, but we ſeldom find extremes. The beauty and utility of the human hand, that badge of human authority, would ſuffer great diminution, if its fingers were equal, but much more if they were enormous, either in length or ſize. It is only from an extreme or abuſe
of this inequality, that danger is apprehended; and over which we ought ever to watch with a jealous eye.
3d. National wealth, eſpecially when carefully accumulated in the hands of a few individuals, is dangerous in the extreme to human liberty. The experience of ages, the repeated admonitions of our Saviour and his apoſtles prove beyond a doubt, the power of riches corrupt the human heart. Hardly can we find one period of proſperity, in the whole hiſtory of the Iſraelites; or of any other nation on the earth, which has not been followed with a decay of piety, and a corruption of morals. Shall we then rejoice and not tremble, when we ſee a profuſion of earthly good; flowing ſtreams of proſperity, in which multitudes are bathing themſelves at eaſe, while the rapid current is carrying away the liberties of mankind? Opulence is
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he common parent of idleneſs, luxury and diſſipation &c. The reflection of a moment will convince us, that wealth is both the object and principal cauſe of avarice and ambition. Theſe are the common ſources of anarchy and deſpotiſm, and theſe again, are the charybdis and ſcylla of our country—moſt of the diſputes and quarrels that happen in the world, originate from the idea of property. Savages live in tolerable peace almoſt without government, becauſe they feel not, as we do, the power of wealth. While this attracts the gaze of vulgar admiration, it is apt to ſwell the heart with pride, "that unſocial and unfriendly paſſion," only by pride cometh contention. Its influence
on civil elections is ſtill more pernicious. Money is frequently the moſt forcible logic, and he that carries the longeſt purſe, will often carry the moſt votes. In this view of wealth, we ſee and admire the policy as well as juſtice of a late act of our legiſlature, which reſcinded an old fragment of monarchy too long worn as the right of primogeniture. We ſee alſo, and revere the wiſdom of GOD in the appointment of a jubilee, as an eſſential article in the Jewiſh policy. This, it is probable; was the great palladium of liberty to that people. A ſimilar inſtitution perhaps may be the only method in which liberty can be perpetuated among ſelfiſh, degenerate beings in any government under heaven. But aſide from this, and in full view of the dangers of exorbitant wealth, permit me to ſay that the prayer of one good man ever ought to be the united prayer of all America, "give us not riches—nor poverty."
4th. The baneful effects of ignorance among the ſubjects of a free government, I need not deſcribe. Inſpiration has done it for me in one of her horrid deſcriptions of wild beaſts and birds of prey, prowling under the dreary darkneſs of night, "Wherein all the beaſts of the foreſt do creep forth, their houſes ſhall be full of doleful creatures, owls ſhall dwell there, and ſatyrs, not fabulous, ſhall dance there." Happy for us, ſuch darkneſs is paſt, and the preſent is a period of unuſual ardour; for inquiry and diffuſion of knowledge. Yea, the preſent is a moſt luminous period in that regular gradation of human knowledge,
which from the beginning of creation down to the preſent time, has been conſtantly advancing. By a train of ſurpriſing events in providence, calculated to throw light upon each other, the public mind in every age, and among all nations, has been gradually opening, from the father of lights; as much light and knowledge have been ſent down to earth, as the circumſtances of its inhabitants would bear. At certain periods however, knowledge on earth, like the heavenly bodies, has proceeded with unequal velocity; and like them, it has ſometimes appeared ſtationary and even retrograde: but this was in appearance only. Upon the whole it has been progreſſive, and will probably continue its progreſs, until its final completion in the full effulgence of millennial glory, when "the earth ſhall be full of the knowledge of GOD." Partial interruptions have only paved the way for accelerating its progreſs. Great conqueſts and revolutions in the world, have given the people an opportunity for reforming their ſyſtems of government, and for great improvements, in uſeful arts and knowledge.—The American revolution is an inſtance of this kind, beyond a parallel. A large portion of the globe inhabited by millions of people, rapid in population, had long been held in ſubjection to one diſtant iſland. But the viſion which the young Hebrew ſaw in his dream, was but for an appointed time. No longer could the ſun, the moon, and ſtars, be made to gravitate round a pebble: no longer could they make obeiſance to Briton's king.—Nature itſelf revolted. They aroſe to independence, aſcended their native
ſphere, and formed a new ſolar ſyſtem; a ſyſtem compleat of federal democracy; in which equal power, emanating from each individual, uniting, formed one central luminary. This is retained in its ſtation by a balance of gravitating power, accumulated in ſeparate branches of the ſame body, as well as in a number of ſeparate bodies or ſtates. Theſe are each independent in juriſdiction, different in ſtructure, magnitude and diſtance from the centre; around them a number of ſecondaries perform their judicial circuits in periodical times; theſe are attended with ſatellites of executive power. A large judiciary body, created and impelled by ſolar influence, ranges like a comet through the whole ſyſtem; ſpreads terror among evil doers; and gives luſtre and ſtability to the whole frame. In a word, the influence of the ſolar orb pervades every other body, retains each in its own orbit, and gives to all energy and motion, by confederating all into one vaſt harmonious ſyſtem. No ſooner was this luminary kindled up in America, than it darted its beams of ſcience and liberty acroſs the Atlantic. It dawned in Europe—it glows in France. New diſcoveries and vaſt acceſſions of knowledge, and the arts of life aſtoniſhed the world. We lived an age in a few years; we ſaw a nation born in a day. Having felt the pangs and pleaſures of the parturition of a new empire, we now behold the aurora of ſcience faſt riſing to meridian luſtre. Hardly can we contemplate the preſent, and anticipate the future ſtate of our country, without moments of triumph. When we reflect on the preſent improved ſtate of commerce, agriculture and of tactics, the mechanical and fine
arts, geography and natural hiſtory, ſurgery and the medical art, chymiſtry, electricity, areology with the infant, but real ſcience of phyſiognomy &c. all in progreſſion; then lift up our eyes and behold a new galaxy of American geniuſes, lately riſen and ſtill riſing in our hemiſphere, what in the name of ſcience, what may we not expect? At leaſt, we may hope, that modern poliſh of literature will not, like Pharoh's lean kine, eat up the more ſubſtantial parts; and that the time will ſoon arrive, when four years at a college will not roll away, without conſecrating a portion of it, to the claſſical, ſcientific ſtudy of natural hiſtory, and thoſe practical principles of chymiſtry, on which the rationale and improvements of agriculture and the mechanical arts, ſo much depend; and which at the preſent day are ſo highly neceſſary to the growth and proſperity of this young American empire. May we not alſo indulge the pleaſing hope, that the orthography of our own language, that vehicle and repoſitory of arts and ſciences, will ſoon be purged of its barbaric droſs, and become as pure, ſimple, and ſyſtematic as our politics. May the genius, the unconquerable ſpirit of Americans, forbid that a language formed by accident in days of Gothic ignorance, and refined and enriched with ſo many infuſions of elegance and learning, that a language which probably will become the vernacular tongue of more millions than ever ſpoke one language on earth, ſhould long remain perplexed and incumbered with ſo many literal defects and redundancies eaſily corrected. On this account I beg leave to
ſay that the orthography of the Engliſh language, in its preſent ſtate, is a tax on life, the opprobrium of ſcience, a load of expenſive lumber on the tender minds of millions of our race. In ſuch a nation as this, it is intolerable. I will not think of it, but proceed to a thought more pleaſing, 5th. virtue and religion above all are the ſtrongeſt pillars of government. The maſk of hypocriſy is a public acknowledgment of the worth of religion. The ſuggeſtion even of Atheiſts, when they dub religion a ſtate engine to awe men into obedience, is a tacit confeſſion of its utility in government. A ſafe engine it is, and of ſuch force too, that the want, or weakneſs of but a ſingle ſpring in it, I mean the belief of a future ſtate, has always proved fatal to the eſtabliſhment of government over any one whole nation on earth. Inſpectors of the public manners, appointed by the law-givers of antiquity, prove that virtue was eſteemed eſſential to the proſperity & even exiſtence of government. Should we appeal to the records of hiſtory—to that of the Jewiſh nation—to the Egyptians, Perſians, Grecians, Romans, and to moſt of the flouriſhing ſtates in the world, her verdict would be in favor of virtue. The interchange of virtue and vice, graduated the ſcale, by which the wealth, power and reſpectability of all nations may be accurately meaſured. Polybius, who aſcribes to irreligion the ruin of his own country, which preceded that of Rome, obſerves that a tenfold ſecurity given by a Grecian truſtee for a ſmall ſum of public money, was ſure to be violated, while the religion
an oath among the Romans was ample ſecurity for every engagement. While virtue prevailed in the Roman Empire, her feet in the language of Daniel, were iron. But when the people began to degenerate, the iron began to be mixed with clay. Her feet were broken, and the empire fell.—In a word, it can no more be doubted that happineſs and miſery of public communities, as well as individuals, are connected with virtue and vice, than that gravitation is a property of matter. But if ethical virtue was the exiſtence and proſperity of ancient governments, what may not be expected from the pureſt ſyſtem of moral virtue ever taught on earth? Compared with this, the fineſt morals of Socrates or Confucius, or Plato, or Epictetus, are no more than the light or heat of a glow worm, to that of the meridian ſun. The religion of nature teaches men to be juſt and righteous; but a righteous man is not the character which chriſtianity calls a good man. A good man will do more than ſtrict juſtice can demand of him; he will do more than others. His ſervices done for the public are performed not with ſervility, but affection.—Not merely to eſcape cenſure, or for the ſake of reward, "but as a ſervant of Chriſt with good will to mankind, doing ſervice as unto the Lord, and not to men. Religion requires thoſe who rule over men to be more than juſt; they muſt rule in the fear of GOD: Becauſe gods on earth are the ſubjects of Heaven, and muſt give an account of their ſtewardſhip to GOD, as well as to men. It was from this principle only, that the vice-roy of Egypt could aſſure
his brethren, that he would be juſt to them; that he was a man that could be truſted; for ſays he, I fear GOD. This will operate with peculiar force on the people as well as on rulers. This will ſeize the heart. And the ſubject yields to the magiſtrate, not for wrath, but for conſcience ſake. He will not deſpiſe government; he is afraid to ſpeak evil of dignities, becauſe he believes that one is the ordinance, and the other, the miniſter of GOD. And thoſe who reſiſt, however they may eſcape puniſhment from men, will yet receive to themſelves damnation. To him the word of GOD is ſharper than the magiſtrate's ſword; a guard ſtronger to human laws, than all their penal ſanctions.
A judgment to come awes him more than all the terrors of an earthly tribunal. By thoſe ſublime and intereſting diſcoveries which revelation unfolds, a new tribunal of juſtice is erected in the human breaſt; where conſcience ſits as judge, a judge that will be heard, when all others are ſilent. Such is the energy of religion! O religion the ſcorn of infidels, "a pitiful and paltry thing," but the everlaſting pillar of government; for the ſake of which, may heaven ſave us from the vortex of deiſm—that old harlot, lately re-baptized by the name of reaſon—the age of reaſon. Immortalized indeed, for the diſcovery of a new proof, that infidelity is only another name for ignorance; and that a great politician in Europe as well as inſurgents in America, may be guilty of ſpeaking evil of "DIGNITIES," and things they "underſtand not"—with proper deference to lord Boling-brooke,
Bill Beadle,He piſtoled himſelf at Weathers field in Connecticut, December 11, 1782, after he had murdered an amiable wife and four children. This appears to have been done in cool blood, and from the genuine principles of his boaſted, benevolent deiſm! and Tom Paine. I will cloſe this article with an aphoriſm of the wiſeſt and one of the greateſt politicians that ever lived, and preſume to recommend it, as more than equal to the Spaniſh proverbs, or even thoſe of the American Franklin—it is this—"RIGHTEOUSNESS EXALTETH A NATION, BUT SIN IS A REPROACH TO ANY PEOPLE."
In the preſence of an aſſembly, that contains ſo many living characters of dignity; His Excellency claims our firſt attention. Two annual ſuns have not yet revolved over the ſilent corpſe of the patriotic, the generous, the amiable Hancock, ſince we ſaw him here. The man of dignity, the patron of Liberty, the friend of religion, of its miniſters, and inſtitutions, muſt die! But happy for us, his co-patriot lives, and this day fills his vacant ſeat. Venerable with age, more venerable for his piety and unconquerable love of liberty, we behold him again placed in the firſt ſeat of Government, by the United voice of his grateful country. She loved his brother in proſcription, and ſtill remembers the name of Adams enrolled with him, on the immortal liſt of exemptions from pardon, for no other crime but that of being a friend to his country. If his inflexible attachment to the ſame principles has ſince procured him the wounds of cenſure, are they not wounds without a cauſe? and
will he not with his dying breath, forgive his enemies, and pray for the liberties of mankind. His eminent ſervices in the cauſe of freedom are too deeply engraved on the hearts of all true republicans ever to be forgotten. May the foſtering hand of heaven guard him, at this critical period of life, from every adverſe event which might ſhake the few remaining ſands, that now meaſure his important life. With all the ſenſibilities of an imperfect offending mortal, united with the honeſt intrepidity of virtue, may he not appeal to heaven and earth, in the language of an inſpired patriot of his own name, and ſay—"I am old and grey headed, I have walked before you from my childhood to this day; behold here I am, witneſs againſt me, before the LORD; and before his people, whom have I defrauded? Whom have I oppreſſed? Or of whoſe hand have I taken a bribe. And the people will ſay—thou haſt not defrauded, thou haſt not oppreſſed us, the LORD is witneſs, the LORD think upon you for good, according to all that you have done for this people."
The re-election of a diſtinguiſhed character to the ſecond office in this Commonwealth bears an honorable atteſtation to his abilities and public virtue.—His early attachment to the principles of republicaniſm, his patriotic exertions in the accompliſhment of our happy revolution, with later ſervices, in promoting the true intereſts of his country, have fully juſtified the wiſdom, the gratitude and patriotiſm of his electors. May heaven reward his faithful ſervices with honours unfading and eternal.
With grateful hearts we hail the return of an anniverſary, which has once more convened thoſe honored gentlemen who compoſe the two branches of our happy Legiſlature. From their known abilities, and the characters of their electors, we preſume they have brought with them, to this conſecrated ſpot, real dignity of character.
We rejoice in the ſenatorial branch of our government—choſen by the people at large. Their influence will operate as a uſeful check on the more local intereſt of the other branch, which otherwiſe might interfere and diminiſh the ſum of public happineſs.—This influence of the patrician order may indeed operate as a check on the diſpatch of buſineſs, but repeated diſcuſſions of the ſame ſubject, in a different branch of the ſame body, will be more than a compenſation for delay. As the object is ever the ſame, both branches will harmoniouſly co-operate for the general good. Every member holds an office, that is rendered highly momentous, both by the magnitude of its object, and the ſolemnity of an oath by which their fidelity is pledged. Guardians of the public rights, great confidence is repoſed in them.—The eyes of the people, yea, the eyes of GOD himſelf are upon them. Unto Heaven may they look for aſſiſtance, and to the moſt perfect models on earth, for imitation.
JESUS was "the prince of the kings of the earth;" but he waſhed his diſciples feet. He went about doing
good. Learn of him, learn induſtry, condeſcenſion, philanthrophy: "whoſoever would be greateſt among you, let him be the ſervant of all." Moſes, when he ſtood on the mount with the laws of the Hebrew nation in his hand, with what aſtoniſhing dignity and ſplendour did this great magiſtrate appear in the eyes of the people? But Moſes wiſt not that his face ſhone: "be inſtructed ye rulers of the earth." This man had been with his GOD in the mount; and Judah ruleth with GOD, and therefore is faithful.—"The power of godlineſs" is the ſupreme dignity of all rulers in Heaven or earth. Acquainted with human nature, our civil fathers will not be diſappointed to find honeſt men, who from ignorance of the duties, the expenditures and reſponſibility of public office, will be apt to conſider rulers in a ſtate like drones in the hive, which live on the honey of the poor labouring bees.—Others will mutter againſt government, and clamour for different meaſures, when they neither know nor can tell what they want. While they condemn rulers for oppreſſing the people, they are themſelves acting the very part of that tyrant, who having once had a dream, threatened to kill his officers, if they did not interpret it, when he himſelf could not tell his own dream. When evils or inconveniences are felt in ſociety, too many are apt to imagine the fault is in rulers, when it is in the people: hence they will ſeek a remedy in a change of the former; not conſidering, that an army infected with the plague, or compoſed of cowards, cannot be cured by a new choice of officers. Others will be found turbulent and diſappointed—men of deſperate
minds and fortunes, who conſtantly carry about them the tinder of faction, waiting only for a ſpark to produce an exploſion. They wiſh for convulſions in the ſtate, that they may riſe into view, "ride in the tempeſt, and direct the ſtorm." From ſuch men, no honeſt ruler can eſcape the calumny of the tongue. Envy is the tax of eminence, and muſt be paid by every man in public office. While the Son of GOD remained in private life, he increaſed in favour both with GOD and "Men." But when he aſſumed his public office he ſuffered more than the ſcourge of tongues. If our amiable Preſident has made his eſcape, beyond any human character, it muſt be remembered, that he, like the amiable and intrepid Daniel, ſaid to the people, "Let thy gifts be to thyſelf and thy reward to another;" otherwiſe HE might have heard the growls of avarice and the curſes of clowns.—In proportion to the degree in which a public ſpirit, or the ſocial principle, prevails over the ſelfiſh, rulers will feel their own dignity, and make others feel it too. Conſcious integrity will raiſe them far above the petulance of the tongue, or the virulence of party rage; "none of theſe things move them." Nothing will abate the ardor of their exertions for the public good. They know that ſilence is the ſchool of wiſdom, and "with well doing they will put to "ſilence" the ignorance of fooliſh men." We ſhall ſee them moving on, in ſilent majeſty, like the full-orbed moon, above the reach of the arrows of ſlander, and beyond all danger of an eclipſe or even a ſpot, from the little ſhadows of ten thouſand beagles barking at them.—Example unblemiſhed in public life will forever be
held ſacred: they know that man is an imitative being; that between mind and body there exiſts ſuch a reciprocity of influence, that even imitating the geſtures and manners of others tends to produce a ſimilarity of diſpoſition. The paſſions of the people are moulded by the inclinations of the great. The actions of rulers, like the rods of Jacob, which he peeled and ſet before the flocks, will give colour and complexion to all that behold them; yea, more than this, the influence of public example will operate on the people, like the magnetic influence upon iron, which not only attracts or repels, but even communicates its own nature. This theory is authenticated by the moſt ſtriking facts of inſpiration. "As in water face anſwereth to face," ſo did the character of GOD'S ancient people, both of Iſrael and Judah, correſpond to that of her rulers. Whether they neglected or attended to religion and the worſhip of GOD, the people generally followed their example. What a leſſon is before us! a volume of the moſt ſerious inſtruction in a ſingle fact. May "the honourable of the earth" never forget, that character gives currency as well as dignity to their laws and public adminiſtrations; and while enforced by example, their own exertions to promote piety and morality, induſtry and temperance, with all the uſeful arts of life, will be productive of the moſt ſalutary effects.
Among numerous objects that may claim the attention of our honored rulers, and to which their own wiſdom is fully competent, I would only ſuggeſt
that the property of numbers among us while they and their families are attending public worſhip on the Lord's Day, is liable to invaſion, from licentious neighbours who attend no worſhip at all.—When the people of Iſrael left their own habitations and went up to Jeruſalem to worſhip, GOD himſelf interpoſed; and by a miracle guarded in their abſence, the property of his own people againſt the rapacity of their enemies. But without a miracle, or the leaſt invaſion of the rights of conſcience, may not our legiſlators, in this inſtance, place the property of every citizen upon the ſame ground of ſecurity. This would be done, if thoſe who do not, ſhould be obliged either to attend public worſhip themſelves, or to furniſh at their own expenſe a guard to the property of others, while they do attend.—"With that confidence wherewith I am bold to ſay, that our civil rulers will not forget their own names as "dignities," it may be preſumed, they will not forget that public inſtitution of learning, to which they are ſo much indebted both for their literary and official dignity. May "ſtand as a ſeal upon their arm, and a ſignet on their right hand."—Above all, our venerable fathers will bear it in mind, that while employed in the ſervice of their country, they are all acting a part for eternity. Fired with a noble emulation of tranſmitting their names to poſterity in laurels of honour, they will be infinitely more concerned, to ſecure an enrolment of their names on the Lamb's book of life; where "the righteous ſhall be had in everlaſting remembrance."
My fellow citizens of this numerous and reſpectable aſſembly,
We know the value of freedom. We can truly appreciate the bleſſings of a free and happy conſtitution. When our birth-right was ſold, with a great ſum the purchaſe was made. Moſt ardently we wiſh they may never be abuſed, deſpiſed or loſt. May Heaven, auſpicious, forever guard them:—but this cannot be done unleſs men will guard their own tongues. A ſavage undiſciplined tongue is more to be dreaded than undiſciplined troops, or the moſt inhuman ſavage. Sharper than a two edged ſword, it cuts the bands of love which unite man to man, and thruſts its deadly ſtab into the boſom of ſociety; it is a peſtilence that walks in darkneſs and waſteth at noon day. When the cauſe of liberty bleeds, let the patriotic tongue blow the trumpet, and plead its injured rights. Freedom of ſpeech and of the preſs, in ſuch a cauſe, is the terror of tyrants and the ſcourge of anarchy. But when licentious and ungoverned, they create jealouſies, infuſe ſuſpicions, weaken public confidence, kindle, and augment the flames of ſuch contention, as may deſolate a country, and crimſon it with blood! While every man claims, as he juſtly may, a right to watch his own government, let him watch his own tongue. In this way the pooreſt man may plant one of the ſtrongeſt guards around the liberties of his country, by that which will coſt him nothing, but ſilence. If he cannot keep his heart from deceit, he may keep his lips from ſpeaking evil of dignities. Should we ever
behold what Solomon ſaw and lamented in his day, viz.
"Folly ſet in great dignity;" the fault muſt be chiefly in the people who ſet them up. While therefore, we cenſure our rulers, we condemn ourſelves. Never let us dare to ſport with the character of a ruler. Public character eſpecially ought to be treated as one of the moſt dear and delicate of all poſſeſſions. How eaſily is it tarniſhed? and how often is it done in ways unknown and unſuſpected? Is there a man on earth willing, that his faults ſhould be enumerated without naming his virtues? Partiality in this caſe is a ſpecies of the blackeſt ſlander.—Names and epithets of the moſt honourable import are, from the poverty of language, always liable to this kind of partiality; and when perverted, they become vehicles of the moſt abuſive ſcandal: Juſt as the rankeſt poiſon may be conveyed in the richeſt perfumes. The names appropriated to expreſs power, as it reſides in the two branches of our own legiſlature, have not eſcaped this kind of perverſion. Monarchy is exploded; but the idea ſtill remains. Should an appropriate name to expreſs that idea be wanted, etymology will preſent us with the word, "Autocratical," i. e. the power of ſelf, or ſelf-important. This, it is preſumed, truly expreſſes the feelings of the heart, and is perhaps the beſt definition of both the others, when they are bandied on the tongues of zealous partizans by way of reproach.
Where encomiums on the one ſide—ridicule and obloquy on the other, are both extravagant, it becomes difficult if not impoſſible to find the truth.
Among a free people there will be a variety of opinions, from whence different plans and ſyſtems of civil policy will be adopted, even where the object is the ſame. In this caſe, if different paths ſhould not lead us with equal ſafety to the deſired object, candour and moderation are the beſt remedies.
When political hereſy creeps in, the ſtandard muſt be lifted up againſt it. "To the law and to the teſtimony"—to the conſtitution and to the ſovereign people we muſt appeal—the majority muſt decide, and all the people ſhall ſay Amen. While we are watching our own, and ſpeak with freedom on the great republic of France, let us be afraid to ſpeak evil of "dignities" and things we underſtand not. Let no envenomed tongue or ſacrilegious hand dare touch the ark of liberty, or preſume to make one link in that infernal chain of confederation againſt human happineſs! May heaven ſecure us from ſyſtems of monarchical policy, and the devouring gulph of European politics! In fine, may all the
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riends of peace and harmony in our own and in the federal government, that admired fabric of human policy; may the friends of union without diviſion, and of union without conſolidation, yea, let every individual among us, unite and diſplay his friendſhip by a ſtrict government over the tongue, that "unruly member" of ſociety; the greateſt tyrant, the vileſt inſurgent on earth! "fight neither with ſmall nor great, but with the King" of tyrants, this demagogue of faction. To do this we are bound, both
by the higheſt claims of ſociety and the more ſacred ties of chriſtianity. For, "if any man ſpeak with the tongues of men and angels, and bridleth not his own tongue," this man's religion is vain. Convinced of this, and knowing that the heart is the guilty ſource from whence proceed evil thoughts, and ſpeaking evil of dignities, let us look up to him, under whoſe dominion is the heart of man, and pray him to create within us a pure heart, and form us anew in CHRIST JESUS, that we may govern our paſſions, and bridle our tongues. May the moſt ardent gratitude from every heart, and every tongue ariſe to the eternal throne of the Supreme Ruler of nations, for the preſent peace and proſperity of our nation. Luminated with the hope of its continuance, let every one follow the unerring path of national and individual happineſs, delineated by the dictates of infinite wiſdom in ſuch language as this—"He that will love life, and ſee good days, let him refrain his tongue from evil and his lips that they ſpeak no guile, let him depart from evil and do good." Travelling in this peaceful path of wiſdom and rectitude. A few days more the journey of life will be ended, the ſtrife of tongues will ceaſe, all our connexions with civil ſociety be diſſolved; while the renovated ſoul, waſhed in the Redeemer's blood, panting for liberty, will burſt the chains of its priſon, and bound over the long range of eternity, exploring and triumphing in all the "LIBERTIES OF THE SONS OF GOD."