THIS declaration of the apoſtle, directed to chriſtians, and deſigned, to inſtruct and caution them, while under the government of heathen rulers, may, it is preſumed, without impropriety, be recommended to the conſideration both of rulers and ruled, now that chriſtianity is their common religion. As the circumſtance no longer exiſts, which directed the obſervations and counſels of the apoſtles, relative to civil government, principally to ſubjects and their duties; and as being miſrepreſented by ignorance, and ſlandered by folly are evils to which ſubjects are by no means expoſed alone, may I not well be juſtified in giving to the text ſuch a latitude of application, as has been ſuggeſted?

A VIEW of the words in their connexion, may lead to ſome previous obſervations on the ORIGIN and DESIGN of CIVIL GOVERNMENT, and the aſpect of CHRISTIANITY upon it.

"SUBMIT yourſelves, ſaith the apoſtle, to every ordinance of man, for the LORD'S ſake: whether it be to the king as ſupreme; or unto governours, as unto them that are ſent by him, for the puniſhment of evil doers, and for the praiſe of them that do well. For ſo is the will of GOD, that with well doing ye may put to ſilence the ignorance of fooliſh men."

IT is of little importance whether we allow, to the firſt quoted words, the conſtruction which our tranſlation gives them, or, with ſome learned divines, inſtead of every ordinance of man, read every human creature; that is, every perſon in authority; civil rulers of every rank and deſcription. If civil government be conſidered by this apoſtle, as an ordinance of man, he does not in thus repreſenting it, contradict another apoſtle, who ſays, "the powers that be are ordained of GOD." HE has ordained them, becauſe they are agreeable to the conſtitution of the world, which he has eſtabliſhed. It is evidently his will that civil government ſhould exiſt, becauſe he is a GOD of order and not of confuſion; becauſe the nature of mankind, their ſocial diſpoſition, their wants, their paſſions, their irregularities and their vices clearly indicate its expediency and importance. We are by no means obliged to conclude, from a command, to be in ſubjection to the exiſting powers, becauſe they are ordained of GOD: or to ſubmit to every perſon in civil authority, of whatever name, rank or degree of power, for the LORD'S ſake, that all rulers derive their authority immediately from GOD. We may not infer that he has ſo pointed out the particular manner in which we ſhould be governed, or the degree of power which every ruler ought to poſſeſs, that civil government, may not be properly ſtyled an ordinance of man.

GOVERNMENT has its remote origin in the nature of mankind: Or, the ruler's power is indirectly derived from HIM who is the author of that nature. Its immediate origin, as relative to particular nations and communities of men, has been far from uniform. The only proper ſource of the ruler's power, at leaſt, when extended farther than that of a parent over his family, is, under GOD, the people or community, who are the ſubjects of his government. We believe that the people only have the right to determine the nature and form of their political conſtitution. But we readily allow that facts are, in many inſtances, at variance with right; and that the theory which ſuppoſes the obligation to civil obedience derived from an original ſocial compact, is not univerſally, or in general, ſupported by the hiſtory of nations. Many, if not moſt of the governments now exiſting in the world, probably originated in conqueſt. Or, however their foundations were at firſt laid, they have, through various changes, been matured to what they now are. And it is far from true, that their preſent forms are the reſult of a general compact among the people, or are a juſt expreſſion of their will, unleſs their ſubmiſſion to them be conſidered as implicit conſent. The inſtance of a numerous people, unawed by any foreign power, uncontroled by any internal oppreſſor, calmly collecting the wiſdom and the will of the whole community; coolly examining firſt principles; freely diſcuſſing and declaring their natural rights, and on ſuch a firm and rational baſis, deliberately erecting a conſtitution of government for themſelves, is a ſpectacle not leſs ſingular than auguſt, even in modern, more enlightened times. Nor will it, I truſt, be conſidered as ſavouring of national pride, rather than as expreſſive of juſt gratitude to heaven, if I add, that to no inſtance among the few which modern times have exhibited, claiming any title to the above deſcription, is it ſo fully applicable, as to that of our own highly favoured country.

AS to the deſign or final cauſe of government, we feel no more doubt than with regard to its legitimate origin, or the proper ſource of the ruler's power. That is the general good of the people, as this is their general will. I ſhould bluſh for my country, or for myſelf, did I heſitate to ſay, that we are agreed in exploding the abſurd idea of the many being made for the few; and of rulers, as such, not living for the people, rather than the people for them: or did I ſuppoſe that it could be felt as any diſparagement by the latter, to be ſtyled the ſervants of the public. Their uſefulneſs is their honour; and they are great in proportion as they miniſter to the general good. This, however, does by no means ſuggeſt that a conſciouſneſs o • their being benefactors, ought to be their only reward.—While acting in character, they merit not only the eſteem and reſpect of the people, but have a right to find their own intereſts promoted by their exertions for the benefit of others. If they are ſervants, they are by no means ſlaves. They are not bound to give their labor to the public, without an honourable compenſation though in common with others, they ought to be under the influence of thoſe ſublime principles of patriotiſm and religion, which may induce them, when peculia • occaſion calls, to make ſuch ſacrifices for their country's welfare, as nothing but the gratitude and affection of their country can repay.

THIS repreſentation of the deſign of government and the ruler's power is not leſs agreeable to ſcripture, than it is to enlightened reaſon; and is indeed, ſuggeſted by the apoſtle in the words preceding the text. He ſpeaks of governors as ſent "for the puniſhment of evil-doers, and for the praiſe of them that do well." The office of the ruler or magiſtrate is not leſs honorable or neceſſary becauſe a part, and no ſmall part, of the good which it produces is of the negative kind, or conſiſts in preventing evil. And if the puniſhing or preventing of evil ſeem, according to the apoſtle's repreſentation, to be the object of government and its laws, rather than recompencing ſuch as do well: or we be ready to aſk why praiſe is the only recompenſe allotted to well-doing, while puniſhment is the portion of thoſe who do evil; we ſhall nevertheleſs find his manner of expreſſion ſufficiently accurate, if we conſider that well-doing, in the ſenſe here made uſe of, is its own reward. He who carefully obſerves the laws of ſociety; who is juſt, faithful, ſober and temperate, wiſely purſues the path of honeſt induſtry, finds his advantage in ſo doing, without any direct reward from the government under which he lives. Virtue tends to happineſs. Such is the conſtitution of heaven. This tendency, indeed, is often counteracted by the follies and vices of men. A virtuous individual might be happy in the ſtate of nature; at leaſt he might be free from thoſe evils and injuries againſt which government is calculated to protect him, if all around were as innocent and virtuous as he. The primary deſign of government, therefore is, not ſo much to render the ſubjects of it poſitively happy, as to prevent their being rendered miſerable by the violence, injuſtice, fraud or negligence of their fellow men. This appears to be in perfect conformity to the apoſtle PAUL's ideas, when he exhorts that "ſupplications, prayers, interceſſions and giving of thanks be made for all men; for kings, and for all that are in authority, that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life, in all godlineſs and honeſty."

IT is to be observed, however, that all laws are not of the penal kind, or deſigned to deter from the commiſſion of crimes. Some propoſe rewards. Their immediate object is to encourage exertions, in a particular line, calculated to promote the general good. And many others, though neither directly penal, nor of the kind laſt mentioned, are profeſſedly deſigned to increaſe the public emolument, ſtrength and proſperity, while they ſecure the peace and liberty of virtuous individuals. In a word, civil government, when wiſely and faithfully adminiſtered, is as really calculated as it is deſigned to improve the condition of mankind, and to widen the ſphere of their enjoyments, as well as to regulate and protect them. A very extenſive ſenſe may, therefore, be juſtly given to the Apoſtle's expreſſion, when ſpeaking of the civil ruler: "He is the miniſter of GOD to thee for good."

No man who impartially reads the exhortations of ST. PETER in the context, with thoſe of ST. PAUL in his epiſtle to the Romans, and in his charge to TITUS, relative to civil obedience and ſubjection; and recollects the language of our SAVIOUR, on which his conduct was ſo juſt a comment, with reference to the ſame ſubject, can refuſe to acknowledge that the Chriſtian religion ſufficiently inculcates ſubmiſſion to government, and looks with a very friendly aſpect on civil order and ſubordination.

INDEED, ſo ſtrongly and with ſo little limitation has chriſtianity enjoined ſubmiſſion to the ruling powers, as to give ſome degree of plauſibility to the charge of its being unfriendly to the liberty of the ſubject, and the unalienable rights of men. The doctrine of paſſive obedience and non-reſiſtance, ſo favourable to the ſelfiſh views and ambition of tyrants, and ſo degrading to the human character in general, has preſumed to derive its origin from this religion, or at leaſt, with confidence appealed to it for ſupport. It is preſumed, however, that the expreſſions in the New Teſtament, which ſeem moſt to favour the beloved doctrine of tyrants, may be fairly explained and accounted for, in ſuch a manner that they will appear to give no real countenance to ſuch a doctrine; and further, that upon an impartial view of the Chriſtian religion, we ſhall find abundant reaſon to acknowledge that it is moſt friendly to rational liberty, and that the ſpirit of it is moſt congenial to that of free governments.

THERE is good reaſon for ſuppoſing that the exhortations of the Apoſtles, recommending quiet ſubmiſſion to the ruling powers, were occaſioned, eſpecially by, and had a particular reference to a prejudice which then exiſted in the minds of the Gentiles, and was taken advantage of by the Jews, againſt the Chriſtians, as though they were enemies to all government, and thought themſelves on account of their relation to CHRIST, freed from all ſubjection to any earthly power. This prejudice probably aroſe from confounding Chriſtians with Jews; and knowing that principles of a very ſeditious nature, criminal to the Roman, and indeed to all civil government, were really held by a ſect among the latter, originated by JUDAS of Galilee, and on that account, called, Galileans, a name which, by the Heathens, was indiſcriminately given to the Chriſtians, in the early days of our religion.

As the principle attributed, though unjuſtly, to the Chriſtians, or at leaſt to Chriſtianity, was ſo ſubverſive of all order and government, it was of great importance that they ſhould carefully guard againſt every thing in their language and conduct, which might tend, in the leaſt to juſtify their enemies in fixing it upon them. This may well account for the Apoſtle's urging obedience to the ruling powers, in terms ſo ſtrong and abſolute; and explains their giving the following or a ſimilar reaſon for their thus preſſing it upon their Chriſtian brethren,—"That the word of God be not blaſphemed." It ſhews also, that their object was not to define the limits of ſubmiſſion, but to evince the obligation to ſubmiſſion in general. Can it then be fairly inferred from any thing which they have written, that our religion may be juſtly charged with being unfriendly to liberty, or giving any countenance to oppreſſive and tyrannical government? Would the charge be juſt, though we ſhould allow that it was the deſign of the Apoſtles to recommend to their Chriſtian brethren, in exiſting circumſtances, an unreſerved obedience to the ruling powers; not merely to ſuch as were good and juſt, but to all without exception, to the rulers of that day, who, it is well known, were ſufficiently deſpotic and oppreſſive? Certain it is, that had they undertaken to qualify the obedience of the ſubject, the end of their exhortations would have been fruſtrated; for they would by no means have vindicated themſelves, in the eyes of the government, from the ſcandal to which they were expoſed.

I AM ſenſible that our religion has been thought ſufciently defenſible againſt the imputation of teaching the ſlaviſh doctrine of unlimited obedience and paſſive ſubmiſſion, upon the idea that the ſacred writers, when they inculcate ſubjection, in the ſtrongeſt and moſt unqualified terms, ſtill diſcover, by the arguments which they make uſe of to inforce it, that they conſider govvernment and ruling powers as what they ought to be, not regarding what they really were: That they urge obedience upon the principle that the civil magiſtrate is the miniſter of GOD for good, unto the people, and therefore that their obligation to obedience cannot be inferred, when he ceaſes to maintain this character, and becomes their ſcourge and oppreſſor. But if this conſtruction of the apoſtolic writings, and particularly of ST. PAUL's reaſoning in the 13th chapter of Romans, be juſt, which, however, is not undiſputed, there appears to be no occaſion for having recourſe to it.

NEVERTHELESS, though it is allowed that chriſtianty does not profeſs to define the reſpective powers and rights of rulers and ſubjects, it is ſtill contended that the ſpirit of it is moſt congenial to that of free governments, and evidently favourable to rational liberty.

WE readily aſſent to our Saviour's declaration, when he ſaid, "my kingdom is not of this world." His immediate object was to improve the hearts, and mend the morals of mankind: To reconcile them to the Deity, and thus train them up as ſubjects of a ſpiritual and eternal kingdom. This object however, is in perfect conſiſtency with that of rendering them wiſer, better and happier, in every earthly relation, and of promoting the preſent welfare, both of individuals and ſocieties. It is manifeſtly, the tendency, and we need not heſitate to conſider it as the deſign, of his religion, to render men better citizens of the world as well as to make them meet for an heavenly inheritance; to give them more juſt ideas of, and diſpoſe them more faithfully to diſcharge, their reſpective duties, whatever their rank, ſtation or condition in life. It is, doubtleſs, agreeable to his will, and in perfect conformity to the deſign of his ſpiritual kingdom, that mankind ſhould avail themſelves of every inſtruction which may be deduced from his religion, for ſecuring liberty, peace and poſperity, and enhancing thoſe advantages which are derived from civil government, and the laws of ſociety.

THE ſpirit of Chriſtianity ought to be carried into the adminiſtration of every kind of government, and to regulate the conduct of all claſſes of men, from the higheſt to the loweſt, but it does not thence follow that genius and principles of ſome kinds of government are not more nearly allied to the ſpirit of this religion than others; or that it does not point to the election of one form, rather than another. And if there be any one form on which it looks with peculiar approbation, can we heſitate to ſay, it is the REPUBLICAN.

WHEN our Saviour ſaid to his diſciples, "All ye are brethren," did he not recognize or clearly countenance that fundamental principle of republicaniſm, the natural equality of men. I mean an equality with regard to certain natural and inherent rights; the only one which reaſon can ſucceſsfully undertake to defend, and which is in perfect conſiſtency with that difference and almoſt endleſs variety which is found among them, with reſpect to original capacity, aptitude to govern, education, riches, and influence derived from any of theſe ſources, or from all combined.

IT was not neceſſary that the author of our religion ſhould more fully avow that important maxim of all free government, that rulers are inveſted with power not principally, for their own ſakes, but for the good of the community; or that he ſhould more clearly diſcountenance the idea of hereditary power, and greatneſs derived from titles and diſtinctions, not founded on merit, than he did, when he ſaid to his followers, "Ye know that the princes of the Gentiles exerciſe dominion over them, and they that are great exerciſe authority upon them; but ſo it ſhall not be among you: But whoſoever would be great among you, let him be your miniſter, and whoſoever will be chief among you, let him be your ſervant."

HE did not ſay, reject thoſe kinds of government which cheriſh ſentiments tending to depreſs, and hold in vaſſalage the great maſs of the people; in which numbers of the community live in idleneſs and luxury, upon the labours of the reſt, and enjoy privileges and exemptions, greatly oppreſſive to the degraded multitude: But he ſaid by his Apoſtles, "Be ye, all of you ſubject one to another—Bear ye one another's burdens—And, ſerve one another in love." And he diſcovered in a ſtriking manner, an impartial concern for all his brethren, when repreſented as ſaying, "Inaſmuch as ye did it to the leaſt of theſe, ye did it unto me."

HE has not ſaid that governments, in order to their being free, muſt be elective; that all the members of the community are entitled to a voice, mediately or immediately, in chooſing their rulers, and making the laws by which they are governed; or to a degree of weight in the general ſcale. But he has, by his Apoſtle, commanded us to honour all men; and has compared the Chriſtian ſociety to the human body; repreſenting all the members of it as connected with, and mutually dependent on each other; ſo that "the eye cannot ſay to the hand, I have no need of thee; nor, again, the head to the feet, I have no need of you." We are taught that "GOD hath tempered the body together, ſo that there ſhould be no ſchiſm therein, but that the members ſhould have the ſame care one of another; and whether one member ſuffer, all the members ſuffer with it; or one member be honoured, all the members rejoice with it."

THE Apoſtle enjoins obedience and fidelity to their own maſters, on all in a ſtate of ſervitude; but adds, "if thou mayeſt be free, chooſe it rather," that we might not be left in doubt, which of thoſe two ſtates had the preference in his mind.

IF it be thought of peculiar importance, in order to determine what kind of government is moſt agreeable to the ſpirit and principles of Chriſtianity, to enquire what form the Author of it inſtituted in his church; may I be permitted, without ſeeming to wander too far from the preſent occaſion, or to enter too deeply into a diſputed queſtion, to obſerve, conciſely—that if we except what may be called Theocratic in this government, particularly the appointment of its firſt officers, by CHRIST himſelf, and the extraordinary powers with which theſe officers were inveſted, for the purpoſe of ſucceſsfully propagating a religion, ſo ſtrongly oppoſed by the luſts, paſſions and prejudices of the world: If we attend to the direct evidence which we have from the New Teſtament, that one ſpecies of officers was elected by the brethren: If we conſider that the Apoſtles do not appear to have had any proper ſucceſſors, the end of their office being anſwered in the witneſs which they gave to the reſurrection of CHRIST, and the foundation which they laid for tranſmitting his religion to future generations: If we recollect that, by Apoſtolic direction, cenſure was to be inflicted on an offending brother, in an aſſembly of the whole church; that no brother was forbidden to ſpeak and exhort in their religious aſſemblies; and, to mention no more, that there was, for a time, a community of goods, among the early Chriſtians—the concluſion appears to be juſt and obvious, that, ſo far as CHRIST has inſtituted any particular kind of laſting government for his church; and ſo far as this is pointed out to us, by the authority or example of the New Teſtament writers, it partakes largely and moſt ſtrongly of the REPUBLICAN and ELECTIVE form.

I ONLY add, that the friendly aſpect of our religion on the cauſe of liberty in general, and of conſequence, on the moſt free governments, is clearly viſible in the whole tenor and tendency of its precepts, which is to promote, not only the divine, but all the benevolent and ſocial virtues; to cheriſh that charity which worketh no ill to his neighbour, and to deter men from every act of injuſtice, treachery or unkindneſs, whereby the rights and liberties of any of their brethren might be violated; in the exhortations which are given to chriſtians, to ſtand faſt in the liberty wherewith they are made free; not to be the ſervants of men; not to call any man maſter on earth; not to affect being called Rabbi, and not to exerciſe lordly dominion over each other.

PERHAPS I ought to apologiſe for dwelling ſo long upon a point, on which this reſpectable audience may be ſuppoſed to have felt themſelves previouſly agreed. It is hoped, however, that an attempt to illuſtrate the indirect teſtimony which the beſt of religious furniſhes, in favour of our own conſtitutions of government, will not be deemed an improper one, by the friends, either of republicaniſm or chriſtianity.

WHAT has been already ſaid, is I truſt, more than ſufficient to explain the occaſion of the apoſtles words, in the text, and their meaning as they relate to that occaſion. This appears to be, that it was the will of GOD, with reſpect to the chriſtians to whom he wrote, that they ſhould with due ſubjection to the civil powers, ſilence the ignorance of fooliſh men; or the objections and complaints of all, who, through prejudice, or want of acquaintance with them, and their religion, accuſed them of principles or practices unfriendly to government. Such ſubjection, we have reaſon to conclude, was the well doing eſpecially intended. But taking the words in a more general ſenſe, though ſtill as relating to government, and the duties connected with it, may they not, with propriety, be recommended to the attention both of rulers and ſubjects, eſpecially at a time when party ſpirit is ſo prevalent, that not a few of both find themſelves expoſed to cenſures which they ought not to deſerve, and which they muſt naturally wiſh to ſilence?

BUT it may be aſked, will not ignorance and folly be forever clamorous? Muſt not he who attempts to ſilence them, undertake an helpleſs taſk? Can it be the will of GOD that we ſhould perform impoſſibilities? Is it not enough that we ſhould be required to prevent or ſilence the complaints of the candid and judicious? To the following conſtruction, which is preſumed to be the true one, there can be no difficulty in aſſenting: That it is the duty of all to endeavour, by well doing, in their reſpective ſtations and relations, to prevent every juſt ground of complaint againſt them; and to conduct in ſuch a manner as will have the moſt probable tendency to put to ſilence even the ignorant and fooliſh.

PERMIT me now to ſuggeſt, that if rulers would conform to the will of GOD, and the ſpirit of what is recommended in the text, they will feel themſelves obliged, practically to remember the origin of government, and the ſource of their authority and power. If they duly conſider that civil government is the ordinance of GOD, they will view themſelves as his miniſters, and charged with an important commiſſion from him who "ſtandeth in the congregation of the mighty, and judgeth among the GODS." They will feel an elevation calculated, not to foſter pride, but to inſpire noble ſentiments, and the moſt generous and laudable kind of ambition; and cheriſh that ſelf reſpect which will render them cautious and circumſpect in their deportment, and fearful of ſinking the dignity of the ruler in the vices or follies of the man. They will remember the character of him whoſe miniſters and repreſentatives they are; they will take heed that they do not, by unfaithfulneſs, negligence, ſelfiſhneſs, or any baſeneſs of behaviour, miſrepreſent and diſhonor HIM who has put ſuch honor upon them; and carefully endeavour to manifeſt unto all who witneſs their adminiſtration, that they know him who exerciſeth loving kindneſs, and judgment and righteouſneſs, in the earth. They will not forget that being raiſed above their brethren, in authority, does not render them leſs accountable to HIM who is the judge of all the earth; but rather, will be ſeriouſly impreſſed with the intereſting importance of that divine maxim, unto whom much is given, of him will much be required.

REMEMBERING also that their power is not derived immediately from GOD, but through the intervention of thoſe, over whom their power is extended, they will feel the propriety and importance of reſpecting the people, as well as themſelves. This caution is uſually applicable to rulers, in all kinds of government, even the moſt deſpotic: For, in all "the phyſical ſtrength reſides in the governed; and this ſtrength wants only to be felt and rouſed, to lay proſtrate the moſt ancient and confirmed dominion." But eſpecially may it be recommended to republican rulers, whoſe authority, while in common with that of others it derives its ſupport from public opinion, is more ſenſibly and immediately dependent on the ſuffrages and general will of the governed. We reprobate the inconſiſtent idea of power, delegated to the rulers, remaining, at the ſame time, in the hands of the people: Yet, in governments like ours, where all delegated power may be ſaid, by means of frequent elections, to return, after ſhort intervals, to thoſe who gave it; and their right to change even the conſtitution, when the public good may require, is clearly acknowledged, there appears to be a peculiar propriety in rulers treating the general opinion, and feelings of the people, with delicacy and reſpect. And this, not merely for their own advantage, and with a view to the more certain enjoyment of the public confidence and affection, but alſo from a patriotic regard to the general welfare and tranquillity; that the people may not be furniſhed with a plea for attempting, or wiſhing, frequently, to ſhake foundations, and make injudicious or dangerous changes in the conſtitution.

IT is a dictate of ſound policy, as well as of chriſtian morality, that we ſhould, not only endeavor to do that which is right and good, but, if poſſible, to do it in ſuch a manner that our good may not be evil ſpoken of. It is, by no means, inconſiſtent with that firmneſs, and reſolute adherence to what appears to be right, which characterizes a good ruler, to aim, habitually, at providing things honeſt in the ſight of men; and to ſtrive by manifeſtation of the truth, to commend himſelf to every man's conſcience, in the ſight of GOD.

AGAIN, if rulers do what is in their power to put to ſilence the ignorance of fooliſh men, they will practically remember the DESIGN OF GOVERNMENT, or the end for which they are inveſted with authority. In the whole of their adminiſtration, they will direct their aim, and point their endeavours to the general good. Whatever ſphere they move in the ſyſtem of government, this will be the centre towards which their views and actions will tend. They will diveſt themſelves, as much as poſſible of ſelfiſh, of local, and of party prejudices. If they are legiſlators, they will, in making laws, ever conſult the good of the whole community. And though it may be often proper to make ſuch, as are deſigned to benefit, more immediately, a part, yet they will conſent to none, which, in their view, will operate injuriouſly with reſpect to the whole. And if their office be to execute the laws, they will be guided by the ſame principle. They will view all claſſes and conditions of men with an equal eye. They will not employ their power and influence to oppreſs the poor, in judgment; or ſcreen the guilty from deſerved puniſhment, on account of their riches or honors. They will not bear the ſword in vain, by neglecting the duties required of them; or from ſiniſter motives, overlooking crimes which they ought to puniſh; but in ſuch a manner as to be a terror to evil doers, while they are a praiſe to them who do well.

FURTHER, if rulers would, as much as poſſible, ſecure themſelves from cenſure, by conforming to the will of GOD, it highly concerns them to conſider the influence of religion upon the preſent happineſs of mankind. Upon the acknowledged principle, that religion, if not abſolutely neceſſary to the exiſtence, is greatly conducive to the order, peace and welfare of civil ſociety, they will feel themſelves bound to make all that proviſion for diſſeminating the knowledge, and enforcing the practice of it, among the people, which is conſiſtent with the rights of conſcience; rights which they will ever hold ſacred, and never preſume to violate, even with a view to promoting what they may eſteem the greateſt good of the community; ſenſible that they, equally with others, are bound by the prohibition, not to do evil that good may come. They will, upon the ſame principle, and under the conviction, that it does not appertain to them to decree articles of faith or modes of worſhip, protect all denominations in the peaceable exerciſe of their religion, and in worſhipping GOD according to the dictates of their conſciences. Conſiſtently, however, with the above mentioned conviction; and that ſuch protection may be effectually granted, they will, not only feel themſelves at liberty, but under obligation to reſtrain the licentiouſneſs of thoſe, who, regardleſs of all religious inſtitutions, would throw down the barriers, deſigned to ſeparate from others, that day which is peculiarly devoted to the public worſhip of GOD.

THE ruler's reſpect for religion may, and ought to be diſcovered alſo by diſtinguiſhing thoſe who appear to reverence its laws, in the diſtribution of public offices; ſo far, at leaſt, as a due regard to other qualifications will permit. If they would ſilence the ignorance of the fooliſh, or give no occaſion to the judicious and well diſpoſed to cenſure their conduct, they will follow the direction given to the Iſraelites, reſpecting the choice of their rulers and judges—provide ſuch as fear GOD, as well as able men, and haters of covetouſneſs. Their eyes will be upon the faithful of the land, to honor and promote them; nor will they ſuffer conſiderations of friendſhip, affinity, or ſelf intereſt to outweigh thoſe of perſonal character.

BUT there is yet another way in which their regard for religion may be moſt effectually expreſſed, and this is, exhibiting in their own characters, that which it is their duty to honour in others. It is poſſible that men may reſpect religion in others, who do not habitually feel its influence themſelves; at leaſt, they may occaſionally diſtinguiſh and honor it, when their own authority, intereſt, or favorite ſchemes may be promoted by ſo doing. It would, however, be with faint hopes of ſucceſs, ſhould we recommend to men deſtitute of religious principle, the making of ſuch principle an object in the appointment of others to places of power and truſt. And indeed, with reſpect to their own fidelity, and uniform attention to the duties of their office, we cannot feel that confidence in men, who profeſs not to be governed by higher motives than thoſe of honour, civil virtue or regard to reputation, which we cheerfully repoſe in ſuch as give us the additional ſecurity, which is derived from thoſe ſublime principles by which religion, and eſpecially the chriſtian religon, awes, controuls, directs and animates its votaries.

IN connexion with what has been now ſaid, it is natural to obſerve, that if rulers would hope to avoid, not merely the clamours of ignorance and folly, but the frowns of knowledge and virtue, they muſt be exemplary in their own reſpect for, and obedience to thoſe laws by which they are inſtrumental in binding their brethren. If they treat their own inſtitutions with practical contempt, they will be juſtly chargeable with the abſurdity of pulling down with one hand, what they build with the other. It is of as real importance that they ſhould govern, as that the miniſters of religion ſhould inſtruct and purſuade, by example.

THE inquiry, how the ſubjects of government ought to conduct, that they may comply with the ſpirit of the inſtruction given in the text, now demands our attention. The ſum of the anſwer we may find in the words immediately following. "As free, and not uſing your liberty as a cloke of maliciouſneſs, but as the ſervants of GOD."

AS HIS ſervants, it becometh them to remember that ſubmiſſion to government is a duty, than which ſcarcely any one appears to be more clearly enjoined by HIM. Reaſon teaches us that whatever tends to promote the happineſs of mankind, is agreeable to the benevolent author of our beings. For the necessity, importance and ſalutary tendency of government, of laws and magiſtrates, to be a terror to evil doers, and a protection, as well as praiſe to them that do well, we need not appeal merely to the feelings of thoſe who have ſuffered in their perſons, their property or their connexions, by the audacious wickedneſs of the high-way robber, or the inſidious, and even more alarming villany of the midnight thief, incendiary and aſſaſſin. On this point general experience abundantly confirms the deciſion of reaſon. The concluſion is obvious. The voice of revelation, alſo, is clear and deciſive upon our obligation to civil obedience: So clear, that we may ſafely pronounce real enemies to government, to civil order and ſubordination, practical enemies, at leaſt, to our holy religion. Whatever they may be in name, they are not chriſtians in ſpirit and in truth. To declare any one, an enemy to government in general, is therefore a high and grievous charge. It may be, and, no doubt, often is miſapplied. This may be the language of ignorance, of folly, of prejudice or malice, as well as the complaints which are too often uttered againſt thoſe by whom government is adminiſtered. Nothing which ſober reaſon dictates, or which CHRIST, or his apoſtles have taught, on this ſubject, furniſhes any juſt ground for the pretence, that reſiſtance to the ruling powers is, in all caſes, contrary to the will of GOD, and the ſpirit of our religion: Much leſs, that all diſapprobation of, or ſpeaking againſt the meaſures of thoſe in authority, is criminal. We have not ſo learned CHRIST, nor the principles of civil ſubjection. In this reſpect we may, and ought to conduct as free. But if we would do what we ought to prevent or ſilence complaints, with regard to the uſe which we make of our liberty, we muſt conſider the ill conſequences of a groundleſs diminution of the public confidence, in our civil rulers. We muſt remember that although they may not introduce more of myſtery into their adminiſtration, than particular circumſtances, or the general nature of government may require, yet we are not capable of knowing, in all caſes, at leaſt, immediately, the motives which influence their conduct. Their means of information are more perfect, and their field of viſion more extenſive than thoſe of private individuals. Theſe conſiderations will dictate candour and tenderneſs, in the judgments which we form of their public conduct, in thoſe inſtances which appear moſt doubtful, or liable to ſuſpicion; and are calculated to produce a habit of manly and generous, though not of blind and implicit confidence, in the uprightneſs of their views, and the wiſdom of their meaſures. The ſame conſiderations ſhould alſo inſpire us with the truly patriotic reſolution, of ſtanding forth in the defence of our rulers, when we conceive them to have done well, and their meaſures to be unjuſtly attacked; and induce us, by enlightening, according to our ability, the ignorant, to ſilence, if poſſible, their groundleſs complaints. Permit me to obſerve, that ſuch a kind of confidence, as has been recommended, may, with peculiar juſtice, be expected of the ſubjects of ſuch a government as our own, in which all the rulers are, either directly or indirectly, appointed by the people: Since, in cenſuring them we do, in ſome meaſure, caſt a reflection on our own, or at leaſt, the public wiſdom or integrity.

WHILE we hold faſt the liberty of private judgment, and aſſert our right to inveſtigate and diſcuſs the meaſures of government, if we would give no juſt occaſion of offence, we ſhall exerciſe this right with prudence and decency. We ſhall appeal to diſpaſſionate reaſon and argument; and not have recourſe to reviling, ſcurrility and abuſe. Thoſe do but injure a good cauſe, while they render a doubtful one, ſtill more ſuſpicious. Need I add, that falſehood and deception, however they may be viewed by the optics of corrupt policy, or violent party zeal, are a kind of weapons which will be rejected with abhorrence, by every true friend of liberty, of government, and his country.

THE man to whom this character belongs, whatever his ſentiments may be on diſputed political queſtions, will, we may expect, quietly yield up private opinion to that of the pubic, as expreſſed by the conſtituted organs of the general voice; ſo far at leaſt, as to ſubmit, without difficulty or oppoſition, to its eſtabliſhed effects. He will rejoice in the proſperity of his country, whether it were produced by the means which he preferred, or not. And with reſpect to meaſures which involve only the queſtion of expediency, not that of juſtice and right, will feel willing that events ſhould determine their wiſdom or impropriety.

I ONLY obſerve further, that a due regard to the will of GOD, and the peace, order and welfare of ſociety, will deter him from imputing to thoſe who differ from him, in ſome of their ſentiments, on public meaſures, worſe motives and intentions than their conduct clearly indicates; and from exaſperating the ſpirit of party, when already too violent for the health of the political body.

FROM what has been ſaid of the friendly aſpect of the chriſtian religion on civil liberty, and the congeniality of its ſpirit to that of the moſt free governments, we may infer, that as conformity to its principles and obedience to its precepts prevail, the rights of men will be more thoroughly underſtood, and more ſacredly regarded.

AND may we not view it, at leaſt, as probable, that the extenſion of republican principles and forms of government will accompany that ſpreading of the goſpel, in its power and purity, which the ſcripture prophecies repreſent as conſtituting the glory of the latter days? The ſurpriſing changes and revolutions which have taken, and are taking place in Europe, loudly pronounce the preſent an eventful period. Whether they be not the wheels, in the grand machinery of providence, which are to have a diſtinguiſhed efficiency in haſtening the fulfilment of ancient predictions, relative to the downfal of anti-chriſtian and tyrannical power, and thus introducing the reign of truth, of peace, and equal liberty, is an inquiry which may well arreſt the attention of every ſerious and enlightened believer in revelation.

NOR am I deterred from offering the above ſuggeſtion, by reflecting that the great and formidable Republic, which makes ſo conſpicuous a figure on the bloody theatre, has, in the midſt of revolutionary violence, and their zeal for deſtroying the corrupt appendages of the chriſtian religion, made war upon chriſtianity itſelf: Nor by a review of thoſe attendant enormities, from which humanity ever muſt, and, as we have reaſon to hope, the nation among whom they were perpetrated now generally does, turn away with abhorrence: Nor by any thing which may be juſtly thought equivocal, or alarming in their preſent deſigns or conduct, relative to us, or to ſurrounding nations.

To the prevalence of infidelity, and an unparalleled proſtration of chriſtian principles and inſtitutions, may be juſtly attributed, in no ſmall degree, thoſe ſhocking evils which tarniſhed the glory of their wonderful revolution. Nor let us haſtily conclude that the ſtrange and impious attempts to baniſh chriſtianity, in the days of anarchy and confuſion, will prove effectual to hold it in laſting exile;—or prevent its return, in an improved and more rational form, to bleſs the reign of order, peace and ſettled government. Beſides, we acknowledge that the power and wiſdom of the Deity are often exerciſed in bringing good out of evil. HE diſappointeth the devices of the crafty, carrieth headlong the counſel of the froward, and bringeth about the moſt important events, by the means which they make uſe of to defeat them. We remember how the enemies of CHRIST flattered themſelves that they had effectually cruſhed his power and cauſe, when they accompliſhed his death, though that very event was the corner ſtone on which his kingdom was erected. We recollect that the Aſſyrian monarch is called the rod of GOD's anger; and that the righteous deſigns of the Almighty Ruler were carried into effect through his inſtrumentality, though he meant not ſo, neither did his heart think ſo; but it was in his heart to deſtroy and cut off nations, not a few. And we aſſent to the ſcripture declaration: "Surely the wrath of man ſhall praiſe thee; the remainder of wrath ſhalt thou reſtrain."

REFLECTING on the legitimate origin, and deſign of civil government, what abundant reaſon have we to felicitate ourſelves on being the inhabitants of a country, in which the former is ſo clearly, and practically recognized, and the latter ſo rationally and happily purſued! It is our happy lot to live under civil conſtitutions "which unite, and by their union eſtabliſh, liberty with order;" the latter of which is not leſs eſſential to our permanent welfare, than liberty itſelf. We are citizens not merely of a ſingle COMMONWEALTH, but alſo, of a FEDERAL REPUBLIC, which unites, for general defence, and many important purpoſes, under one common head, a number of diſtinct States, poſſeſſed of qualified ſovereignty, ſpread over an extensive country; and thus, without endangering freedom, or giving up any thing eſſential to the republican form of government, in a great meaſure, if not entirely, obviates the often repeated objection againſt this form, as being compatible only to a ſmall extent of territory.

NOR are our religious rights leſs firmly ſecured to us than our civil. Not by legal eſtabliſhments. Not by any other alliance between the church and ſtate, than what conſiſts in that rational reſpect which each entertains for the other, founded on a conviction of the importance, both of religion and government, to the happineſs of ſociety. While religion, and the chriſtian religion is countenanced, if not directly patronized by the ruling powers, every man is at liberty to worſhip GOD in the manner which his conſcience dictates to be right. The citizens of the UNITED STATES are highly favoured, in as much as they are not ſhackled in their inquiries, by the baneful influence of a powerful and bigoted hierarchy, on the one hand; nor, with pleaſing confidence, I add, taught by general infidelity and irreligion, in their civil rulers, to ſlight the inſtitutions of Chriſtianity, or to neglect the ſupport, or deſpiſe the inſtructions of their ſpiritual teachers, on the other.

THAT the great body of the people are poſſeſſed of an uncommon degree of valuable knowledge, compared with moſt, if not all other nations, with whom we are acquainted; that the arts and ſciences are flouriſhing; that the means of education are improving, as well as increaſing, and that religion is generally reſpected, amongſt us, are conſiderations which tend to confirm the pleaſing hope, that the TEMPLE OF LIBERTY which has been erected in this Weſtern world, will be as renowned for its duration, as it is for the harmony of its proportions, and the ſimple elegance of its ſtructure.

WERE we to take a review, (which however, the time will not permit,) of the various ſcenes through which we have paſſed, in our progreſs from a ſtate of dependence on a diſtant power, whoſe impolitic meaſures for ſecuring, more firmly, our ſubjection, were the means of loſing it entirely, to our preſent ſtate of independence, proſperity, wealth and reſpectability, the recollection might well excite a throng of emotions in our breaſts, among which, gratitude to heaven would juſtly claim the preeminence. For it was not our own arm that ſaved us; but the right hand of the LORD, and his arm, and the light of his countenance. This pious affection, however by no means forbids, and, I truſt, will not exclude the gratitude ſo juſtly due to thoſe patriotic warriors and ſtateſmen, whom heaven has honoured, in making them important inſtruments of our political ſalvation and national proſperity. Among this band of worthies, it would be unnatural and unjuſt, not to diſtinguiſh the late illuſtrious Preſident of the United States. Viewing him both in his military and civil character, and tracing him through the whole courſe of his patriotic and benevolent labours, who will deny that he has well done, and deſerved moſt highly of his country? May that retirement, to which he has been followed by an unparalleled ſhare of the public applauſe, eſteem and gratitude, be as happy as it is dignified; and the evening of his life as peaceful and ſerene, as its day has been active and uſeful!

WHILE we cheerfully pay this tribute of reſpect to the diſtinguiſhed merits of the retired Preſident, we diſclaim the idea, of our political ſalvation or proſperity depending on the name or the virtues of a ſingle citizen, however illuſtrious. Let the well known abilities, the extenſive political knowledge, the integrity and patriotiſm of that highly reſpectable character, who now fills the first ſeat in our national government, be our juſtification in ſo doing. And let the general ſatisfaction with which the reſult of a late intereſting election was received; and the confidence, and ſpirit of conciliation with which both the firſt and ſecond in command, appear to be viewed by the people at large, ſuffice to falſify the gloomy predictions, and diſappoint the fears and hopes of ſuch as have, either kindly trembled for our ſafety, or viewed with a jealous eye, our riſing greatneſs and reſpectability.

AMONG the public cauſes of joy and gratitude, it is far from the leaſt, that we have been enabled to realize the invaluable bleſſing of peace, while other nations, with whom we are connected, have ſo ſeverely experienced the calamities of war. Our joy has, however, lately felt a check, and a cloud has, in a degree, obſcured the face of our national proſperity, in conſequence of the miſunderſtanding which has taken place, between our government and the Republic of France. Nevertheleſs, we truſt that thoſe ties which bind the two nations to each other, will not be lightly broken by either; and that both underſtand their honour and intereſt too well, to widen, rather than attempt healing the unhappy breach. With reſpect to our own government, we feel full confidence that, from a conviction of the undiminiſhed value of peace, and a due regard to the dictates of general benevolence, they will be induced, before an appeal is made to the ſword, to purſue the expedient of negociation, as far as national dignity will permit: Farther than this, it is preſumed, no citizen of independent America will wiſh them to go; or patiently bear the humiliating idea of being controuled, or dictated to, by any foreign nation whatever.

THE aged and venerable chief Magiſtrate of this Commonwealth,His Excellency SAMUEL ADAMS, Eſq. now that he is retiring from the chair of government, to which he has been repeatedly raiſed by his fellow-citizens, who have thus clearly expreſſed their grateful ſenſe of his paſt exertions, in the cauſe of freedom and his country, will be pleaſed to accept our warmeſt wiſhes for his health and happineſs; That peace may crown his latter days; that he may live to ſee, and rejoice in the increaſing proſperity of his country, and finally realize the bleſſedneſs promiſſed to the faithful diſciples of CHRIST.

WHEN we extend our views forward, to a ſucceſſor, in this high and honorable office, it is with much ſatiſfaction that we obſerve the prevailing ſuffrages of the people pointing us to a CHARACTER,His Excellency INCREASE SUMNER, Eſq. in whom we can feel ſo ſtrong confidence, that he will faithfully and uniformly endeavour to promote the true intereſt of this Commonwealth, in connexion, and conſiſtency with that of the United States.

HIS Honor, the Lieutenant Governor, His Honor MOSES GILL, Eſq. will accept our congratulations, on the renewed teſtimony which he has received of the eſteem and confidence of his fellow citizens. By ſtill exerting himſelf to ſerve them, in that honorable ſtation, to which their ſo general ſuffrages have called him, may he enhance their eſteem and approbation, as well as the final rewards of fidelity.

MAY the Honourable Senate, and House of Repreſentatives, in the elections of this day, and all their future deliberations and deciſions, be actuated by the pureſt of motives; a regard to the honour of GOD, and the happineſs of thoſe who have placed confidence in their wiſdom and integrity. We truſt they will not forget the ſalutary influence of religion, on the welfare of civil ſociety, nor the peculiar importance of the general diffuſion of knowledge, in a Republic. We therefore anticipate their ſolicitous, and unremitted concern, not only for our Univerſity, and Academies, but for thoſe ſmaller and more common ſeminaries of learning, on which our dependence, for the general diſſemination of the moſt uſeful knowledge, and a great part of the benefit of public religious inſtruction, muſt ultimately reſt. Happy will it be for the people, and happier ſtill, in the end, for themſelves, if they conſcientiouſly purſue the way of well-doing: If, by their laws, their influence and example, they endeavour to diſcourage vice, and honour and promote that righteouſneſs which exalteth a nation, while it lays the only ſure foundation of happineſs to individuals, both temporal and eternal. For, if to the character of good rulers, they join that of good men, though they ſhould not be able, at all times, to ſilence the ignorant and fooliſh, they will ſecure the approbation of the wiſe and candid; and above all, they will be glorious in the eyes of the LORD.

THIS whole aſſembly is reminded of the obligation which lies upon them to do well, not merely by ſubjection to government, and giving honour, to all among their fellow-men, to whom honour is due, but by uniform ſubmiſſion to the will, and impartial reſpect to all the commandments of the SUPREME RULER of the world. Let us rejoice that we are called unto liberty, and that our ſubmiſſion to government is ſo rational a ſervice. But let us take heed that we do not uſe our liberty either civil or religious, as a cloke of maliciouſneſs. Let us not ſhow ourſelves unworthy of the former, either by unreaſonable and groundleſs complaints of our rulers on the one hand, or blind and ſervile confidence in them on the other: By neglecting or abuſing the important privilege of election, which we ſo freely enjoy; nor by loſing ſight of the principles and ſpirit of thoſe excellent conſtitutions of government, under which we live. And let us not abuſe the latter, by injuſtice, fraud and falſehood; by luxury, intemperance and corrupting diſſipation; nor by infidelity, profaneneſs, and contemptuous diſregard of religious inſtitutions. But duly appreciating the merits, both of the government and the religion with which we are bleſſed, let it be our great concern, to crown the virtues of the citizen with thoſe of the chriſtian: Thus firmly laying the foundation of a joyful hope, that when the ſolemn period ſhall arrive, which will level all diſtinctions, but thoſe of the moral kind, we may find a place among the juſt made perfect; and with all thoſe, who, by patient continuance in welldoing, have ſought glory, honour, immortality, enter on the enjoyment of eternal life.