A view of Northumberland with an excursion to the abbey of Mailross in Scotland. By W. Hutchinson: [pt.1]



By W. HUTCHINSON Anno. 1776.






A Deſire of collecting into one view, the obſervations and opinions of former writers, on the Hiſtory and Antiquities of Northumberland, firſt induced me to make this compilation; for ſuch with the utmoſt deference, I muſt call it.

The utility of a work of this kind, to the generality of readers, is obvious; as a competent knowledge of the county may be attained, without the labour and expence of turning over many volumes, from whence my authorities were deduced.

I have added deſcriptions of remarkable objects, in their preſent ſtate, with drawings of ſome of the principal ones; and have endeavoured to preſerve a ſtrict impartiality through the whole.

There are interſperſed through the work many original papers, found among the manuſcripts of the late Antiquary, Roger Gale, Eſq communicated to me by a particular friend; in which the reader will find ſeveral obſervations, made by him and his learned correſpondents,* on the antiquities of this county, never before publiſhed.


A Genealogical Table of the Kings of Bernicia and Deira, and of thoſe united Provinces under the Title of Kings of Northumberland.

  • [...] Ida 1ſt King of Bernicia. [...]
  • Theſe are ſaid to be the Iſſue of Ida's Brother.
  • Ad [...] Glappa 3d King of Bern [...]cia. [...]
  • AD, 1 [...]. Theodwald his brother, 4th King of Bernicia. [...]
  • AD. [...]. Frethulf 2d brother to Glappa 5th King of Bernicia. [...]
  • Iſſue by his Queen.
  • [...] Adda 2d King of Bernicia. [...]
  • AD [...] Ethelric 2d King of Northumberland AD [...]
  • [...] Ethelfrith 3d King of Northumberland
  • Iſſue by his Queen.
  • AD [...] Eanfrid 7th King of Bernicia. O. [...]34
  • AD 634 Oſwald 5th King of Northumb. O 642
  • Oſwald married Kineburg, Daughter of Cynegils King of the Weſt Saxons, by whom he had
  • AD 653. Ethelwald 4th King of Deira. where he died not known.
  • Oſwine.
  • Oſſac
  • Oſwid.
  • Oſſa.
  • Oſſ [...]a.
  • Oſwitha and Ebba both Nuns.
  • Iſſue by a Concubine.
  • AD 641. Oſwco 8th King of Bernicia. O. [...]
  • He added Deira to his Crown and ſubjugated Mercia. He married Eanfled daughter of Edwine,
  • By whom he had Iſſue.
  • AD. 6 [...]0. Egfrid 6th King of Northumber. Ob 6 [...].
  • Elfwine ſlain in Battle.
  • Elfleda a Nun.
  • Oſtrid married Chelred King of Mercia.
  • By a Concubine.
  • AD. [...]6. Alcfrid 7th King of Northumber. Ob [...]05.
  • He married Kenburg, the Daughter of Penda King of Mercia, and had Iſſue,
  • AD. 705. Oſred 8th King of Northumber. Ob 716.
  • AD 759 Ethelwald 14th King of Northumber. Aſſaſſinated.
  • AD 759 Ethelred 16th King of Northumber. Dethroned & again reſtored.
  • Tedbald ſlain by the Scots.
  • AD [...] Theoderic 6th King of Bernicia. [...]
  • Edric.
  • Oſmer.
  • Theo [...]dum
  • Iſſue by Concubines.
  • Alric.
  • Bla [...]mo [...].
  • Bo [...]ſa.
  • Blen [...]am
  • Eanwin.
  • AD. [...]. Alured 15th King of Northumber. Dethroned.
  • Alcmund ſlain by Eardulf.
  • AD. [...]91. Oſred 18th King of Northumber. Fied.
  • AD. 182. Alfwold 17th King of Northumber. Ob. 791.
  • Ogga.
  • Ead [...]h [...]
  • E [...]gwald
  • Eata.
  • AD. 788. Egbert 12th King of Northumber. Became a Monk.
  • AD. 758. Oſwulf 13th King of Northumber. [...].
  • Cuthwine.
  • AD. 716. Cenred 9th King of Northumber. Ob 7 [...].
  • AD. 718. Oſric the Son of Alfrid 10th King of Northumber. Ob. 7 [...].
  • Cutha.
  • AD. 731. Ceolwlf 11th King of Northumber. Became a Monk.
  • [...].
  • Off [...].
  • [...]egota.
  • Segothae.
  • AD [...]. Aelle 1ſt King of Deira. [...]
  • He united the Provinces of Deira and Bernicia, and was 1ſt King of Northumberland, 587.
  • AD 61 [...]. Edwine 4th King of Northumber. Ob. 633.
  • 1ſt Wife. Cwenburga, Daughter of Ceorl King of Mercia.
  • Osfrid both ſlain in the King of
  • Egfrid Battle with Penda Mercia.
  • 2d Wife. Ethelburga Daughter of Ethelbert King of Kent
  • Ethelm died in his Youth.
  • Uſkfrea died at the Court of France.
  • Enfleda married Oſwy King of Northumber.
  • Ethelrida died in Infancy.
  • AD [...]. Oſric the Son of Elfric. 2d King of Deira. Ob 6 [...].
  • AD. 642. Oſwine 2d King of Deira. Ob. [...].



BEFORE I enter upon the following deſcriptive View of the county of Northumberland, it appears neceſſary to take notice of the Roman poſſeſſion of this territory; and to collect into a ſeparate chronological claſs, the ſtate of regal authority therein, under the Saxon heptarchy.

The kingdom of Northumberland, as eſtabliſhed in the reign of Aelle, comprehended the two Britiſh provinces of Bernicia and Deira; and extended from the rivers Merſey and Humber on the ſouth, to Liddiſdale, Cheviot Hills, and the river Tweed on the north; and from eaſt to weſt, from the German Ocean to the Iriſh Channel.

The etymologies given by Camden of the name of Northumberland, are from the Saxon Norƿanhumbra ric, the kingdom of Northumberland, and Norƿanhumber-lond, lands north of Humber.* The provincial name of Bernicia the ſame author derives from the Britiſh appellation given to the inhabitants of Guir Brinaich Mountaineers.

The ſcene of my attention in this work, is that part only of this extenſive territory, which retains the name Northumberland; bounded towards the eaſt by the German Ocean, towards the weſt by the county of Cumberland, towards the north by the river Tweed and the ſhire of Roxborough, and towards the ſouth by the county palatine of Durham.

This diſtrict, at the time the Romans firſt entered it, was inhabited by the Otadini towards the eaſt, and the Gadeni on the weſtern and maintainous parts. It is preſumed theſe invaders had not advanced ſo far northward as Northumberland, before the third year of Agricola's command in Britain. According to Tacitus's account, he came over in the character of Legate, in the year 78, when the ſummer was far advanced; that this dignity was conferred upon him immediately after his Conſulſhip, which by the Faſti Conſulares appears to have been in the year 77: ſo that the reduction of Northumberland by the Roman ar [...]s, happened in the year 80. The Romans did not totally deſert this iſland [Page iv] till the middle of the fifth century, and they poſſeſſed ſeveral ſtations is Northumberland to the laſt; conſequently their continuance there was for a ſeries of near 370 years.*

Agricola, it is well known, in his receſſion from the buſineſs of warfare, ſtudied to introduce the Roman habit and luxury among the Britons: as a good Politician, conceiving that whilſt theſe pleaſures faſcinated, they alſo enervated and relaxed, rendering the natives leſs ferocious, and eaſier to be conciliated or ſubdued; and would alſo promote the future wealth of a province, of which he had the honour to compleat the conqueſt, by urging the inhabitants to extend their trade: pleaſures and luxuries introduce artificial wants, which arts, manufactures, commerce, and navigation muſt ſupply.

Theſe new enjoyments were of a ſhort exiſtence, for in the courſe of the fourth century after Agricola's command, the natives were left expoſed to the ravages of barbarous nations, no longer kept in awe by the Roman arms.

The unhappy eſtate of the northern inhabitants, after they were totally deſerted by the Romans, is eaſily conceived; the perils and miſeries to which they were frequently expoſed, by the incurſions of tribes of Picts and Sco [...]s, naturally induces a belief, that the principal part of thoſe who were poſſeſſed of riches, merchandiſe, flocks, and herds, would immediately retire, and ſeek for ſafer and more peaceful habitations, in the ſouthern parts of the land. The ravagers ſtill advanced, and the wretchedneſs of the Britons was ſo greatly increaſed, that they were driven to ſeek refuge in the mountains, and conceal themſelves in their foreſts and caverns. Such was the deplorable ſituation of the natives in the year 449, when they implored the aſſiſtance of the Saxons, a brave and warlike people inured to arms.

Our Hiſtorians, with a diſgraceful partiality, have ſtigmatized the Saxons with the epithets of cruelty and injuſtice, in order to extenuate the errors of the Britons, or to palliate their deſpicable impotence.

It manifeſtly appears, that under the protection of the Romans, the Britons had ſunk into ſupineneſs and depravity; public virtues were extinguiſhed, and an abjectneſs of ſpirit univerſally prevailed. They ſent Embaſſadors to the Saxons, thus commiſſioned:

‘Moſt noble Saxons. We the wretched and diſtreſſed Britons, worn our by the conſtant incurſions of our cruel and mercileſs enemies, and becauſe we have heard of the fame of thoſe glorious victories which by your valour you have obtained; therefore have we ſent our humble ſuppliants to you, to implore [Page v] your kind aſſiſtance. We have large and plentiful poſſeſſions, abounding with every neceſſary; theſe with ourſelves, we ſubmit to your diſpoſal, if you will generouſly lend us your ſuccour againſt our inveterate foes. Long have we enjoyed the ſweets of peace, under the powerful protection of the Roman arms, and now we know none ſecond in glory to them, but yourſelves: therefore to you we lift up our hands for aſſiſtance, and in return are willing to abide whatever ſervice you ſhall impoſe upon us.’ *

Why ſhould we diſcredit this Hiſtorian, when the former petitions made to the Roman ſtate were equally as abject. ‘To Aetius thrice Conſul. The groans of the Britains. The Barbarians drive us to the ſea, the ſea forces us back again upon the Barbarians; in theſe dreadful extremities, death awaits us equally on both ſides, either we muſt fall by the hands of our enemies, or elſe be drowned in the ſwelling waves.’

The Iſle of Thanet was allotted to theſe new allies, and it was not long before they rendered ſignal ſervices to the Britons. The northern ravagers, with a mighty band, were advanced into Lincolnſhire; the Saxons with alacrity took the field; Hiſtorians agree, the victory obtained over the invaders near Stamford, was only to be attributed to the military proweſs and ſkilful diſpoſitions of the Saxons.

A people recovering from a ſtate of deſpair, are apt to advance to exceſs in their love and gratitude towards their redeemers. After the ravagers were thus diſcomfited, and had retired into the north, the Saxons were looked upon with the higheſt veneration: and in order effectually to repreſs the northern nations, an additional band of Saxons were petitioned for, and a greater extent of territory granted for their reſidence So happy were the Britons in their new alliance, that Vortergern their Prince eſpouſed Rowena, the daughter of Hengiſt the Saxon General.

The circumſtances evidently prove, the Saxons were invited hither to partake the land and become ſettlers, as it doth not appear from any admiſſible authority, that any other gratuity was ſtipulated for their ſervices. The Saxons were not applied to, till the country was almoſt totally loſt or become d [...]ſert; [Page vi] ſo that providing them ſettlements, was giving even what the fugitive Britons could not hold. The county of Kent was the ſecond eſtabliſhment granted to theſe allies.

So peculiarly frail and inſtable by nature, were the diſpoſitions of mind poſſeſſed by the natives, that no ſooner were they relieved from the moſt abject ſtate, and deplorable calamities and diſtreſſes, than, in the moment of eaſe, they began to regard thoſe who had reſcued them with jealouſy, to be diſcontented with their former reſolutions, to imagine future evils, and to deviſe projects of the groſſeſt ingratitude. The heroic Saxons received the intelligence with contempt, and looked upon the ingratitude with abhorrence. The moſt abject mind the ſooneſt conceives ingratitude: there is a baſeneſs and illiberality in grovelling ſouls, which deteſts a ſenſe of obligations; the meaneſt peaſant hath the moſt ungenerous ſentiments; diſtruſt and jealouſy are the iſſue of vicious hearts; ſelfiſhneſs is brutal, and characteriſtic of ignorance. On the other hand, hero [...]c minds are fired with virtues, for courage and fortitude are the reſult of principle. The angry Saxons no ſooner beheld the inſtability of Britiſh faith and affection, than they began to deviſe the means of taking the reigns of government out of the hands of impotence. The name of King was yet unknown among the Saxons, who in emergencies of ſtate choſe an Heretogen, or General, who [...]e power and dignity ſubſided with the occaſion of his election. They knew no obligation to Sovereigns, their liberty was uncontaminated with the appendages of ſupremacy. The royal dignity of Vortergein was by them eſteemed of little importance, and of much leſs utility.

The abjectneſs of the Britons was deſpicable, and the Saxons contemplated it with contempt. The land before their arrival was ravaged by barbarous tribes, even the ſouthern provinces were deſolated, and the natives driven to the foreſts and mountains: they were no longer able to retain, or worthy to rule ſo fertile a country. Such were the cauſes which induced the Saxons to deviſe means of g [...]ing the government.

Authors who impeach the Saxons of breach of public faith, overlook the terms on which they were invited hither, and the indignities and injuries they ſuſtained before they turned their arms againſt the natives. Had they from the firſt intended to make themſelves maſters of the country, it was fooliſhly impol [...] to ſtrengthen the Britons, by the repulſion of the Picts and Scots. The c [...]mm [...] incidents of war are ſhocking to humanity, and horrid in their detail; the [...] were barbarous, and the diſpoſitions of men ſavage: the miſerable ſcenes, in the re [...]procation of ſuch warfare, looks terrible indeed in the narrative of the Hiſtorian: but men were not more peculiarly brutal and inhuman in theſe conflicts, than in other countries in the ſame aera, or among equally barbarous [...] in later centuries. Authors, in the warmth of accuſation, neglect the conſideration of the advantages we finally derived from the Saxons; no leſs than THE MAXIMS OF OUR COMMON LAW, AND THE ORIGINAL [Page vii] PRINCIPLES OF OUR INESTIMABLE CONSTITUTION. If we inherit any thing from the Britons, it conſiſts of their ferocity, inſtability, and ingratitude. Without the Saxon arms, this iſland, like the regions of the eaſt, would have been over-run and deſolated by a banditti, worſe than Tartars; and become a den of thieves, pirates, and robbers.

The Britiſh Prince ſtill lived in a ſtate of confidence and eſteem with his new ally; every one but Vortergern could diſcern the countenance of amity which Hengiſt now aſſumed, was a ſuperficial maſk which covered his reſentment, through which inſincerity was eaſily diſcovered; and that protection was at length become his moſt diſtant object. The Britons conceived, that from the time of Rowena's eſpouſal, the Saxons put on an inſolent and contemptuous carriage, which increaſed their natural jealouſy againſt them.

On the other hand, the Saxons obſerved the government was involved in anarchy and confuſion, the Britiſh ſtates were diſtracted by factions and cabals, and each individual overwhelmed in deſpondency, and relaxed from all warlike diſpoſition. Hengiſt foreſaw, that if he ſhould withdraw his troops, this fine fertile land muſt become a deſert, under the ravages of thoſe barbarians, who were irreſiſtible by Britiſh force: the depopulation of the northern territories, favoured an intention he had formed, as he conceived the poſſeſſion of Northumberland would facilitate his ſubjugation of the Britons. In order to effect this purpoſe, as he poſſeſſed the ear of the Prince, he expatiated on the ravages conſtantly made by the northern nations, who, though lately repreſſed, were again advancing to the interior parts of the country; he propoſed, that a reinforcement of his countrymen ſhould be invited to ſettle in thoſe deſolated diſtricts, at once to ſubdue the ferocious bands of robbers, and form a ſafeguard for the ſouthern provinces. The plauſibility of the project, the imbecility of Vortergern's political judgment, the abjectneſs of ſpirit which poſſeſſed the Britiſh councils, and the wretchedneſs of the people, groaning under diſtreſs and the miſeries conſequent to war, together with the implicit confidence with which the Prince liſtened to the admonitions of his confident, promiſing a ſafe and indolent reign under ſuch protection, all concurred to promote the plan.

Octa, the brother of Hengiſt, and Ebuſſa his ſon, after receiving the ſummons, with the utmoſt alacrity prepared to collect their adherents, and ſoon paſſed over from Germany with a choſen band of warlike Saxons, taking poſſeſſion of Northumberland in the year of our Lord 454.

The new colony had not ſettled long in this diſtrict, before Hengiſt, no longer able to endure the indignities put upon him and his people, and the infringements repeatedly made on the lands granted them on their arrival in Britain, brought his troops into the field, and began hoſtilities.

Be very in the people is ſeldom obſerved under an impotent commander;— courage is intimately connected with confidence, and where the leader doth not [Page viii] poſſeſs the good opinion of his troops, they act with timidity and reluctance. It was the caſe with the Britons, when Hengiſt ſhewed his hoſtile intentions, and threw off diſguiſe; the ſubjects of Vortergern regarded him with ſhame, their councils were full of confuſion, and they were ſeized with a panic almoſt bordering upon deſpair: the reſiſtance they made was weak and fruitleſs, and at length they fled before the Saxon veterans, to their former places of concealment in the wilderneſſes and mountains.

The northern band, regarding Hengiſſ's proceedings as a ſignal for them to take the field, immediately roſe in arms.

I ſhould advance into too large a field, ſhould I follow the Saxon arms through all the conflicts: I am confined to their northern colony, and reſtrained within the limits of Northumberland, muſt forſake a general, for a partial view of their actions.

Some modern authors have accuſed the Northumbrian Saxons of a confederacy with the Picts and Scots; a charge I do not find ſupported by any valuable authority. The ſtruggles during the courſe of fifty years and upwards, were many, and various the events; the Britons remained unſubdued, and the Saxons unexpelled. At length, in the year 547, Ida, with twelve ſons and a large reinforcement, landed at Flamborough,* where they were received by their countrymen with acclamations of joy. In a ſhort time they drove the Britons totally from the province of Bernicia, the natives on every hand flying from their ſuperior power.

From the authority of the Scala Chronica, it appears, that after Hengiſt had ſettled in Kent, Octa and his ſucceſſors aſſumed the title of Dukes, until the Northumbrian Saxons, following the example of thoſe of Kent, elected a Sovereign, who yet remained ſubject to the ſupreme authority of the Kentiſh King. They are named in the following order: ‘ Hiring that begat Wodnam, that begat Witeglas, of whom came H [...]rs the King, that begat Uppa, that begat Heppa, that begat Hermeger, that begat Bernack; all which were before the noble King Ida, and the geſtes of them before Ida be little known by chroniques.’

The above account ſtands alone and unſupported, our beſt authorities all concurring that Ida was the firſt who aſſumed the name of King over the Northrumbrian colony.

[Page ix] The ſucceſs and ſafety of the colony being chiefly derived from Ida, no doubt influenced the people to give him the name of King; and from the power of the Hererogen, to advance him to that of Sovereignty. What induced the Saxons to forſake their old conſtitutional maxims, and give Ida this new authority, ancient authors, by their ſilence, leave us only conjectures. It is probable they were deſirous of imitating the Britiſh cuſtoms, in order to conciliate the natives to their government.

IDA having aſcended the throne of Bernicia, made Beddanborough * the place of his reſidence. By ſome he is ſuppoſed to be the original founder of the caſtle; by others, that he repaired and enlarged the outworks, and having removed the paliſadoes, encloſed the whole with a wall: all authors agree that it was his chief fortreſs. He held his crown independent of Kent, or any other Potentate of the heptarchy. His reign was full of warfare, for the Britons were continually harraſſing his frontiers, iſſuing from their places of concealment when an opportunity offered to diſtreſs the Saxons. Ida reigned twelve years, during which time the Britons never gained any conſiderable advantage againſt his people.

He had iſſue by his Queen ſix ſons; Adda, Ethelric, Theodoric, Edric, Oſmer, and Theofredum: and by his Concubines ſix; Alric, Ogga, Ecca, Oſbald, Segora, and Segothae; all of whom came with him from Germany.§

On the demiſe of Ida, he was ſucceeded in his kingdom by his eldeſt ſon ADDA, who aſcended the throne of Bernicia in the year of our Lord 560, and reigned ſeven years; during which period Aelle, one of the Chieftains who came over with Ida, by ſome ſaid to be his nephew, conducted the Saxons againſt the province of Deira, from whence having expelled the Britons, he aſſumed the ſovereignty thereof, and ſettled there with his adherents.

GLAPPA, a kinſman of Ida, ſucceeded to the ſcepter of Bernicia in the year 567: he lived to reign only five years, and of his actions Hiſtorians are ſilent. In his advancement to the throne, we ſee an example of the ancient elective power of the [Page x] Saxons, who regarded not any pretenſions to hereditary right, as there were living at that time many of the ſons of Ida.

THEODWALD, brother to Glappa, aſcended the throne in the year 572, and reigned but one year: of his tranſactions Hiſtorians are ſilent. He was ſucceeded by FRETHULF, a ſecond brother to Glappa, who aſſumed the ſcepter in the year 573, and reigned ſeven years. Of the tranſactions of the northern Saxons in this period Hiſtorians are ſilent.* On his demiſe, THEODORIC, the third ſon of Ida, aſcended the throne, and reigned ſeven years. Here we have a ſecond example of the elective power being retained, and one more ſtriking than the former, as therein was a preference of Theodoric to his elder brother Ethelric, who was then living. Of the tranſactions of this reign Hiſtorians are ſilent.

AELLE, who had reigned in the province of Deira with great reputation for twenty-ſeven years, on the death of Theodoric was elected to the ſovereignty of Bernicia: the two provinces under him thus becoming united, obtained the name of the kingdom of Northumberland. As by his valour and ſage conduct he had ſecured his territories whilſt King of Deira, ſo the united provinces under his government enjoyed an uninterrupted peace. His reign as King of Northumberland commenced in the year 587, and continued only three years. He had iſſue, Edwine, who roſe to the throne of Northumberland, and Acca, who was the Queen of Ethelfrith. After the death of Aelle, ETHELRIC, the ſecond ſon of Ida, ſucceeded to the ſovereignty of the united provinces in the year 589: he had ſpent the greateſt part of his life in retirement, and was not called forth to rule before he was far advanced in years. He reigned five years in uninterrupted peace, and left iſſue two ſons, Ethelfrith, who ſucceeded to the ſcepter, and Tedbald, who in his brother's reign was ſlain in a battle againſt the Scots at a place called Daegſtane.

ETHELFRITH, who from his diſpoſition was ſurnamed the fierce, § ſucceeded his father in the kingdom of Northumberland in the year 593. The better to conciliate Edwine, the ſon of Aelle, to his poſſeſſing the united crowns of Bernicia and Deira, he eſpouſed Acca his ſiſter, and his reign commenced with great joy and magnificence. [Page xi] He was engaged in a ten years war with the Britons, in which he enlarged his territories and acquired much honour; his arms were deemed irreſiſtible, and many of the natives ſubmitted themſelves to his government. He is ſaid to have extended his conqueſts further, and reaped more laurels than any of his predeceſſors.*

As his fame increaſed and his dominions were enlarged, his neighbours the Scots began to look on him with a jealous eye, and regard his power as advancing to too great eminence for their ſecurity: they ſeized the firſt plauſible pretext for drawing their forces into the field, and led on by Aegthan their King, approached the frontiers, and prepared to give the Saxons battle. Ethelfrith with all his powers met them at a place called Daegſtane, where after a bloody conflict, victory declared for the Saxons. The Scots ſuſtained ſo great a loſs, that they were rendered incapable of renewing the war for a conſiderable time. The joy of victory was greatly damped by the death of the King's brother Tedbald, a heroic youth, who commanded a large body of Saxons in the engagement.

Perceiving the Scots for four years after this ſignal victory ſhewed no hoſtile intentions, in the year 607 he carried his arms againſt the Britons, who were again harraſſing the borders of his dominions; a battle was fought near Caerleon, where he overthrew his adverſaries with a mighty ſlaughter. As the armies prepared to engage, the Saxon King perceiving a great aſſembly of religious putting up their fervent prayers for the Britons, and eſteeming them as eſſential enemies as thoſe who bore arms againſt him, gave orders for their deſtruction, and ſtained his arms with the infamous ſlaughter of twelve hundred naked and defenceleſs men, Monks of the monaſtery of Bangor; fifty only of the whole religious aſſembly ſurviving, who ſaved themſelves by flight

His important conqueſts made him ſo much the terror of the adjoining ſtates, that he remained for ſome time undiſturbed. During the interval of peace, he regarded with a jealous eye the growing virtues of Edwine, the brother of his Queen, and obſerved his increaſing popularity with ſo much anxiety, that at length he meditated his death; preſuming that was the only means to ſecure the province of Deira to his crown, as Edwine had a natural claim thereto. The young Prince, either from a change in the King's conduct towards him, or by ſome intimations of the danger he was in, thought it expedient to fly from the dominions of Ethelfrith, and ſeek refuge in the court of Redwald King of the Eaſt Angles.

Ethelfrith, diſappointed in his project, burnt with reſentment againſt Redwald, and immediately ſent meſſengers to demand the fugitive to be delivered up as a traitor, or on refuſal to denounce war againſt the ſtate. Redwald conſidering [Page xii] the power of the Northumbrian King, would have reſigned the Prince, but through the entreaties of his Queen, who repreſented in the moſt forcible language the diſgrace ſuch an action would bring upon him, and prevailed with him not only to continue the protection he had heretofore granted, but alſo to levy an army, and inſtantly march againſt Northumberland, to reprehend the imperious Prince for his inſolence.

Theſe meaſures were purſued with ſuch expedition, that Redwald with his army was on the frontiers, before the Northumbrian Monarch received the returning Embaſſadors. Alarmed at the ſudden danger, he raiſed ſuch forces as the emergency allowed means to collect, and haſtily advanced to ſtop the rapid progreſs of his enemies. The armies joined battle on the banks of the river Idle, near to Nottingham, where Ethelfrith was ſlain, and his forces were routed. This victory, though eminently fortunate for Edwine, as it opened his acceſſion to the throne, was unhappy to Redwald, whoſe glory was purchaſed by the death of his ſon Regenhere.

The ſons of Ethelfrith hearing of this great overthrow, and the death of their father, fled the kingdom in terror of the wrath of Edwine, leaving him no competitor for the crown.

Ethelfrith reigned twenty-four years. He left iſſue by his Queen ſeven ſons, Eanfred, Oſwald, Oſwine, Oſlac, Oſwid, Oſſa, and Offa; alſo two daughters, Oſwitha and Ebba, who were canonized.* By a concubine he had one ſon named Oſwe [...].

EDWINE, ſupported by the arms of Redwald, entered the capital of Northumberland, and in the year 617 aſſumed the Diadem, having juſt attained his age of twenty-three years; he poſſeſſed a noble and intrepid ſpirit and conducted his military operations with that ſkill and fortitude, that in a ſhort time he not only relieved the frontiers of his kingdom from the intruſions of the adjoining nations, but extended his dominions by conqueſt even as far as the Orchades and Mevaman Iſlands, now called the Hebrides.

His wife Cwenburga, the daughter of Ceorl King of Mercia, did not live to ſee him mount the throne. He had not been ſettled thereon above eight years, when he thought of a ſecond eſpouſal: the eminent virtues and beauty of Ethelburga, daughter of the King of Kent, had reached his ear, and he ſent Embaſſador [...] to require her in marriage. She had embraced the Chriſtian faith, but he ſtill retained his national principles; ſo that conditions were ſtipulated for the free exerciſe of her religion, and that ſhe ſhould retain the neceſſary miniſters to officiate therein. Theſe preliminaries being ſettled, the marriage was celebrated [...] the year 625.

[Page xiii] At this time Cwichelm, in conjunction with his father Cynegils, ruled over the kingdom of Weſſex, a Prince of a dark and jealous mind, who had regarded the growing power and exalted glory of Edwine with envy; and conceiving his intrepid ſpirit might induce him to diſturb the leſſer kingdoms of the heptarchy, of which Weſſex was then one of the weakeſt, he determined to take Edwine off by treachery, and by aſſaſſination to remove the object of his terror and envy: for this purpoſe he employed one Eumer, of whom Hiſtorians have retained nothing previous to this plot. Edwine's court being then held on the banks of Derwent, the aſſaſſin approached him in the character of an Embaſſador, and being admitted to audience, as he was delivering a feigned addreſs, the ſpecious purport of which claimed the King's particular attention, the villain ſuddenly drew a poiſoned dagger from under his cloak, and attempted to plunge it in Edwine's boſom; but Lilla, a faithful ſervant of the King, ſeeing his danger, inſtantly ruſhed forward, and in his loyal breaſt received the fatal blow deſigned upon his Sovereign. With ſuch reſolution the paſs was made, that the poinard pierced through the body of Lilla and wounded the King. The deſperate aſſaſſin, ſurrounded by the King's guards, was cut to pieces, but not before he had ſlain another of the attendants in his reſolute defence.*

The wound the King received was of little conſequence in the end, though at the inſtant, from the poiſon of the weapon, alarming. This was a proper occaſion for Paulinus, who was one of the Queen's miniſters, to exhort the King to renounce the errors of his religion: the pious example and love of Ethelburga contributed to move his mind, and render him more ſuſceptible of the arguments which were uſed for his converſion; at length, with the ſolemnity of a vow, he declared, ‘That if the Deity which the Chriſtians ſerved, and whom they called the God of Juſtice, would enable him to puniſh this violator of the laws of nature, nations, and kings, who had ſent forth unprovoked the murderer againſt him, he would from thenceforth confeſs his divinity, and worſhip none other Gods but him.’ As a pledge of his vow, he delivered into the hands of Paulinus his infant daughter Eanfled, who was brought into the world the evening of the day on which the horrid attempt was made againſt his life, to be baptized.

As ſoon as his health permitted, he arrayed his troops, and went forth againſt the Weſt Saxons, whom he overthrew in his firſt battle, and put to the ſword all thoſe who had deviſed his death by Eumer the aſſaſſin.

Hiſtorians do not mention, whether he made any political advantages to his kingdom by this war, or ſat down ſatisfied with the iſſue of his revenge.

[Page xiv] In the ſucceeding year, A. D. 627, with great ſolemnity and pomp, during the feſtival of Eaſter, he embraced the chriſtian faith, and was baptized by the hands of Paulinus, multitudes of his ſubjects following his pious example.*

Such was the excellence of his government, that acts of injuſtice were ſeldom heard of among his ſubjects: national enemies forbore to provoke his arms, and an uninterrupted peace bleſſed his people for ſeveral years. During this interval the internal policy was his chief object, the roads were rendered ſafe and commodious, and even ſo minutely, that every ſpring by the way ſide was preſerved, and provided with a diſh for the refreſhment of travellers. He frequently perambulated the provinces of his kingdom, putting ſalutary laws in execution, and diſpenſing juſtice; ſo that no injured perſon lingered long without redreſs.

Penda the King of the Mercians, ambitious to extend his dominions, entered into a league with Cedwell, or, as Camden has his name, Caſwallon King of Cumberland, a tributary Britiſh Prince, who ruled over one of the diſtricts ſubdued by Edwine, and under promiſe of joining him with all his forces, induced Cedwell to ſhake off his allegiance. The reſtleſs Britons were eaſily provoked to inſurrection againſt their conquerors, and the infatuating name of Liberty fired them with enthuſiaſm, though its poſſeſſion was impoſſible, and the ſhaking off ſubjection to Edwine could only give commencement to a ſubjugation by ſome leſs worthy ruler, and a vaſſalage more ſevere. Cedwell calling to arms all thoſe whom the name of Freedom could animate or delude, took the field, and began with cruelty and devaſtation to make his progreſs in the frontier diſtricts. Edwine prepared to oppoſe the rebels, whilſt Penda, in conſequence of his compact, joined his forces with the Britons, and at a place called Hethfield waited the approach of the Northumbrians, to give them battle.

The conflict was dreadful; Edwine and his eldeſt ſon Osfrid, with many chiefs, were ſlain; the loſs of their leaders ſtruck the army with a panic, and they turned their backs upon the invaders: Victory dipt her wings in blood, the purſuit was proſecuted with the utmoſt cruelty;§ Egfrid, another of Edwine's ſons, was taken priſoner, and butchered in cold blood, to gratify the burning wrath of the ſavage Britons.

[Page xv] Ethelburga, her ſon Ulkfren, with Paulinus, under the care of Baſſus, a faithful chief, fled by ſea to the kingdom of Kent, then governed by Eadbald, the brother of Ethelburga. She founded a Monaſtery at a place called Lymming, on the happy ſhore where ſhe found refuge, and therein ſpent the remainder of her life in acts of piety.

Edwine was ſlain in the month of October, A. D. 633, in the 48th year of his age, having reigned ſixteen years. By Cwenburga his firſt wife, he had iſſue two ſons, Osfrid and Egfrid, who both fell in the fatal battle of Hethfield. By Ethelburga he had iſſue two ſons and two daughters; Ethelm the eldeſt died in his youth; Ulkfren was ſent by his mother to the court of France, where he died; Enfleda the firſt-born, whoſe nativity was ſingularly marked by the day of Edwine's aſſaſſination, became the Queen of Oſwy King of Northumberland; Ethelrida the youngeſt daughter died in her infancy.

The calamities of the Northumbrians did not ceaſe till the inhuman ravagers withdrew their forces covered with blood, and overloaden with ſpoils. On their retreat, Eanfrid the eldeſt ſon of Ethelfrith, and Oſric the ſon of Elfric, and uncle of Edwine, came from their retreat in Scotland, and EANFRID aſſumed the reigns of government in the year 633, in the province of Bernicia, and OSRIC in the province of Deira.

During the time Eanfrid and Oſric reſided among the Scots, they had become Chriſtians; but no ſooner were they ſettled on their reſpective thrones, than they renounced their new religion, perſecuted the Chriſtians, and conſecrated altars and high places to the old idolatry of the Saxons.

Cedwell, though not able to retain the great territories he had ſubdued, or rather ravaged, aſſiſted by the Mercian arms, was yet jealous of the recovery of thoſe ſtates; and holding an inviolable inveteracy againſt the Saxon name, levied a great army, and entered the province of Deira. Some authors would cover the infamous actions of the Briton with the deluſive countenance of religious zeal, and inſinuate that his wrath againſt theſe Princes was kindled by their apoſtacy; but his actions prove the principles by which he was agitated. Oſric not able to oppoſe the torrent was ſlain, his city * was ſacked, and his ſubjects were plundered. ‘The victorious tyrant over-ran Deira, not like a [Page xvi] generous warrior, who amidſt his conqueſts would remember mercy, but like a ruthleſs ſavage, whoſe ſole delight was blood and carnage.’ * Such is the character drawn by a modern writer of this Britiſh hero, in the midſt of his glory; contrary indeed to the general bias of his pen.

Eanfrid terrified at the horrid maſſacre committed in the adjoining province, and unable, in the feeble ſtate of his new empire, to raiſe forces to oppoſe the progreſs of the tyrant, who came upon him like the whirlwind with deſtruction in its wings, he determined to approach Cedwell with ſubmiſſion; and taking only twelve ſoldiers with him as a guard, he entered the Britons camp unarmed, and bent himſelf at the tyrant's feet: but unmoved with the humiliation of a King, uninfluenced by juſtice, clemency, and mercy, and againſt the common faith of nations (even among ſavages) he rejoiced himſelf in the ſlaughter of thoſe who kneeled for his protection. I would inſtantly turn from the name of this deteſted ſavage, did not the acceſſion of the glorious Oſwald render it neceſſary to be retained, to diſtinguiſh the following reign.

The inhabitants would have continued to fly before Cedwell, and in the end have totally deſerted the country, had not OSWALD, the ſon of Ethelfrith, and brother of Eanfrid, ſtepped forth from the place of his retirement, to head the diſconcerted Northumbrians. The attempt was arduous, and few could be brought to enliſt under a banner which was diſplayed even by the very hands of deſpair; for ſo powerful was the Britiſh tyrant, and ſo tremendous in his cruelties, that few could be found who had courage to withſtand him.

Oſwald poſſeſſed an excellent knowledge of the art of war, which he had made his ſtudy as a ſcience; he had gathered together a ſelect band, and in a fortified ſituation waited the approach of Cedwell, who fell in the conflict, and his army was totally routed.

The Northumbrians thus relieved from a ſavage enemy, raiſed Oſwald to the throne in the year 684, with joyful acclamations: a jealouſy which reigned between the provinces of Deira and Bernicia he conciliated, and made them equally happy under his wiſe government. When peace was reſtored, he employed himſelf in reforming the manners of his ſubjects, and moſt eſpecially he laboured in their converſion to Chriſtianity. He ſent for a teacher from the religious ſeminary of Mailroſs, to preach to his people, and founded the Epiſcopacy of Lindi [...]farn, as is treated of at large in the courſe of the following work.

[Page xvii] The glory of his arms was not more eminent than the fame of his wiſdom; his lenity and benevolence were in that age proverbial; the neighbouring nations regarded him with reverence, and his people obeyed him with love.

Theſe excellencies, together with the fate of Cedwell, irritated the wicked heart of Penda the Mercian, and he levied an army to make war upon Northumberland. Oſwald being informed of theſe military preparations, with alacrity collected his troops, and met his adverſary at Maſerfield, in Shropſhire, on the 5th day of Auguſt 642, where after a long and bloody conflict, victory declared for Penda, Oſwald being among the ſlain. The inhuman conqueror cauſed the limbs of the deceaſed King, after being horridly mangled, to be ſuſpended on a pole, like a common traitor or infamous malefactor; which cauſed the name of Maſerfield to be changed to that of Oſwald's Tree. *

Oſwald reigned nine years, and died in the 38th year of his age. By his wife Kineburg, the daughter of Cynegils the firſt Chriſtian King of the Weſt Saxons, whom he married in the third year of his reign, he had an only child, a ſon named Ethelwald.

OSWEO, the ſon of Ethelfrith by his concubine, ſurnamed the Fierce, mounted the throne of Bernicia in the year 642, whilſt Oſwin the ſon of Oſric, the laſt King of Deira, ſeized the ſcepter of that province.

OSWINE, of a mild diſpoſition, governed his ſubjects with lenity; and contenting himſelf with his own dominions, ſought only to preſerve peace to his ſubjects. Oſweo, [Page xviii] of a turbulent and ambitious temper, eager for extent of dominion, and impatient of a rivalſhip in empire, ſought frequent occaſions to diſturb Oſwin, and at length an open rupture took place. Both Kings took the field, but Oſweo's military diſpoſition and paſſion for arms had occaſioned him to train and diſcipline his troops, even in times of peace; whilſt Oſwin, ſupinely negligent of all ſuch meaſures, only cultivated thoſe arts among his people which flouriſhed under the auſpices of peace. Oſweo's army was abundantly more numerous, and better arrayed than the forces of Oſwin: when this was made known to him, willing to ſpare the effuſion of blood, he declined coming to an engagement; and when his people urged him to try the event of battle, he retired from the army, and concealed himſelf in the houſe of one Humwald his friend, where he conceived he might abide in ſafety, and clude the ſearch of his ſubjects.

The army of Deira, forſaken of their leader, diſbanded themſelves and retired, leaving the country open to be poſſeſſed by Oſweo. Humwald, with whom Oſwin was in concealment, in hope of reward from Oſweo, betrayed his truſt, and delivered up the fugitive King, who was immediately put to death. This tragical event happened on the 3d day of September, A. D. 651, in the ninth year of Oſwin's reign.

When Oſweo had thus removed the obſtacle which prevented his uniting the two provinces, he took poſſeſſion of Deira: but his government had not been eſtabliſhed above two years, before Ethelwald the ſon of Oſwald appeared, having attained the age of 16 years, and taking poſſeſſion of the malecontents in Deira, declared himſelf a competitor for that crown againſt his uncle. The people of the province were glad to embrace an opportunity of ſhaking off the deteſtable yoke Oſweo had ſubjected them to, as they regarded the man with inveteracy who had polluted his hands in the innocent blood of Oſwin, whoſe memory they revered. Oſweo with all his power was not able to diſpoſſeſs him, though repeated ſtruggles were made, which conſtantly concluded in Ethelwald's favour.

But theſe matters were ſcarce ended, or Oſweo had reconciled himſelf to ſit down contented with the loſs of the province of Deira, before Penda renewed hoſtilities againſt the Northrumbrians in Bernicia; and Oſweo, by the invader's ſucceſs, was ſoon reduced to extremities. The offers of peace which he made were rejected, for nothing but deſtruction and extent of empire could ſatisfy the Mercian. Ethelwald alſo brought his forces into the field, profeſſing himſelf Penda's ally. The deſperate circumſtances which attended Oſweo, urged him in the moments of deſpair, to try the event of battle, for in ſubmiſſion, he ſaw certain deſtruction awaited him. He collected a few faithful troops, in whom he could place his confidence, and together with his ſon Al [...]fred, led forth the little army, truſting only for ſucceſs in Him, in whoſe hand alone is the event of war. The month of December was already advanced, when near to Loidis, (according to Camden, now Leeds) on the banks of the river then called Winwed, the armies engaged: during the heat of the battle a ſudden inundation happened, the river [Page xix] overflowed its banks, and ſwept away mulitudes of the Mercian troops. The circumſtance ſtruck the armies with diſmay, the Mercians were thrown into confuſion, Penda was ſlain, and the Bernicians triumphed againſt an hoſt of foes, who were ſaid to exceed them thirty times in number: Ethelwald eſcaped, and returned to his capital with diſgrace.*

Oſweo purſued his ſucceſs, and ſubjugated the kingdom of Mercia. He entertained Peada the ſon of Penda with great friendſhip, and diſcovering in him ſingular virtues, on his conſenting to become a Chriſtian, gave him his daughter Alofleda (whom he had by his concubine) in marriage; reſigning to him the government of the ſouthern parts of Mercia.

The blood of Oſwin continually hung upon his conſcience, to expiate which, he vowed to make a pilgrimage to Rome; but falling ſick, Death fruſtrated his project. He reigned 28 years, and departed this life on the 15th day of February, in the year 670, aged 58 years.

Hiſtorians are ſilent as to the fate of Ethelwald; it is probable that he was depoſed by Oſweo after the battle of Loidis, and Deira again united with Bernicia: for ſuch union appears upon the opening of the ſucceeding reign.

Oſweo had by Eanfled his Queen, two ſons and one daughter: Egfrid his eldeſt ſon ſucceeded to his crown; Elſwin the youngeſt only lived to the age of 18, being ſlain in battle; Elfleda his daughter, in conſequence of her father's vow before the battle with Penda, took on her the veil, and was accordingly committed to the care of the Abbeſs Hilda, in the monaſtery of Stainſlatch, now Whitby, where ſhe ſucceeded to be Abbeſs.

Eanfled after Oſweo's deceaſe, retired to the ſame monaſtery, where ſhe ſpent the remainder of her life, and where were interred her remains, with thoſe of Oſweo and Elfleda.

Oſweo had by his concubines two children, Alcfrid who ſucceeded his brother Egfrid on the throne, and Alkfleda who was married to Peada, Penda's ſon.

EGFRID being releaſed from his confinement in Mercia, where he was held as an hoſtage, returned with his father's victorious army to Northumberland, and on the deceaſe of Oſweo aſcended the throne in the year 670, and in the 25th year of his age, ruling over the united provinces.

From his turbulent diſpoſition, a war broke out between the Northumbrians and Mercians, which was ſo far fruitleſs, that by the interpoſition of Theodore the [Page xx] Biſhop, peace was made, without either party making any acquiſitions, through the bloodſhed they had occaſioned; for on the borders of Trent the armies came to an engagement, in which Elfwin, the Northumbrian King's brother, with many other valiant chiefs and vaſt hoſts were ſlain. Elfwin was equally lamented by both nations, as well for his excellent qualities, as his alliance with both Princes, he having married Osfrida the ſiſter of the King of Mercia.

Egfrid not ſatisfied to reign in peace, in the year 684 ſent his forces againſt the Iriſh, who were repreſented by Bede as a mild and inoffenſive people, conſtantly deſirous of maintaining peace with Britain In this expedition much ſlaughter enſued, from whence the character of Egfrid became odious.

Reſtleſs and diſpoſed to miſchief, he turned his arms againſt the Picts, who bordered on Northumberland, contrary to the earneſt ſolicitations of Cuthbert then Biſhop of Lindisfern, and marching into their country in the month of June, 685, he fell into a defile among the mountains, where the enemy lay in ambuſh, and was ſlain.*

Egfrid died in the 40th year of his age, having reigned near 15 years: he had no iſſue. He married Etheldreda, a widow, the daughter of Anna King of the Eaſt Angles, who had to her firſt huſband, Tonbert, a nobleman of great power in Huntingdonſhire and the adjoining counties. She was a moſt enthuſiaſtic zealot, and during both marriages preſerved her virginity, eſteeming ſuch religious ſeverities the moſt acceptable ſervice. She lived with Egfrid 12 years, and then took the veil in the abbey of Coldingham, under Ebba. Afterwards ſhe removed, and founded the monaſtery of Ely, where ſhe governed as Abbeſs till her death. For her pious donations and exemplary auſterities ſhe was canonized.

ALCFRED, the natural ſon of Oſwes, ſucceeded to the throne in the year 686. He had ſpent his youth in Ireland, and according to the humour of thoſe times, had made religion his chief ſtudy.

The Picts in the preceding reign had obtained part of the northern territories of his predeceſſors; the moſt of which he regained, and maintained his kingdom from further depredations. Though no ſingular event in warfare diſtinguiſhed his reign, yet it was famous for his wiſe government and ſalutary laws.

[Page xxi] He reigned 19 years, and died in the year 705. He married in his youth Kenburg the daughter of Penda the Mercian, and had by her iſſue one ſon, OSRED, who ſucceeded him on the throne, though only eight years of age at the time of his father's death.

The Northumbrians were at war with the Picts, and in the ſeventh year of this reign, under the conduct of Berthfrid, an able General, obtained a ſignal victory, with a mighty ſlaughter.

No ſooner had Oſred arrived to manhood, than he ſhewed the moſt vicious diſpoſition in the gratification of his luſt: he deſpiſed all reſtraint, and every crime marked the progreſs of his brutal paſſion; the defilement of his marriage bed, the pollution of places moſt ſacred, and the violation of women of all ranks, even of Nuns.

He married Cuthburga the ſiſter of Ina King of the Weſt Saxons, who deteſting his repeated adulteries and enormous vices, obtained a divorce, and retired to a nunnery ſhe had founded at Winburn in Dorſetſhire. *

After reigning 11 years, deſpiſed and abhorred by his ſubjects, he was aſſaſſinated by two of his kinſmen, Cenred and Oſric, who perceiving the univerſal hatred which prevailed againſt him, preſumed, by his death, as he had no iſſue, they ſhould obtain the diadem. Accordingly CENRED, who was deſcended from Ida, ſupported by his party, uſurped the throne in the year 716, but departed this life after reigning only two years; of the events of which period Hiſtorians are ſilent.

OSRIC, who was the ſon of Alfrid, on the demiſe of Cenred, ſeized the ſcepter in the year 718; but whether he ſat undiſturbed on the throne which he had aſcended by ſo heinous a crime, together with the events of nine years reign, remain unnoticed by Hiſtorians. All that is recorded of him after his uſurpation, is, that he ſuffered a violent death.

CEOLWULF was elected by the people in the year 731; he was a lineal deſcendant of Ida, [Page xxii] by Occa his eldeſt illegitimate ſon.* He was a pious man, and ſpent his days in devout exerciſes: letting the reins of government relax, a religious enthuſiaſm poſſeſſed his people, and that abſtracted indolence took place, in which neither arts or ſciences, cultivation or manufactories advanced. The commonwealth will always ſuffer under an overheated zeal and enthuſiaſtic religion. The firſt acceptable ſervice of man, is rectitude of manners; that he do his duty to himſelf, his family, his neighbour, and the ſtate: a wretch who neglects all theſe, to be inceſſantly on his knees, lifting up the hands of idleneſs to heaven, purchaſes a heavy condemnation. The King was for ever at his devotions, his Nobles catched the infatuation, and conceiving that ſelf-denial, mortification, and neglect of worldly concerns beſt pleaſed the Omnipotent, they founded religious houſes, raiſed churches, and took on them the monaſtic orders. Thoſe who ſhould have appeared in the ſeveral departments of government, were ſunk into cells, and the ſtate loſt its neceſſary ſupports: the influenza extended to the loweſt claſſes of men, and thoſe who ſhould have been found fit for arms and manuel employs, were lifting up long viſages and languid looks to heaven, as if the benevolent Being could only be pleaſed with ugly faces, diſtortions, and miſery. Ethelbald the King of Mercia obſerving the unhappy condition of the neighbouring empire, determined to make his advantage of it, and with a powerful army entered Northumberland. He ravaged the borders, ſacked and laid waſte their cities, and loaden with ſpoils, returned in triumph: whilſt the Northumbrians, as idle ſpectators, received their afflictions as the diſcipline and ſcourge of heaven, eſteeming them ſalutary mortifications, wherein they ſhould find ſalvation. Anarchy and confuſion took place, and the ſtate was haſtening into diſſolution, when the King, in a phrenſy of zeal, after having reigned eight years, abdicated the throne, and offered his crown at the high altar in the cathedral church of Lindisfarn, where he aſſumed the Cowl.

Not having any iſſue, he is ſaid to have bequeathed his ſcepter to his couſin-german, Egbert the ſon of Eata, who ſucceeded him. The entering into a ſpiritual character may at that time have been eſteemed an extinction of temporal rights, but by what right a Saxon King could diſpoſe of his kingdom to another, I confeſs myſelf ignorant.

EGBERT aſcended the throne when the realm was in the moſt relaxed and impotent ſtate; all the adjoining powers were committing continual depredations on his ſubjects, who, like men of diſturbed reaſon, bowed their ſimple heads to every affliction, [Page xxiii] and put their hands in their boſoms void of ſelf-defence: even the tributary ſtates began to declare for freedom and independence; and to perfect the miſery of the realm, the Mercians were renewing the war.

How difficult a taſk it was to rouſe the lethargic zealots from their faſcination, to take up arms, may eaſily be conceived: at length Egbert diſciplined and led forth a powerful army, and with great military proweſs, brought the the malecontents to their duty, ſubdued the Picts and Britons who were in arms, and beat back the Mercians.

No ſooner was he relieved from theſe troubles, and peace ſmiled upon his reign, than catching the infatuation of the age, after reigning 21 years, he reſigned his ſovereignty, and aſſumed the character of a Monk.*

He had one ſon, OSWULF, who in the year 759, on his father's abdication, aſcended the throne. In his reign he did not accompliſh one year, being ſlain by his ſervant, at a place called Micklewoughton. The cauſe of this unhappy exit is not mentioned by Hiſtorians.

ETHELWALD, ſurnamed Mollo, a Northumbrian of noble blood, obtained the government: he was oppoſed by a dangerous faction, headed by Oſwin, alſo of noble deſcent, who poſſeſſing the affections of ſome partizans, took the field: the inſurrection cauſed Ethelwald to levy an army without delay, and a deciſive battle was ſoon after fought at a place called Edwins-clive, in which Oſwin was ſlain, and his army routed. After this event he reigned for ſome time in peace, till he fell by aſſaſſination; Alured, a nobleman of great power, highly diſſatisfied with Ethelwald's being raiſed to the throne in preference of the royal line of Ida, from whom he was a lineal deſcendant by Alric, had determined upon his death, as the means of opening his paſſage to royalty, to which he aſpired in right of his anceſtors.

Ethelwalda died in the year 770, leaving one ſon, Ethelred, but he was ſucceeded by the traitor [Page xxiv] ALURED, who uſurped the throne. He ruled over a diſſatisfied people for ten years, after which he was ignominiouſly dethroned.*

ETHELRED the ſon of Ethelwald, was choſen to ſucceed him; but his reign began with factions, either from the intereſts of thoſe of royal deſcent, or from the moroſe diſpoſition which Ethelred diſplayed in his firſt maxims of government; perhaps both thoſe cauſes operated to ſtir up the ſucceeding rebellions. His Generals were unfortunate, and his arms unſucceſsful againſt the malecontents; at a place called Kings-cliff his troops were routed by the rebels, and Alduff his General was ſlain: and in a ſecond battle, at a place called Holy-thorn, the rebels again prevailed.

Ethelred ſoon ſaw himſelf deſerted, and the ſtate in the utmoſt confuſion: in conſequence of which he thought it prudent to withdraw himſelf privily, and ſave his life, which he perceived was in imminent danger.

Edelbald and Herebert, two noblemen of great influence, had headed theſe factions, and now perceiving there was no obſtacle remaining, proceeded to place Alfwold, the brother of Alured, on the throne.

ALFWOLD thus ſupported, aſſumed the ſcepter, no one preſuming, in the turbulent eſtate of the kingdom, to oppoſe thoſe violent meaſures. Alfwold was of an excellent diſpoſition, and ſo far from preſuming to act oppreſſively, in conſequence of the power by which he was ſupported, that he tempered his government with mercy and juſtice. So unhappy was the removal of the diadem from the royal line, and its diſpoſition on the nobility, that factions ſoon were kindling in every diſtrict, and diſſatisfactions breathing from every quarter: all the Nobles regarded themſelves as being publicly affronted, and that the election of Alfwold was to be conſidered as their diſparagement. The excellencies and virtues of the King were totally diſregarded; they rather aggravated than ſerved to conciliate: at length the people roſe up in open rebellion, and a conſpiracy was formed againſt his life. Alfwold had reigned about ten years, when he was treacherouſly ſlain by Sigga, a chief of the conſpirators, and one whom he retained about his perſon. This crime was perpetrated at a place called Sythle-ceſter or [Page xxv] Cilcheſter, in the month of September, 788; and the royal remains were interred at Hexham. *

He left two ſons, Celf and Celfwin, who were both ſlain by Ethelred, after his reſtoration. It does not appear that any one mounted the throne of Northumberland until the year 791, when the prevailing party placed the crown on the head of OSRED, ſon of Alured, but his reign was very ſhort; the ſame giddy multitude to whom he owed his diadem, deprived him of it in leſs than a year, and he fled to conceal his diſgrace, and ſeek ſecurity in ſome foreign country.

ETHELRED conceiving the diſtraction in the ſtate favoured his return, ſupported by a few deſperate partizans, again aſcended the throne. His malevolent diſpoſition retained the darkeſt principles of revenge, and when he thought himſelf ſecured in the government, he began to exerciſe the utmoſt ſeverity on thoſe who had appeared againſt him, whilſt he formerly held the ſcepter; and the chiefs of thoſe factions he put to death. The ſons of Alfwold having gained the aſylum of York, were regarded with an eye of jealouſy, leſt in ſome future day they ſhould lay claim to their father's diadem: by an artful addreſs, and promiſes of great employments in the ſtate, he ſeduced them from their place of ſecurity, and ſoon after had them aſſaſſinated near Wan-waldermere. His hands were ſtained with blood, and his heart was hardened with crimes: he had policy enough to enſnare the unfortunate Oſred, who fell a ſacrifice to his wiles, and was put to death at a place called Cunburge. Truſting that every object was removed which could diſturb his government, he thought it would ſtrengthen his authority to make an alliance with Offa King of Mercia: to this end, without any real cauſe of offence, he divorced his Queen, and married Elfled, Offa's daughter. His tyranny and vices were odious, and all his ſubjects groaned under their oppreſſions. At length the enormity of his crimes rouſed the people, who no longer could ſupport their afflictions; cabals and inſurrections were diſcovered in every quarter of the kingdom, which at length broke out into a general rebellion; and in the tumult Ethelred was ſlain on the 18th of April, 795, at Corbre, having reigned near four years after his reſtoration.

[Page xxvi] From this period the kingdom of Northumberland was rent by innumerable factions, and an univerſal anarchy prevailed. Kings were placed upon the throne by parties, as they gained the ſuperiority, and were depoſed as other parties roſe. Among thoſe Monarchs, Oſwald and Eardulf are named by Hiſtorians, who poſſeſſed a ſhort and turbulent reign. In this diſtraction the kingdom was involved, when Egbert King of the Weſt Saxons, in the year 826, having conquered the Mercians, entered Northumberland, and ſoon reduced it to ſubjection.

A Chronological Table of the Kings of Northumberland.

Begun to reign. Died or Expell. No.  
AD. 547 AD. 559 1 IDA 1ſt King of Bernicia.
560 589 2 Aelle 1ſt King of Deira, and afterwards, in the year 597, firſt King of Northumberland: the provinces of Bernicia and Deira being united by him.
560 567 3 Adda 2d King of Bernicia.
567 572 4 Glappa 3d King of Bernicia.
572 573 5 Theodwald 4th King of Bernicia.
573 580 6 F [...]ethulf 5th King of Bernicia.
58 [...] 587 7 Theodoric 6th King of Bernicia. After whom Aelle united the provinces in the kingdom of Northumberland.
589 593 8 Ethelric 2d King of Northumberland.
593 617 9 Ethe [...]it [...] 3d King of —
617 633 10 Edwine 4th King of — After whom the provinces were again divided.
633 634 11 Eanfrid 7th King of Bernicia.
    12 Oſric 2d King of Deira.
634 64 [...] 13 Oſwald who again united the provinces, and was 5th King of Northumberland, but after him they were again divided.
642 670 14 Oſweo 8th King of Bernicia.
642 651 15 Oſwine 3d King of Deira.
653   16 Ethelwald 4th King of Deira.
670 685 17 Egfrad united the provinces, and was the 6th King of Northumberland
686 705 18 Alefrid 7th King of Northumberland.
705 716 19 Oſred 8th King of —
716 718 20 Cenred 9th King of —
718 731 21 Oſric 10th King of —
731   22 Ceolwulf 11th King of —
738   23 Egbert 12th King of —
759 [...]59 24 Oſwulf 13th King of —
759 7 [...]0 25 Ethelwald 14th King of —
[...]0   26 Alured 15th King of —
[...]9   27 Et [...]elred 16th King of —
782 791 28 Alfwold 17th King of —
791   29 Oſred 18th King of —
792     Ethelred was reſtored.


[Page xxvii]


  • No. 1. This is of gold, and preſumed to be a coin of Boadicia, Queen of the Brigantes, whoſe dominion extended northward to the Tweed; the provinces of the Otadini and Gadeni, by ſome authors being ſaid to be Tributaries.
  • It is the opinion of the learned, that after the Roman Tributes were appointed in Britain-coins were ſtruck with impreſſions ſuitable to the impoſts: thoſe payable for corn lands were marked with an ear of corn, for foreſts with a tree, for the larger cattle a horſe, and the ſmaller cattle a hog; the poll-money was impreſſed with a head. Boadicia complaining of thoſe taxes to her ſubjects, is ſaid to have uſed theſe words: ‘Ye graze and ye plow for the Romans; nay ye pay an annual tribute for your very bodies.’ The Mintmaſter has placed the word Taſcia on many of the Britiſh coins, which ſignifies Tribute-money. It is remarked, that theſe ſeveral impreſſions could not be uſed to denote any diſtinct nation, province, or tribe, for the ſame prince and people uſed them all; as is obſerved in the coins of Cunobeline, who ſtamped upon his coins, ſeverally, the figure of a horſe, a hog, an car of corn, &c.
  • [Page xxviii] No. 2. A ſilver coin of Eadbert. There is ſome doubt whether this is the coin of a Northumbrian Prince, as there were two Kings of Kent of the ſame name. Sir Andrew Fountain, contrary to the opinion of Speed, attributes it to the Northumbrian.
  • No. 3. A coin of Egbert. There were four Kings of this name, one of Northumberland, one of Kent, one of Mercia, and one of the Weſt Saxons. Mr Thoreſby places this among the coins of the Northumbrian Monarchs. On the reverſe is the name of the Mintmaſter, which was uſual in thoſe times.
  • No. 4. A ſilver coin of Alured King of Northumberland, No. 26 in the Chronological Table.
  • No. 5. A coin of Eandred, by ſome authors ſaid to be the brother of Edmund, and to be a tributary Prince about the year 968.
  • No. 6. This is a braſs coin: it is doubted by the learned, whether it belonged to Eandred or Eanfrid. No. 11 in the Chronological Table. Eanfrid built St Peter's church at York, and made Pa [...]nus Biſhop.
  • No. 7. A ſilver coin of Aelfred. Th [...]s Prince was a very learned perſon, to ſhew which, it is preſumed he uſed the Al [...]gram on the reverſe of his coin. This Monogram has been conſtrued to imply Civitas N [...]rt [...]cam, which would fix the coin upon Alfred the Great: Norwich being a place of little note in the time of Aelfred of Northumberland.
  • No. 8. A ſilver coin of Ceolwulf. By the letter M in the legend, it is doubtful this coin belonged to the Mercian King Ceonulf.
  • No. 9. A coin of Egbert, under whom the Saxon principalities were united into one kingdom. He was a Prince of extraordinary wiſdom and valour.
  • No. 10. A coin of Ethelred, No. 27 in the Chronological Table. There was another Ethelred, ſon of Eandred, a tributary King of Northumberland, but no coin of his is extant. On this coin the name is ſpelled Edilred.
  • No. 11. A ſilver coin of Oſwulf, No. 24 in the Table, by ſome called Ethelwulf: he was the ſon of Egbert.
  • No. 12. A ſilver coin of Alfred the Great; by the reverſe it appears to have been ſtruck in honour of St Cuthbert.
  • No. 13. A ſilver coin of Ed [...]a [...]d, brother of Athelſtan.
  • No. 14. A ſilver coin of Eadred. He died about the year 955. after compleating the reduction of Northumberland, and ſettling Oſulf the firſt Earl.
  • No. 15. A ſilver coin of St Edwinus.
  • No. 16. A ſilver coin of Canute the Dane.
  • No. 17. A ſilver coin of Si [...]tri [...], a Daniſh King of Northumberland, odious for his tyranny and pride.
  • No 18. A ſilver coin of Edwene, No. 10 in the Chronological Table.
  • No. 19. A ſilver coin of King Athelſtan.



EGBERT King of the Weſt Saxons, having conquered Northumberland, became Sovereign of the united States of the Heptarchy.

The modes of government being ſettled, and each province reconciled to his authority, he diſbanded his army, and during ſeven years peace, promoted the cultivation of thoſe arts and ſciences, which ſhould increaſe the general happineſs and wealth of his people.

In the thirty-ſecond year of this reign, the Danes made their firſt deſcent upon this iſland. To trace all the ravages thoſe Barbarians [Page 2] committed, would lead to deſcriptions tedious and painful: many parts of Northumberland retain memorials of their hoſtilities; and ſuch in the courſe of this work will neceſſarily be attended to.

It appears, that under Alfred, the Danes held the ſole poſſeſſion of Northumberland; but whether as tributaries or conquerors, is not clearly aſcertained: * Athelſtan obtained many ſignal victories over them, and at length effected their expulſion from this territory.

From this period we find the government of Northumberland repoſed in nominees of the Crown, who aſſumed the titles of Earls of Northumberland; many of whom are named by our Hiſtorians, and their peculiar actions, ſo far as they are relative to the immediate objects of my attention in this work, are recounted.

In this county innumerable monuments of antiquity and natural beauties exiſt, to excite a traveller's curioſity. The poſſeſſion of the Romans, and in after times the conflicts with the Saxons, Danes, and Scots, [Page 3] render it truly hiſtorical ground.—Many of the preſent inhabitants are derived from a race of heroes, who purchaſed immortal honours in the annals of their country.

On this tour I viſited ALDSTON, in the county of Cumberland, to have acceſs to Northumberland at the ſouth-weſt point.


is a ſmall market town, meanly built, hanging on the declivity of a ſteep hill, inhabited by miners. The fatigue of paſſing bad roads, in a mountainous, barren, and inhoſpitable country, was in no wiſe alleviated by the ſcene which preſented itſelf here. Pent in a narrow valley, over which mountains frowned with a melancholy ſterility and nakedneſs; the wind tempeſtuous, impending clouds ſtretching forth a dark and diſconſolate curtain over the face of morning; rain beating vehemently againſt the windows, which were not able to reſiſt the ſtorm; a few trees ſtanding near the Inn toſſed by the heavy blaſts which howled down the valley; whilſt the accommodations within doors were even comfortleſs, rendered ſuch a frontiſpiece to a purſuit of pleaſure, as would have given a check to any thing but inſatiable curioſity.

We were under the influence of the higheſt lands in this part of the iſland, and could not avail ourſelves of the name of ſummer againſt ſuch a climate; for I preſume two fair days together are ſeldom known in this country.

We paſſed over the ſouth branch of the river Tyne, by a ſtone bridge, and entered the county of Northumberland on the Maiden Way, a Roman military road, near


which bears at preſent the name of WHITLEY CASTLE, though only the remains of the Roman ſtation called in Dean Gales Antoninus, [Page 4] Alione: * ſituate on the brook of Gilderdale, the ſouthern boundary of this part of Northumberland.

Whitley lays on an irregular deſcent, inclining to the eaſt, is an oblong ſquare with obtuſe angles, 140 paces from eaſt to weſt, and 110 from north to ſouth: the ground falls ſwiftly from the eaſtern ſide of this ſtation, but to the weſt the hills over look it, from whence it was eaſily aſſailed.—In order to fortify it on this weak quarter, it is ſlanked on the north-weſt and ſouth-weſt angles, with ſeveral trenches and breaſtworks of earth; and on the weſt with ſeven ſeveral trenches and breaſtworks, running out to a kind of ſemicircle: the entrance is on the ſouth. As a ſketch of Whitley will give the reader a general idea of thoſe ſtations I viſited in this county, I have ſubjoined an Etching.

The Maiden Way before ſpoken of, extends from a ſmall fort, called Maiden Caſtle, on Stainmore, by Kirby Thore, in Weſtmoreland, and Whitley to Caer Voran, in this county; guarded by a chain of ſtations. This military road was repaired by part of the twentieth legion, as is denoted by a centurial ſtone diſcovered thereon, inſcribed, VEXILLATIO [Page 5] LEGIONIS VICESIMAE V. V. REFICIT.* The Notitia places at Alione the third cohort of the Nervii. In Mr Horſley's B. Romana we find two altars inſcribed to the Emperor Caracalla, which prove this matter. It is contended by ſome, that Alione was held up and garriſoned by the Romans to the lateſt date of their abode in this country. This was a wretched place for the ſubſiſtence of a cohort; cultivation (even in this age) has only crept down the ſkirts of the valleys, and hung upon the margins of the rivers; even where her ſteps have imprinted the narrow ſhores, corn has not hitherto bleſſed the labour of the huſbandman.

Mr Camden ſays, that ‘Whitley Caſtle retained the marks of a great and antient town, encloſed towards the north with a fourfold rampier.’ This deſcription convinces me Camden never viſited the place, it is ſo inconſiſtent with the true ſtate of it. He gives us one of the inſcriptions diſcovered there in the following form, being one of thoſe in Mr. Horſley's B. Romana:

[Page 6]
IMP. CAES. Lucii Septimi Severi Ara
TR. POT — X — IMP — COS. IIII. P. p —
RVM — G. R. POS.
which Camden ſays ſhews that a temple was erected there to Antoninus the Emperor.* There are not the leaſt traces to be found at this day of any ſuch edifice.

[Page 7] On the oppoſite ſide of the Tyne, as we paſſed down the valley, we had a view of KIRKHAUGH. When Mr Horſley viſited the place, he found in the church-yard, a Roman altar, inſcribed DEAE MINERVAE [Page 8] ET HERCVLI VICTORI;* but on enquiry, we were informed it was lately removed.

We paſſed down the vale, a wild and uncultivated ſcene, till we approached


where ſome narrow incloſures, by the brink of the river, cheered the eye, which for ſome miles had laboured over a ſameneſs of unpleaſing objects with languor. Here the meads, and ſome little woods which hang upon the declivities, were contraſted by the brown heath and grey rocks of the mountains, and made the landſkip pictureſque.

As I now leave the Maiden Way, or Roman military road, and found in this uncultivated country the moſt perfect remains I ever ſaw; to give the reader a general idea, it may not be improper to introduce a deſcription of this; as it is to be preſumed all the Roman roads bore a ſimilarity thereto in their conſtruction, though not in their breadth. The Maiden Way is near ſix yards wide, the ſides are formed by lines of very large pebbles, from whence in an eaſy bow the interior pavement riſes to a crown. Where the road lays down ſteep deſcents, the pavement is formed of flat thin ſtones, placed on their edges, and laid tranſverſely. It paſſes many brooks, and I examined whether any bridges of maſon work had been thrown over them, but could find no remains of ſuch; which leads me to determine, that theſe places were paſſed by means of platforms formed of [Page 9] timber or trunks of trees. The rocks to which the pavement adjoined, would certainly have retained ſome teſtimony of maſon work, if any had been uſed.


is ruinous and neglected. It was the ſeat of one of the Prats in the reign of Edward I. who forfeited the ſame; after which it was granted to Sir Robert de Swinburn: it came to Wallace of Copeland Caſtle, by marriage of Eleanor ſecond daughter of John Swinburn of Edlingham; and Ralph Wallace his deſcendant, ſold it to Mr Alderman Stephenſon of Newcaſtle upon Tyne.

We paſſed by a ſtone bridge over the river Tyne, below Knareſdale, and from the oppoſite heights had a view of


now conſiſting of a ſmall chapel, with a few ſcattered cottages. Here was formerly a houſe founded for Benedictine Nuns, dedicated to God, St Mary, and St Patrick. Authors differ touching the foundation; Speed and Camden attribute it to the Lucys, Tanner to Adam de Tynedale, and others to King John. By deed of confirmation of the ſecond year of King John,* certain endowments made by Adam de Tynedale, and others of that family, were confirmed to this religious houſe. At the ſuppreſſion it conſiſted of ſix Nuns, and was valued at 5l. 15s. 8d. The ſcite of the convent is not now to be diſcovered: in Camden's day, ‘it was for the moſt part undermined by the floodings of the Tyne, and fallen down.’ John Duke of Northumberland had Lambley, by the grant of Edward VI. it was afterwards in the Featherſtonhaughs of Featherſton Caſtle, and now is the eſtate of Sir Lancelot Allgood. This place ſuffered in an incurſion of the Scots in the reign of Edward I. AD. 1296, when paſſing down Redeſdale and Tindale, burning and laying waſte the country, and committing horrid cruelties on the inhabitants, they deſtroyed Corbridge, burnt the town, monaſtry, and church of Hexham, and alſo this ſmall nunnery. The wretched nuns ſuffering the common fate of captives in thoſe ſavage invaſions, torture and raviſhment.

[Page 10] The river being rough, and the fords not known to us, we left the vale, and traverſing the heights, approached


which lays in a little ſequeſtered valley, concealed by the ſurrounding hills. From the eminence over which we travelled, we could command a view for ſeveral miles on every hand; but almoſt the whole ſcene was one vaſt expanſe of waſte and barrenneſs, hill ariſing beyond hill in dreary ſucceſſion of broken crags or brown heath: at the feet of the mountains here and there, a little verdure was perceived, a narrow valley, and a ſolitary cottage. The inhabitants are ſhepherds, and languiſh out a life of indigence, and lazineſs. As we deſcended into the vale where the caſtle ſtands, ſome pretty plains of meadow ground on the margin of Tyne were revealed to us, which, whilſt we remained on the heights, lay concealed from our view.

The caſtle is little more than a ſquare tower, calculated for defence againſt thoſe tribes of robbers the Moſs Troopers. Every chief manſion in the county of Northumberland, in former times was obliged to be thus defended; ſo that the number of thoſe ſmall caſtles is very great. Featherſton tower hath two exploratory turrets: it is vaulted underneath for the purpoſe of ſecuring flocks and herds in the time of aſſault.

The family of Featherſtonhaugh poſſeſſed this place for ſeveral ages: the firſt upon record is Thomas de Featherſtonhaugh, in the firſt year [Page 11] of Edward I. who held it as a member of the barony of Tynedale;* after whom it remained in that family till the latter end of the reign of Queen Elizabeth: it afterwards was ſold to Lord Carliſle, and is now the poſſeſſion of Sir Matthew Featherſtonhaugh.

The proſpects from the tower are narrow, compoſed of ſome cultivated lands on the ſkirts of the hills, little groves hanging over the brink of the river, graſſy plains forming the depth of the vale, through which the Tyne ruſhes, and a few ſcattered cottages; over which ſolemn and gloomy mountains on every hand impend.

We purſued our way to Belliſter Caſtle by a winding road, on the banks of Tyne, the vale widening as we proceeded, and the progreſs of cultivation encreaſing upon us—a moſt happy change to a traveller.

The ſituation of


is beautiful, a rich vale intervenes between it and the river; at the time of our paſſage covered with an abundant crop of wheat. The Tyne here, a formidable ſtream, ſhews many broad canals as it winds down the valley: the banks are wooded, and the riſing grounds on every ſide are rich and well cultivated.—The town of Haltwezell is a great ornament to the landſkip, as it is ſeen hanging on the oppoſite eminence.

This caſtle is a rude ſtructure, of an irregular form as it now lays in ruins, placed on an artificial mount, defended by a moat; the whole a ragged and confuſed pile of mouldering walls, without any ornament or beauty; and rendered more gloomy by the branches of large oaks, [Page 12] which have ſurmounted the building, and ſhade great part of its remains.

This was the ſeat of the Blenkinſops*—(Wallis ſays) a younger branch of the family of Blenkinſop Caſtle. It is now the property of John Blenkinſop Coulſon, Eſq of Jeſmond; but the manor appertains to the Elliſons of Park-houſe.

We proceeded towards Haltwezell, in hopes to paſs the river by the ferry-boat; but the boatman, who thinks himſelf a competent judge of the neceſſity there is for his attendance, was not to be found; and we were obliged to paſs the ford, which is broad and deep, with a bottom of very large ſtones, over which a horſe, breaſt deep in the water, unaccuſtomed to the paſſage, inceſſantly faulters or ſtumbles. Thoſe circumſtances would have been greatly aggravated by our ignorance of the place, had we not met with a perſon to conduct us.—Inſtances of well applied charity characterize this age: it would not be one of the leaſt, to give a ſtipend to an attendant at ſuch fords as theſe, by which many valuable lives would be ſaved.—Is it not ſhocking, that a traveller ſhould be expoſed to infinite perils, by the ſtupidity or folly of a boatman, who preſumes to determine on a matter of ſuch moment, as the fate of his fellow creature! a wretch whoſe character, perhaps, is one of thoſe humiliating ſubjects, which ſerve to reduce ſelf-eſtimation and human vanity, by ſhewing how near, man in the loweſt claſs, is to the brute creation.


is a pleaſant village, holding a market on Thurſdays; the ſituation is lofty; the church-yard, on the ſouth ſide of the town, commands a fine proſpect over the vale, where Tyne flowing in meanders, ſhews itſelf variouſly upon the Landſkip, which is bounded by Belliſter Caſtle and the adjoining woods on the one hand, and extends to Haydon bridge on the other; at the inſtant of our view, varied with all the rich temts of ſummer, and the happy effects of cultivation.

The church contains little that is remarkable: within the altar rails is the tomb-ſtone of an eccleſiaſtic, ſculptured with a croſier of excellent [Page 13] work, and highly ornamented, a pilgrim's ſcrip and ſtaff, with a coat armour, party per feſſe, and three garbs: the perſonage interred not known.

The following rude epitaph marks one of the Riddle family:

John — Redel
That — ſum
tim did be
then Laird of the Walton
Gon is he out of this val of Meſre
His bons lies under this ſtons
A mutilated effigy of a knight templar, who had made the cruſade, lays here; his legs acroſs, and hands elevated; ſaid to be one of the Blenkinſops of Blenkinſop Caſtle.

The Scots plundered this place, in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, but being purſued by the then Lord Warden of the Middle Marches, they ſuffered ſeverely for their temerity.—Here is an infant manufactory of coarſe baize, to which the ſituation promiſes proſperity.—A ſmall endowment was made by Lady Capel, for a maſter to teach reading and writing.

At the eaſt end of the town is an eminence, called Caſtle Banks, of an oval figure; in the centre of which is a fine ſpring. On the eaſt and weſt end, four diſtinct terraces, bankings, or gradations are cut; ariſing one above another. The crown of the hill, is defended by a breaſtwork of earth, towards the town; and on the ſouth by an inacceſſible precipice, at whoſe foot the river runs. To what people this fortification belonged is not known, no memorable action having made it remarkable in hiſtory. Mr Wallis's opinion appears to be a very juſt one, that theſe eminences thus terraced, were occupied by the militia when an enemy had penetrated the country; where they not only had a powerful appearance in ſuch arrangement, but alſo could fight with great advantage when an attack was made upon them.

This county bears innumerable memorials of warfare, ſeveral of which are not now to be aſcribed to any particular people, either from their form, materials, or conſtruction. It was the mode of all contending [Page 14] parties, in ancient times to entrench, and throw up breaſtworks, which were frequently formed to ſuit the ſituation, without regard to any ſingular model common to themſelves: This was the practice, only in times of immediate emergency; the permanent camps or ſtations, were fortified in a mode peculiar to each people: Such as are remarkable will be particularly noticed in the following pages.

From Haltwezell we proceeded to


a Roman ſtation, ſituate on a declivity, which deſcends ſwiftly towards the ſouth-weſt, about a hundred yards diſtant from the Picts Wall, of a ſquare figure with obtuſe angles, each ſide being 120 paces. The Pretorium is very diſtinguiſhable, about ſeven paces from the ſouthern ſide, commanding a very extenſive proſpect. Mr Carrick, who farms the ground, is raiſing the foundations of the Pretorium, and will no doubt diſcover ſome valuable antiquities. I procured here a fine ſilver coin of Antoninus Pius, well preſerved, which was found on this ſtation.

In Warburton's Vallum Romanum, this ſtation is numbered eleven, his treatiſe beginning at Segedunum. With Mr Horſley, he preſumes there is no doubt but this was the ancient Magna, where the Cohors Secunda Dalmatarum was quartered, according to the Notitia. Whether the ancient name Magna was Britiſh or purely Roman, is difficult to determine.*

Mr Horſley's deſcription is chiefly, that Carr-Voran is placed about 12 or 13 chains to the ſouth of both the walls (which are here very near to each other) and has a peat moſs before it. This may both be the reaſon of the modern name, and why the walls approach no nearer to it. The ramparts round this fort are very conſpicuous, and the whole ditch remains diſtinguiſhable: the buildings without the fort, have been on the ſouth and weſt ſides, on the deſcent towards the river Tippal. This is one of the forts entirely within Hadrian's Vallum. The military way called Maiden Way, paſſes through this place, and, as is ſaid, goes to Beau Caſtle, which is about ſix miles [Page 15] from it: and the other military way, which comes from Walwick Cheſters, paſſes a little to the ſouth of this fort, or enters and terminates in the Roman town here. It is very viſible upon the moor ſouth-eaſt of, and not far from Carr-Voran.

A ſmall altar was formerly found here, dedicated to Vitirinaeus, a tutelar God.*

[Note: In conſequence of a vow.] — ROV —
[Note: Poſuit libens merito.] P. L. M.

A ſmall braſs image of one of the Lares—a ring engraven with the figure of Victory on a rough cornelian—a curious effigy in relief of a Roman ſoldier, on a white rag ſtone, were found here in the year 1760. The figure is about 14 inches in height, is helmetted, cloathed in a pallium or light robe, flowing to his feet, claſped on the breaſt with a fibula; in his right hand he is armed with the haſta, and reſts his left on a parma or ſhield, ſupported on a pedeſtal: above his ſhoulder are the figures of a ſtag ſeized by a lion. Abundance of ſtags' horns have been dug up here, the bones and aſhes of animals, and many millſtones.**

[Page 16] On the walls about the farm-houſe, ſtand innumerable Roman remains, fragments of Inſcriptions, broken Effigies, Millſtones, and other things: a bench is raiſed at the door of the houſe, and covered with a [Page 17] large flat ſtone, on which a ſmall altar is cut in relief, with the inſcription ſhewn in the plate. In the yard lays another fragment, which I conceive is inſcribed to Numerianus; and in the aperture (left to admit [Page 18] the light into a hay-loft) are two fragments of inſcriptions; one reverſed, and rendered not legible; the other repreſented in the plate, together with ſome ſmall inſcriptions built up in the walls of the out-houſes, and which have never before been publiſhed.

Camden ſays, he could not diſcover the ancient name of this ſtation, no lights being given thereto either by inſcriptions or otherwiſe.

We paſſed down by Glenwelt to


ſituate on the ſouthern banks of the brook Tippal. By the remains, it appears this Caſtle has conſiſted of a ſquare tower, built on an artificial [Page 19] mount, ſurrounded by an outward wall, at the diſtance only of four paces, of equal height with the interior building; defended towards the north by a very deep ditch and outward mound. The out wall towards the weſt has been removed of late years, and lays the tower open on that ſide. Three vaults ſupport the building, one of which is 18 feet wide. This Caſtle is the property of J. Blenkinſop Coulſon, Eſq has been in the family of Blenkinſops for many centuries,* and held of the Manor of Langley.

A general account of the


the moſt remarkable piece of Roman Antiquity in this country, may not be diſagreeable in this place, before we enter on the more populous parts of the county. It was built as a barrier againſt the incurſions of the northern inhabitants, who were continually harraſſing the Romans, by attacking them in ſundry places at one time, or by ſmall bodies of ravagers, who ſwept away the cattle and flocks of the country. The Romans called it Vallum Barbaricum, Pretentatura, and Clauſura. Hadrian's vallum was conſtructed of earth, and bears date about the year 123 of the chriſtian aera. Severus's is ſuppoſed by many to be of maſonry, and built about the year 210; but of the materials it was conſtructed, the Roman authorities are very vague and doubtful. Bede ſays, ‘Severus having been victorious at home in the civil war, which was attended with many dangers, was drawn into Britain upon an almoſt general revolt of the allies there; where after many conflicts, having recovered part of the iſland, he thought it expedient to ſever it from the barbarous ſtates; not with a wall, as ſome think, but with a rampier; for a wall is made of ſtone, but a rampier, whereby camps are fortified to repel the force of an enemy, is made of turfs cut out of the earth, and raiſed in the manner of a wall, ſo that there be a ditch or trench in front whereout the turfs are gotten; upon which were pitched piles of very ſtrong timber. And ſo Severus caſt a great ditch, and raiſed a moſt ſtrong rampier, [Page 20] ſtrengthened with many turrets thereupon, from ſea to ſea.’ Here we have a perfect deſcription of one of the Roman fortifications, which Bede by miſtake attributes to Severus—an outward ditch, a rampier of earth fortified with a ſtrong paliſado, and guarded by turrets; from whence, with miſſile weapons, the defenders could flank the vallum, and command the ditch upon an aſſault. The third and laſt vallum is by many authors ſaid to be the work of the Britons, aided by the Romans, under the third conſulate of Aetius, about the year 444, who upon receiving a ſecond embaſſy, complaining of the hardſhips they laboured under from the frequent inroads and invaſions of the northern nations, and their inability to reſiſt them, a legion was ſent into Britain, who, with the aſſiſtance of the natives, built, (or rather rebuilt and reinſtated) the wall of ſtone, in length 68 miles, from the point of land at Boulneſs, on Solway Firth, to the mouth of the Tyne. Gildas ſays, ‘the Romans erected a wall after their uſual manner of building, not like unto the other (meaning the vallum of earth or turf) or at the common charge of the empire, but aided by the poor and miſerable natives; this was carried from ſea to ſea, between the cities, which were placed there as fortifications againſt the enemy.’ Bede adds, ‘which wall, that was heretofore famous and conſpicuous, they, with public and private coſt, having with them the helping hand of the Britons, built eight feet broad and twelve feet high, in a direct line from eaſt to weſt."* Camden ſays, "it had many towers or fortreſſes, each about a mile diſtant, which are called Caſtle-ſteeds; and within, little fenced towns, in theſe days called Cheſters. Alſo turrets ſtanding between theſe, from whence the ſoldiers might diſcover the approach of an enemy at a conſiderable diſtance, wherein the Areani might have their ſtations.’ Theſe Areani were ſpies, and men ſwift of foot, to give alarms upon approaching danger. Camden ſays, in his time there was a traditionary tale, that a brazen trumpet ran through the wall, by which an alarm might be communicated from tower to tower. This report he reconciles by an ancient ſervice attendant on the border lands OF CORNAGE, for which to this day a money payment iſſues out of many of the Northumbrian eſtates. This ſervice of Cornage was a kind of tenure in grand ſerjeantry, the nature [Page 21] of which was to alarm the country by the ſound of a horn when any invaſion of the Scots was perceived. The wall then was a formidable defence, 12 feet high, guarded by caſtles and exploratory turrets.* I examined the foundations of ſome of thoſe caſtle-ſteads with attention, where the military roads approached the wall, and they appeared to me the remains of gate-ways, over which, perhaps, there were towers for their defence. No other apertures are ſeen in the wall but at the ſtations, which is ſingular, as the Romans, when they found it neceſſary to ſcour the outward frontiers, or make a ſally on a ſudden attack, had no ſally-ports, or other means to depart their own fortification than by deſcending the wall, or making an egreſs at one of theſe ſtations or military ways, which indeed ſeems ſtrangely inconſiſtent. It is very probable, that the Cheſters were defended in the ſame manner as the wall deſcribed by Bede, and perhaps the vallum was ſurmounted with a paliſado, of which the Corona Vallaris, I preſume, is a model not to be denied. The obtuſe angles of the ſtations encourage an apprehenſion that they were guarded by exploratory turrets.

The higheſt part of the wall now ſtanding, is near Carr-Voran, where it runs upon the brink of a cliff, to the ſummit of ſome eminences: it is there near nine feet high, the outward facing of free ſtone, not totally removed. Where the foundation was not good, or the wall had to paſs a moraſs, it is built on piles of oak: the interſtice between the two facings of the wall, is filled with broad thin ſtones, placed obliquely, and filled with run lime. Camden ſays, the wall near Carr-Voran in his time was 15 feet high, and 9 feet thick, built on both ſides of four-ſquare aſhler ſtones; which greatly exceeds Bede's deſcription. At ſome little diſtance from Walwick, the remains of the turf or earth fence, are to be ſeen in three diſtinct bankings, or rampiers; the principal one about the height of 9 feet, and 33 feet at the baſe: at the diſtance of 24 feet to the ſouth, is a trench 21 feet wide, from the [Page 22] ſouthern brink of which ariſes a rampier of earth, about 10 feet at its baſe, and 6 feet in height: 16 feet diſtant from this is another rampier of equal height, and 19 feet at its baſe; theſe two laſt on the ſouth ſide of the trench, forming a perfect covered way, in breadth 16 feet. The moſt northern of theſe rampiers, in this part, is diſtant from the ſtone wall 30 paces; the preſent military road paſſing between them.

The particular deſcription of theſe fortifications of the Romans, given by Mr Horſley, in his Brit Rom. and Mr Warburton, in his Vallum Rom. would be too tedious to be inſerted here, and inconſiſtent with my plan. Their more general obſervations, together with my own, muſt ſuffice.

It is evident there have been three different Praetenturae erected here at different times, and by different perſons: the firſt of which was a ſeries of ſtations or forts, placed quite croſs the country; and this, it is preſumed, was done chiefly by Julius Agricola, and is the moſt ancient of the three. Next to this was erected Hadrian's vallum, and its appurtenances; after which the aforeſaid ſtations might probably go by the name of Stationes per Liniam Valli. The laſt and ſtrongeſt fence of all was (as moſt learned antiquaries agree) built by Severus, which is a ſtone wall, that lays north of the rampiers of earth.

Hadrian's vallum was the ſecond Praetentatura, and ſeems rather to have given the former the name of Stations per Liniam Valli, than the wall of Severus. What Bede ſays of the wall's being rebuilt afterwards by the Romans, is applicable to this: ‘that it is carried on from town to town much in a ſtrait line.’ What belongs to this work, is the Vallum on the brink of the ditch, having the ditch on the north, another Vallum ſouthward, diſtant from the former about 16 feet, and a large Vallum on the north of the ditch. The ſouth Vallum has either been made for an inner defence, in caſe the enemy might beat them from any part of the principal vallum, or to protect the ſoldiers againſt a ſudden attack from the provincial Britons. Theſe four works keep all the way a conſtant regular paralleliſm one to another. The third Praetentatura was Severus's ſtone wall. We have the expreſs teſtimony of ſome ancient writers, concerning this Emperor's building a wall croſs our iſland; which will be explained hereafter. To this work belongs [Page 23] a paved military way, which has attended the wall on the ſouth ſide, though it be not always parallel to it. It ſometimes coincides with Hadrian's north vallum; but whenever this is too diſtant, or perhaps has been too ruinous, or in any other reſpect inconvenient, the new military way (which is a reparation of the old Roman road made by order of government) always accompanies Severus's wall, and comes up near to every Caſtellum upon it; and therefore it is to be preſumed the Roman military road has been a work cotemporary with the wall, and directly for its ſervice. It is apprehended there has been alſo a leſſer military way near to the wall, for the convenience of ſmall parties paſſing from turret to turret. There is alſo belonging to this work, a large ditch on the north ſide of the wall; but there are no remains, to prove that there was any breaſtwork or Agger of earth on its northern brink. Upon this wall certain caſtles and turrets have been regularly placed, and at proper diſtances one from another; and in order to form a general idea of the wall, and its original ſtate, it will be neceſſary to have ſome knowledge of theſe.

All theſe caſtles, except one near Harlow Hill, (which may have been built before the wall) are 66 feet ſquare, the wall itſelf falling in with and forming the north ſide of them. The intervals between theſe caſtles are not always exactly the ſame, but excepting two or three at the eaſt end of the wall, always leſs than a mile, that is, from ſix furlongs and a half to ſeven. They are conſtantly called caſtles or caſtle-ſteads by the country people, (which ſeems to make it probable that the latin word has been caſtellum) and by the form and uſe of them, ſeem to have been a ſmaller ſort of a caſtle for a ſmall garriſon. So likewiſe they call the Caſtra Stativa, or Aeſtiva uſually Cheſters, from the Latin: and this is a uſual criterion whereby to diſcover a Roman encampment or ſtation. Theſe Caſtella ſeem to have ſtood cloſeſt, where the ſtations are wideſt, and are by ſome modern authors called mile caſtles, or milliary Caſtella. In the laſt edition of Camden, they are, through miſtake, ſaid to be of a very different ſhape and ſize. Perhaps the remaining ruins of two or three caſtle-ſteads, that do not join the walls, and of one that does, which are all plainly of another ſort, have occaſioned this error. It is not improbable, that there may alſo have been ſome exploratory caſtles belonging to Hadrian's work, though there be little appearance of ſuch at preſent, unleſs the ſmall remains at Chapel Houſes, near Newburn, and thoſe near Heddon on the Wall, which are Caſtle-Steads, be of this ſort. But be that as it will, (in relation to [Page 24] Hadrian's vallum) above two-thirds of theſe caſtella are yet very viſible upon the wall of Severus, and for a long way together, eſpecially about the middle of the wall, they have their diſtinct veſtiges remaining without interruption. But the original number and ſituation of theſe caſtella may be beſt known by the following table, taken from Mr Warburton's Vall. Rom. and Mr Horſley's Brit. Rom.

Caſtles coinciding with the ſtations. Caſtles whoſe remains are viſible. Caſtles quite deſtroyed. Sum total of caſtles.   Miles. Furlongs. Chains.
From Segedunum Wall's End to Pons Aelii Newcaſtle 3 5
1 4 1 6 Pons Aelii to Condercum Benwell 2 0 9
0 6 2 8 Condercum to Vindobala Rutcheſter 6 6 5
0 9 0 9 Vindobala to Hunnum Halton Cheſters 7 0
0 5 1 6 Hunnum to Cilurnum Walwick Cheſters 5 1 7
1 8 0 9 Cilurnum to Procolitia Carrawbrugh 3 1 8
Procolitia to Borcovicus Houſe-ſteads 4 5
Borcovicus to Vindolana Little Cheſters 1 3 8
1 9 0 10 Vindolana to Aeſica Great Cheſters 3 6 4
Aeſica to Magna Carr-Voran 2 1
0 10 0 10 Magna to Amboglanna Burdoſwald 2 6 0
Amboglanna to Petriana Cambeckfort 6 2 8
0 5 4 9 Petriana to Aballaba Scaleby Caſtle 2 6 6
Aballaba to Congavata Stanwicks 5 1 9
Congavata to Axelodunum Brugh 3 3 4
1 1 12 14 Axelodunum to Gabroſentum Drumburgh 4 0 9
Gabroſentum to Tunnocelum Boulneſs 3 4 1
4 57 20 81   68 3 3

[Page 25] The ſmall turrets (in Latin, Turres) have been more generally and entirely ruined than the Caſtella; ſo that it is hard to find three of them any where together with certainty. The diſtance between two, where it was thought ſureſt, was meaſured, and found to be near 14 chains, or 308 yards. It therefore ſeems moſt probable, that there have been four of theſe between every two Caſtella, at equal diſtances from the Caſtella and one another; for thus five intervals will be found between every two Caſtella, each conſiſting of 14 chains; which five intervals will juſt amount to 7 furlongs, the uſual or mean diſtance between the Caſtella. And this ſcheme anſwers with a good deal of exactneſs to the ſituation of all the turrets, that have yet been diſcovered. Theſe exploratory turrets, or watch towers, ſeem to have been only about four yards ſquare at the bottom; and by placing centinels at each of theſe, who muſt have been within call of one another, the communication quite along the wall might be kept up, without having recourſe to the fiction of a ſounding trumpet, or pipes laid under ground, from one end of the wall to the other, though this ſeems to be credited by Mr Echard and others.

There have alſo been ſeveral larger forts or ſtations upon the wall, or near it, whoſe diſtances from each other will be particularly ſhewn hereafter, and may be ſeen in the foregoing table.

Whilſt I am giving a general view of the ancient ſtate of the wall, it may not be improper to obſerve, that there have been 18 of theſe ſtations upon it, with 17 intervals between them: the wall is in length 68 miles and three furlongs; this divided by 17, gives the mean diſtance, which is very little more than four miles: but the ſtations are much cloſer and thicker at each end, and in the middle, than in the intermediate ſpaces, between the middle and the extremities; which is not diſagreeable to reaſon, or the uſual rules of fortification. Beſides, if according to the common tradition, the inroads of the enemy were in, or near the middle, it was neceſſary to make it ſtronger, and guard it more; eſpecially ſince the advanced ſtations were feweſt, if any, where thoſe upon the wall were cloſeſt.

This wall runs generally upon the top or ridge of the higher ground, keeping a deſcent on the north or enemy's ſide, and hath thereby both a greater ſtrength, and better proſpect; for the ſake of which, it often forms an angle. In Hadrian's vallum it is different, but both in the [Page 26] main ſeem to have been carried on pretty much in a ſtraight line, from ſtation to ſtation: there is indeed now and then a gentle turn in croſſing a rivulet, or at a ſtation, and ſometimes too in paſſing a height; but this laſt happens uſually at coming within ſight of a ſtation, and perhaps in order to reach it. Hadrian's vallum keeps more in a ſtraight line than Severus's wall, as much as the nature of the ground and other circumſtances would admit. It is plain, a military way has conſtantly attended Severus's wall, and no doubt was made at the ſame time with it: this always keeps nigh to the wall, and never coincides with the north vallum of Hadrian, but when the two works approach one another. When they part, and go at a diſtance one from the other, the way leaves the vallum to accompany the ſtone wall; but where the wall paſſes along the brink of precipices, the way does not follow every little turn, but in theſe leſſer windings, is like the ſtring of a bow, and keeps upon the ſides of the hill, in order to avoid, as much as poſſible, the ſudden aſcent or deſcent in paſſing from hill to hill, and yet ſo as at the ſame time never to be at a great diſtance from the wall. The rule therefore by which this way ſeems to have been conducted, is in general by keeping pretty cloſe to the wall, and and at the ſame time going on a line from Caſtellum to Caſtellum, and ſhunning the aſcent of hills as much as poſſible. And as the ſmaller military way went from turret to turret cloſe by the wall, ſo this greater way attended the Caſtella, falling in with Hadrian's north vallum (which Mr Warburton conceives was the old military way, though north of the ditch, vallums, and covered way) when that did not take too much out of the road, or was not too ruinous to be made uſe of. The old military way, as Mr Warburton calls it, has been the beſt and moſt direct paſſage from ſtation to ſtation, and when the line of the ſtations fetched a compaſs, another diſtinct military way, and ſhorter, was laid; not from one ſtation to the next, but between two ſtations more remote.

This was certainly done in Northumberland, from Walwick to Carr-Voran; and I have reaſon to apprehend the like was done alſo in Cumberland, from Carr-Voran, or at leaſt from Cambeck, to Stanwicks. The military way of Severus ſeems to have been well paved, but not raiſed ſo high as what Mr Warburton calls the old military way.

Mr Warburton ſays, he was not able to diſcover any gates in this wall, or paſſes through it, except juſt in the ſtations, or where the [Page 27] grand military roads have croſſed it: where the Ermin-ſtreet (not the Watling-ſtreet, as Mr Horſley calls it) paſſes the wall near Halton, there is a viſible track of a ſquare gate, and the ditch belonging to the wall manifeſtly goes about the half of it, the inner half not being now ſo viſible. This gate ſeems to be much of the ſame ſize with one of the Caſtella, 66 feet ſquare; only theſe are wholly within the wall, and the gate half within, and half without. Mr Warburton ſays, he expected to have found ſome other gates of the ſame form, or ſome paſſes through the wall in the Caſtella, but could not. The other two military ways which croſs the wall, ſeem to have paſſed at the ſtations of Carr-Voran and Stanwicks.

What the ſeveral dimenſions of the walls, ditches, Vallums, and military ways have originally been, may not be eaſy to determine with exactneſs; but the length of Severus's wall is certainly known, it having been three times meaſured of late; once by Mr Gordon, a ſecond time by order of Mr Warburton, and a third by the Board of Ordnance, A. D. 1750; and as there is little difference between the three meaſures, it is a proof there is no material miſtake in either. Mr Gordon gives a ſummary account of his work in theſe words: ‘The number of ſtations taken in my actual ſurvey from ſea to ſea, were in all 159, wherein I made Severus's wall the principal line of the ſaid ſtationary diſtances; the total amount of which was 73959 Roman paces, equal to 73 Roman miles and 959 Roman paces, equal to 68 Engliſh miles and 169 paces.’

The number of ſtations (or places of obſervation) upon the ſame principal ſtationary line, in the ſurvey Mr Warburton ordered to be made, were 164; the length of the wall, 68 miles and 3 furlongs, including the length of the ſtations at each end. In this account Engliſh meaſured miles and furlongs are retained, in order to make it more plain and intelligible. It is eaſy to reduce an Engliſh mile to a Roman one, by conſidering that 1000 Roman paces, that is, 5000 Roman feet, make a Roman mile; and allowing for the inequality between the Roman foot and the Engliſh, an Engliſh mile is nearly equal to a Roman mile and one-thirtieth; ſo that 13 Engliſh miles will be much about 14 Roman.

From what has been ſaid, it appears to be a miſtake to ſuppoſe Hadrian's vallum longer than Severus's wall, as Mr Gordon ſeems to have [Page 28] done. It is certain the former has gone more in a right line than the latter, and it ſeems probable, that Severus's wall has at each end been carried further than Hadrian's: ſo that the very exact agreement, which Mr Gordon ſuppoſes between ‘the actual ſurvey of the wall, and the account given of it by the Romans themſelves,’ is in a great meaſure imaginary. For according to Spartian, Hadrian's vallum was 80 Roman miles long; but the actual menſuration cannot ſtretch Severus's wall up to 73, and Hadrian's vallum is certainly two or three miles ſhorter, upon account of its being ſtraighter. There had juſt been 81 milliary Caſtella upon Severus's wall, and conſequently juſt 80 intervals between the caſtella. So that if the Romans, in a general way, called every interval a mile, one with another, and Hadrian's vallum was near the ſame length with Severus's, this might be looked upon as a plauſible reaſon, why the hiſtorian ſhould ſay it was 80 miles long.

According to Bede, the wall was eight feet in breadth, and twelve feet in height (as probably there was a parapet or paliſado at the top, ſo this would firſt go to ruin; Bede's meaſure is moſt likely to be excluſive of theſe): the thickneſs of Severus's wall has been meaſured ſeveral times of late, and by ſeveral perſons, without any great variation; and by the meaſures taken in different parts, it ſeems not to have been every where equal. Near Harlow-hill, it meaſured ſeven feet four inches near the foundation; and at another place, where the wall is two yards high, it was at that height about ſeven feet thick; which ſhews that the uſual breadth near the foundation was a Roman pace and an half. Near Boulneſs on the Solway Firth, at a place called Kirklands, it meaſures near nine feet: and there ſeems to be an obvious reaſon why it ſhould be ſtronger here; for at full ſea, the water has certainly flowed up to it.

The breadth of Hadrian's ditch, at a lime-ſtone quarry weſt of Harlow-hill, where the original breadth and depth is apparent, and may be exactly aſcertained, it meaſured near nine feet deep and eleven feet over; it was wider at the top than at the bottom, the ſides being ſloping. The ditch belonging to Severus's wall, was in all places both wider and deeper than that which belonged to Hadrian's vallum.

The diſtances between the ſeveral parts of theſe works ſeem, ſome of them, to have all the way been conſtantly the ſame; others of them vary. Among theſe variable diſtances, is that between the two walls, which ſometimes come very near within a chain of each other, but at [Page 29] other times are at 50 chains diſtance. The diſtance alſo between Severus's wall, and the military way belonging to it, is, as I have ſaid, not always the ſame, though generally about two or three chains: upon ſome particular occaſions, it may run at the diſtance of five or ſix chains from it, or conſiderably more, as between the two Caſtella weſt of Shewen Sheels, where the diſtance of the military way from the wall, is at one part 15 chains or more; but the diſtance between Hadrian's Vallum, ditch, and north mound, are every where the ſame, and ſo are conſtantly parallel one to the other. The north mound is about 24 feet on a medium from the ditch; and of the two mounds of the Vallum, one ariſes on the very brink of the ditch, and the other is about the diſtance of 16 feet. The materials of which theſe fortifications were conſtructed, are certainly known. Hadrian's is of earth, though ſometimes mixed with ſtone; but I could diſcover no appearance of timber. Severus's was of free ſtone, as is certain from what is yet viſible of it: in ſome places, where the foundation was not good, they ſeem to have made uſe of oaken piles. The inner part of this wall is filled after a remarkable manner; the filling ſtones are generally pretty large, and moſtly broad and thin. Theſe are always ſet edge-ways, and uſually not erect, but obliquely: upon theſe the running mortar or cement, has been poured, and by this contrivance (together with the great ſtrength of their cement, in moſt places) the whole has been bound as firm, as a rock. People are much at a loſs to know, from whence the Romans had the ſtones which they uſed in building the wall in ſeveral parts, and for other occaſions. In ſome places, particularly in Cumberland, no free ſtone is to be had, but from a very great diſtance; and in other places, where ſome might have been had, the Romans ſeem not to have uſed it, but ſtone of a very different grit. This appears more particularly in the ſtation, at the end of the wall, near Couſins Houſe; where the Roman ſtone is of a very coarſe grit, ſo as to be eaſily diſtinguiſhed from others: and both the learned authors before me, ſay, they were aſſured, that there was no ſuch ſtone, nor any quarry of ſuch a grit, in the neighbourhood. The devil's arrows at Boroughbridge, in Yorkſhire, are yet of a coarſer nature, and ſeem to be artificial ſtone.* Some particular places, from whence they were furniſhed with ſtone, [Page 30] may be gueſſed at with probability. Such, for inſtance, are the rocks between Walwick and Carraw, through part of which Hadrian's ditch was cut: and in the late edition of Camden, it is ſuppoſed, that ſtones were got at Hellbeck Scar, on the Gelt, and Leugh Cragg; the truth of which Mr Horſley proves in his remarks on the inſcriptions there.

Some have wondered, how this work could be carried on, in the face of the enemy, ſuppoſing the wall to be the very boundary at the time it was built: but there appears no reaſon to entertain this opinion; for when the Romans had advanced their conqueſts in Scotland, beyond the Firth of Tay, they only fortified the other iſthmus, between Forth and Clyde, which might be 30 miles, or more, ſouth from the utmoſt extent of their conqueſt, as appears from Tacitus's account of that matter: ſo that they kept their Pretenturae, or ſeries of fortifications, croſs the country, a good way within the bounds of their conqueſt; and probably when the walls were erected here, the Romans were poſſeſſed of part of the country beyond them, and of ſon [...] advanced ſtations there, as may be concluded from the inſcriptions yet extant; ſo that this wall might probably not be built, till Severus had driven the enemy ſo far to the north, as to render them incapable of giving any interruption to the Romans, when carrying on the work.

At which end they began the ſeveral Pretenturae, may be another enquiry. The Pretentura of ſtations, was moſt probably begun from the weſt; becauſe Julius Agricola firſt conquered the weſtern parts of the northern country: and Hadrian, I believe, in erecting his vallum, began there too, as ſeems probable from the inſcriptions. Severus, it is likely, did ſo too with his wall, which is much confirmed by the ſituation of the Caſtella, that are at a regular diſtance, if we begin our reckoning from the weſt; but if we begin to reckon from the eaſt end of the wall, the firſt Caſtellum appears within leſs than three furlongs of the Station there.

It is the opinion of ſome ingenious perſons, that both the walls, with all their appurtenances, and the Stations upon them, were the work of the ſame time, and the ſame perſon; and that the one is only an interior Vallum or foſs to the other. But that this was not the original deſign of the Vallum, though it might be ſo uſed by Severus, appears plain from the teſtimonies of the Roman hiſtorians; nor does this notion ſuit the circumſtances of the work itſelf, as they yet appear. The [Page 31] coincidence of Severus's military way, with the north Vallum without the ditch; the exact paralleliſm of all the parts of Hadrian's work, and the very unequal diſtances, that are between the two walls themſelves, are convincing arguments, that the walls have been erected at different times. It is alſo the opinion of ſome, to whoſe judgment I pay a great regard, that Severus's wall was built upon the ſame foundation with Hadrian's principal Vallum. This conjecture is ſupported by plauſible reaſons; for if the north eminence or line has been an old military way, the ſuppoſition of a rampart, and ditch to the north of that way, would remove the difficulty of the ſoldiers being expoſed to the enemy, whilſt they were on their march, ſince then the way would have been defended on both ſides. Again, the ſtations too, as well as this ſuppoſed military way, are generally (though not always) included between the two walls and ditches; (or between the works of Severus and Hadrian, as they are now called) the ſtone wall of Severus frequently falling in, within the north rampart of the ſtation, as the turf wall of Hadrian does with the ſouthern.

Beſides this, the advantageous ground is often left on the north ſide of Hadrian's Vallum, which in one place, near Halton Cheſters, is juſt carried round the ſouth ſkirt of a tumulus, or ſmall hill, making a ſudden turn, ſeemingly, with a deſign to avoid paſſing over it. Now if this was intended to be the moſt northerly fortification, and to be a fence againſt the northern enemies, this conduct ſeems to offend againſt right reaſon, as well as againſt the rule of Vigetius, ‘that care ſhould be taken to have no neighbouring hill higher than the fortification; which being ſeized by the enemy, might be of ill conſequence.’ And it muſt be owned, that the ſouthern proſpect of Hadrian's work, and the defence on that ſide, is generally better than on the north; whereas the northern proſpect and defence, have been principally or ſolely taken care of in the wall of Severus. Such conſiderations as theſe have induced ſome to believe, that what now goes by the name of Hadrian's work, was originally deſigned for a fence againſt any ſudden inſurrection of the provincial Britons, and particularly of the Brigantes; whilſt others look upon it as a Foſſa Interior, for the ſoldiers to retreat to, after they had been beaten off, by the northern enemy from their principal Vallum. Both agree in this, that Hadrian muſt have built a more northerly Vallum, than thoſe which now bear his name; and that this muſt have ſtood upon the ſame track, where Severus afterwards erected his wall. This, according to their opinion, would render the whole [Page 32] fortification rational, and regular; whereas, without this, it muſt have been in many places very weak, and open to the inroads of the Caledonians. But on the other hand, plauſible conjectures and ſpeculative arguments, muſt give way to ſtronger proofs on the contrary ſide; though at this diſtance of time, we cannot ſee into the deſigns of the Romans, nor account for every particular part of their conduct in this affair. Mr Horſley conceives, that what is now called Hadrian's north Agger or Vallum, was the moſt ancient military way, leading from Station to Station; and that Hadrian's work, after this, was guided and limited by it, as it keeps a conſtant paralleliſm to it. The north Agger, conſidered as a military way, is conducted according to the Roman art and rules, in every part of it. It is carried on, in the ſhorteſt line, from Station to Station; and this, without doubt, is the true reaſon why it runs ſo much upon the ſouthern ſkirts of the northern hills, the ſhorteſt line leading that way. This is particularly remarkable, in the ſmall hill near Halton Cheſters, before obſerved. The direct line of the way would have lead over the hill; but to avoid climbing it, a ſmall turn is made to carry it round the ſkirt; and it paſſes on the ſouth ſide rather than the north; becauſe, this is the ſhorter and more convenient way to the Station, to which it is tending. The other parts of Hadrian's work, keep their due diſtance and paralleliſm, bending exactly in the ſame manner, as the north Agger or Vallum does, and ſo running at a few yards diſtance to the ſouth of the hill. In a word, the north Vallum, or as Mr Horſley terms it, the old military way, keeps juſt ſuch a courſe, and runs through ſuch grounds, as one would expect ſuch a Roman way ſhould do. And if it was determined, that Hadrian's work ſhould ſtrictly accompany this, and keep all along an exact paralleliſm to it, they muſt then by this rule, be tied down to theſe ſeeming irregularities and miſconduct, which appear in this work. It may be ſaid, that they might at leaſt have made the fortification on the north ſide of the military way, if there was no other more northerly fence; but to this it is replied, that it was ſcarce practicable to carry on the work on the north ſide of the way, ſo as to be near and parallel to it; and ſuch is the ſituation of the ground, that if they had done ſo, it would have been generally weaker than it is, running along the very ſides of the hills; unleſs they had made it where Severus's wall ſtands, and where, as has been ſaid, ſome ſuppoſe Hadrian's principal Vallum to have ſtood; but that in fact Hadrian had no Vallum here, and that the whole of his work was comprehended, in what ſtill goes by his name, appears moſt probable from the following conſiderations.

[Page 33] Among all the hiſtorians that mention the building of ſuch a wall by Severus, there is not the leaſt hint to be met with, of his building it upon the ſame foundation with Hadrian's Vallum. The expreſſion of Spartian, "apud Vallum," looks the likeſt it of any; but it is certainly more agreeable to this expreſſion, to ſuppoſe it to be only near the Vallum, and not directly upon it: and to build a ſtone wall upon the foundation of an earth one, does not appear very probable. If I am not greatly miſtaken, it would be more laborious and expenſive to build ſuch a wall upon the ruinous Vallum, than to erect it upon ground that was entirely clear; and there is not at preſent the leaſt evidence of ſuch a Vallum; yet it ſeems hard to ſuppoſe, that the mound of earth has been every where ſo entirely removed, as to leave no viſible remains of it, any where, along the whole tract of the wall. Again, Severus's wall paſſes over large ſpaces, where the erecting of an earthen rampart ſeems almoſt impracticable: in ſome places it paſſes, for a conſiderable way, along the tops of precipices, and ſometimes, down the ſteep declivities of a bare rock; and in theſe places there is no ditch. In one place too, the wall is carried through a ſmall moraſs, near Bleatarn, in Cumberland. Here, it is preſumed, the foundation is formed by piles of wood; but Hadrian's work ſhuns it, and runs at ten chains diſtance from the wall of Severus. No circumſtances appear in the two works of Severus's wall and Hadrian's Vallum, that argue them to be done at the ſame time, or to have any neceſſary relation one to the other. The conſtant paralleliſm of the north Vallum, the ditch, and the two ſouthern Vallums of Hadrian's work, is a ſhrewd argument of their mutual relation: but this paralleliſm does not hold in the wall of Severus. Where they are moſt diſtant, there are no viſible branches of any military way leading from one to the other, whereby the communication between them might be more eaſily preſerved. In ſome places there is a moraſs between the two walls, which muſt make a retreat from one wall to the other inconvenient, and is improper for a body of men to ſtand on. The military way that now attends Severus's wall, is agreed to have been made at the ſame time with the wall itſelf: if then Hadrian's principal Vallum was on the ſame ground, where the wall of Severus has ſtood; how comes it to paſs, that there has been no military way accompanying it? If Hadrian's work is ſuppoſed to have been deſigned for a defence againſt an attack from the ſouth, difficulties of the ſame kind will ariſe, perhaps not eaſy to be removed; for ſometimes the advantageous ground is left on the ſouth, where it might eaſily have been otherwiſe ordered, if their deſign had been only [Page 34] to ſecure themſelves againſt aſſailants from the ſouth, and the courſe of their fortification had not been previouſly determined by ſome other rule. In one place the Vallum runs between higher ground on each ſide. Beſides, if it was deſigned againſt an enemy from the ſouth, the ditch is on the wrong ſide, being to the north of two ramparts: and why may we not ſuppoſe the moſt ſoutherly rampart to have been, either a ſlight fence againſt an attack from the ſouth, or an interior defence to retreat to, if the ditch ſhould be carried by an aſſault from the north? There was no occaſion to draw ſuch a line of defence, in order to prevent their making an attack upon the Stations, for they are ſtronger on all ſides than this Vallum. It is to be obſerved, that at each end of the wall, Severus's work is continued beyond Hadrian's. This part then of Severus's wall at leaſt, was not erected upon Hadrian's Vallum; and yet Mr Horſley ſays he ſee no difference between the appearance of this work here, and in the other parts of it.

The legionary ſoldiers were the perſons employed in building this wall, as they were generally in all conſiderable works of this nature; and that the three Legions, which were at that time in Britain, built Antoninus's wall in Scotland, is clear from a great number of inſcriptions found in that wall, which expreſsly declare it. The 20th Legion had no concern in building the wall of Severus; it was wholly done by the other two; namely, the Legio Secunda Auguſta, and Legio Sexta Victrix; for theſe Legions only (as far as appears) erected the inſcriptions, which will be given in the courſe of this work. If therefore 20 Cohorts, the number in two Legions, built the whole wall, it will be eaſy to determine the ſhare which belonged to each Cohort: for there being 81 Caſtella upon the whole wall, and ſo 80 milliary intervals; juſt four of theſe intervals would fall to the ſhare of every cohort. It may not be amiſs to try, how far we can find out the ſeveral Cohorts, belonging to the reſpective Legions, and on what part of the wall each Legion and Cohort ſeems to have been employed.

If we divide the wall into four equal parts, the 1ſt and 3d quarters reckoning from the eaſt, ſeem to have been built by the Legio Secunda Auguſta, and the 2d, and laſt, by the Legio Sexta Victrix; for at the eaſt end of the wall, we have expreſs mention of the Legio Secunda Auguſta, in the ſtone at Denton, which is about ſix miles from the end of it; and we have ſix, if not ſeven Cohorts of this Legion, mentioned in thoſe centurial ſtones found in this quarter, viz. I, II, III, V, VIII, IX; beſides there [Page 35] is a ſeeming appearance of the 6th at Wallbottle. This quarter reaches near to Halton Sheels, or to the next Caſtellum eaſt of it; which is above two miles eaſt of Halton Cheſters. In the ſecond quarter, which reaches from hence, to the ſecond Caſtellum weſt of the Houſe-ſteeds, we have the Legio Sexta Victrix, on a centurial ſtone, about four or five miles from the beginning of this quarter; and at Houſe-ſteeds and Little Cheſters, juſt at the end of it, the ſame legion is mentioned upon two altars and two bricks: but the Legio Secunda Auguſta does not occur in this ſpace, at leaſt not on any ſtone that can be relied on. There are no Cohorts upon any ſtones in this place, diſtinct and viſible, except the 6th and 10th; but no doubt ſeveral others have been mentioned upon the many ſtones found here, though the numbers are now quite effaced. In the third quarter, which reaches to Old Wall, near Watch Croſs, in the county of Cumberland, we have Legio Secunda Auguſta mentioned again ſeveral times. Indeed the Legio Sexta Victrix occurs upon a ſtone in Cambeck fort, but probably it has been inſerted in the face of that fort, when it was repaired upon ſome other occaſion. The Cohorts of this ſpace, are the 1ſt, 6th, 7th, and 9th, which I believe have all belonged to the Legio Secunda Auguſta. In the laſt quarter, which I believe was built by the Legio Sexta Victrix, I meet with no centurial ſtones, except one at Draw-dikes, which ſeems to have belonged to a cohort of another kind. The Legio Sexta Victrix is upon fine ſtone at Carliſle, but no particular Cohorts appear in this ſpace.

Julius Caeſar, when he made his firſt deſcent upon Britain, brought over only two Legions with him, which were the 7th and 10th. This latter was his favourite legion, and both together made but an army of 12,000 foot at the moſt. The horſe belonging to theſe legions never reached this iſland, and the foot the ſame year were tranſported back again to Gaul.

The next year, when Caeſar made his ſecond deſcent, he brought over five Legions with him, and 2000 horſe, which ſeem to be all the horſe that belonged to theſe Legions. There is nothing in the hiſtory whereby it can be known, what Legions theſe were, except the 7th, which is mentioned by Caeſar. Theſe likewiſe returned back again to Gaul, the ſame year in which they came over, as the two Legions had done the year before.

During the three ſucceeding reigns of Auguſtus, Tiberius, and Caligula, it is plain the Romans had no footing in Britain.

[Page 36] Under Claudius (who applied himſelf in good earneſt to the reduction of Britain) a conſiderable army was ſent to this iſland; the Emperor himſelf afterwards coming over in perſon. This army conſiſted of Roman Legions and other Auxiliaries, though the hiſtorians have not told us expreſsly what they were, either as to their number or names: but conſidering the ſmall ſucceſs of Julius Caeſar before, and the much greater conqueſts this army made, it is highly reaſonable to ſuppoſe it was ſuperior in number to the greater of Caeſar's, which conſiſted (if the Legions were compleat) of above 30,000 men. It is preſumed, that the army ſent over by Claudius conſiſted of four Legions, with their proper auxilia, and the uſual number of horſe belonging both to one and the other; and this army ſo compoſed would amount to more than 50,000 men. Any conjecture, as to the number or names of the auxiliary Cohorts, muſt be uncertain and doubtful: but both the number and names of the Legions may be certainly collected from ſome incidental paſſages of Tacitus. They were the ſecond, called Auguſta, the 9th, 14th, and the 20th, uſually called Valens Victrix; each of which are mentioned in the inſcriptions inſerted in this work.

As we have no evidence from hiſtory, that any new Legions were tranſported by Nero, but that the ſame continued, which had been ſent over at firſt by Claudius; ſo it is plain, from the relation of the battle with Queen Boadicea, that the four Legions laſt mentioned were here under Nero, in whoſe reign this battle happened: for according to Tacitus's account of this matter, the 9th Legion was ſurprized and deſtroyed by this Queen. The 14th, and the Vexillarii of the 20th, were in the battle, and the ſecond, though in Britain, was abſent from the fight, through the fault of Poenius Poſthumus, their Commander, who fell upon his own ſword, when he heard of the glory the troops had acquired in that engagement.

Of theſe four Legions, one continued very late, and another to the laſt. The Legio XX. VV. though it continued very long here, yet it ſeems to have been recalled before the Romans had entirely abandoned the iſland; for it is not mentioned in the Notitia. The Legio Secunda Auguſta is mentioned there, and ſo ſeems to have continued here to the laſt, and to have been the only one that was kept here during the whole time: for though the Legio Sexta Victrix did alſo continue to the laſt, yet this came not over till the reign of the Emperor Hadrian. The ninth [Page 37] Legion ſeems to have dwindled away entirely, or elſe the ſmall remains of it were incorporated with the Legion ſent over by Hadrian.

It is remarkable, that the Legions which continued long in Britain, ſeem for the moſt part to have been jointly employed in carrying on the moſt conſiderable works or wars that have been in this iſland. Thus they were jointly engaged in building the wall in Scotland, and moſt or all of them, in erecting thoſe in the north of England: and the Legions and legionary Cohorts ſeem to have been the only ſoldiers who were employed uſually in erecting forts or raiſing fences. Auxiliary Cohorts appear by inſcriptions to have been concerned in ſome other buildings; but forts and fences ſeem to have been the province of the Legionaries, agreeable to that paſſage in Tacitus, ‘the Praefectus Caſtrorum, and legionary Cohorts, who had been left among the Silures for erecting fortifications.’ Thus among all the inſcriptions found upon the Roman wall in Scotland, there is but one that mentions any auxiliary Cohort as having a hand in the work, but always either a Legion or a Vexillation of a Legion. And I take it for granted, that all the centurial inſcriptions upon the face of the wall in the north of England, and which probably were inſerted there at the time of building it, reſpect only the Legions and legionary Cohorts, and yet the Stations upon the wall, as well as moſt of them elſewhere, were garriſoned by the Auxiliaries. The Legio Secunda Auguſta came into Britain in the reign of Claudius, under the command of Veſpaſian, and continued in it as long as the Romans had the leaſt footing here. In Hadrian's time this Legion was in Cumberland, at Netherby and Beau-caſtle, and in the weſtern ſide of Northumberland, and ſo probably had their ſhare in the work of Hadrian's Vallum; or when in the advanced Stations of Netherby and Beau-caſtle, they might be poſted there to ſecure thoſe who were employed in that work. In the beginning of the reign of Antoninus Pius, they were moſt probably upon the eaſtern part of the Roman wall in Northumberland. In Severus's time, it is very probable, they were employed upon the wall that goes by his name.

The Legio Sexta Victrix is uſually thus expreſſed, LEG. VI. V. to which is often added, P. F. that is, Pia fidelis; for that it is to be read ſo rather than Pia felix. It is certain, from a great number of inſcriptions and other teſtimonies, that this Legion was a long time in Britain; and it is equally certain, that it came not over ſo ſoon as the others. The account of this Legion whilſt in Britain, muſt be taken chiefly from [Page 38] ſuch hints as ancient inſcriptions afford us. I do not find it is mentioned in any inſcription belonging to the ſouthern parts of this iſland. It is probable that they made no ſtop in the ſouth, but marched directly by the uſual rout to the weſt end of the Vallum, and had their ſhare in raiſing that work. We have ſeveral inſcriptions on the wall, and near it, in Northumberland and Cumberland, wherein this Legion is mentioned; as at Stanwicks, Cambeck fort, Burdoſwald, Little Cheſters, Houſe-ſteeds, and other places; ſome of which, from the character and other circumſtances, may be ſuppoſed as ancient as Hadrian's reign; the moſt of them do certainly belong to the time of Severus. In the former part of the reign of Antoninus Pius, they were in Scotland, and had their ſhare in building the wall there. Probably they marched along our Watling-ſtreet in the north, either to Scotland or from it, or both; and in their march the ſepulchral inſcription might be erected for a ſoldier of this Legion which was found near Richeſter, in Northumberland. Whether this Legion had taken up its ſtated quarters at York, before the reign of Antoninus Pius, and continued there between the time of building the Vallum and their march into Scotland, I cannot certainly determine: however, after their return from Scotland, and about the middle of Antoninus Pius's reign, they were ſettled at York; for Ptolemy places them there: and there, I believe, they ſtatedly quartered, till the very laſt, though they marched at a diſtance from this place, upon ſpecial occaſions. Thus, for inſtance, this Legion was certainly employed upon the ſtone wall of Severus, as appears, from ſeveral of the centurial inſcriptions found on that wall, which bear the name of this Legion: perhaps ſeveral of its Cohorts might be diſperſed into ſome neighbouring Stations, though York was ſtill the place of its ſtated quarters. Thus, according to Mr Gale's conjecture, by the Legio Gordiana, in the inſcriptions at Lancheſter, in the county of Durham, we are to underſtand the Legio Sexta Victrix. The firſt Cohort of this Legion muſt then, in all probability, have been detached at that time from the Legion at York, to aſſiſt in building the works mentioned in theſe inſcriptions. This was in the reign of Gordian, and ſo after this Legion was ſettled at York.

The Legion called Valeria, or Valeriana, according to ſome, or Valens Victrix, according to moſt, is another of theſe Legions, which were at the firſt ſent over into Britain by Claudius. In the Roman inſcriptions it is thus expreſſed, LEG. XX. VV. but Critics and Antiquaries are not well agreed in reading the former V; ſome will have it to ſtand for Valens, [Page 39] and others for Valeria or Valeriana. The motions and employments of this Legion, ſeem to have been much the ſame with the Legio Secunda Auguſta. It is probable they were jointly concerned in erecting Hadrian's Vallum, though we have no inſcriptions to prove it. That this Legion was employed in building the Roman wall in Scotland, under Antoninus Pius, is clear from ſeveral inſcriptions found on the wall, mentioning this Legion or their Vexillatio, and the quantity of the wall which they built. If the altar found at Benwell fort was erected by a Centurion of this Legion, at the ſame time as the other was, by a Centurion of the Legio Secunda Auguſta, this legion muſt probably have been thereabout in the former part of Antoninus Pius's reign, either doing ſomewhat upon Hadrian's Vallum, or in their march againſt the Caledonians.

One would expect, that this Legion bore its part in building Severus's wall; but among all the centurial inſcriptions upon the face of this wall, there is not one of this Legion, or of any Cohort ſaid to belong to it: and yet it appears by an inſcription, that this Legion was employed in ſome work at the Station at Whitley Caſtle, the ancient Alone or Alione.

In the beginning of the fifth century, about the year 402, Theodoſius the Second, when but two years old, was made Emperor, and joined to Arcadius, and Honorius. This Theodoſius reigned half a century; and it is evident, that in his reign the Romans quite abandoned this iſland. It muſt have been much about this time thoſe uſurpers ſtarted up in Britain. Echard ſays, ‘the inhabitants and troops that were quartered in Britain, fearing leaſt the Vandals ſhould paſs over the ſea, and ſubdue them with the reſt, revolted from their obedience to Honorius, and ſet up one Mark, whom they declared Emperor: but they ſoon deprived him of his life and dignity, and placed Gratian in his room, who was a countryman of their own. Within four months they murdered him too, and conferred the ſovereignty upon one Conſtantine, not ſo much in reſpect to his courage or quality, for he was a very inconſiderable man in the army; but in regard to his name, which they looked on as fortunate; hoping he would do as much as Conſtantine the Great had done, who was of the ſame name, and had been advanced to the imperial dignity in the ſame iſland. This new prince, immediately after his promotion, paſſed over into Gaul, and taking with him the very flower of the Britiſh [Page 40] youth, ſo utterly exhauſted the military force of the iſland, that it was wholly broken, and the iſland left naked to new invaders.’

Britain being thus drained and exhauſted both of the Roman ſoldiers and its own youth, was, according to Gildas, and Bede after him, much harraſſed by the Picts and Scots, and other invaders; upon which they applied to the Romans for help, who ſent a Legion to their aſſiſtance. But the laſt certain account of the Romans' footing in Britain, I believe, is in the Notitia, if it hold true, that this part of it which relates to Britain, was wrote before the middle of the fifth century, or under the reign of Theodoſius the Second, at which time the Roman force was much abated, though their ſoldiers were not yet finally withdrawn from Britain; for beſides a conſiderable number of auxiliary forces, there were yet two Legions at leaſt remaining in this iſland; and the Romans ſeem ſtill to have been in poſſeſſion of that part of the iſland which lays to the South of Severus's wall, though of no part beyond it. The Stations upon the wall were well garriſoned at that time; but excepting the Kentiſh coaſt, and the northern frontiers, the garriſons in the other parts of Britain were very thin, and widely diſperſed, and the reſt of England was entirely naked. On the other hand, it is certain (to uſe Echard's words) that under the reign of Valentinian the Third, ‘Africk, Spain, Great Britain, and almoſt all Gaul, Germany, and Illyricum, were diſmembered from the weſtern Empire.’ Now Valentinian the Third began to reign with Theodoſius about the year 425, and died in 455; ſo that we may ſafely affirm, that in the beginning of the fifth century, the Roman Power was become low in Britain; and near the middle of that century, the Romans had entirely quitted the iſland.

I have dwelt long on this ſubject; Mr Warburton in his preface ſays, ‘All antiquaries that I have converſed with, who have made the accuſtomed tour of Europe, allow the Picts Wall to be the moſt ſuperb remains of Roman grandeur, that is now to be ſeen on this ſide the Alps." And he adds, "The venerable remains of Monaſteries and Caſtles, with other Monuments of Antiquity, are not to be equalled in any nation or country whatſoever.’


[Page 41] In our way to Thirlwall Caſtle, we viewed the intrenchments mentioned by Mr Wallis, called the Black Dykes, where he ſays lead bullets have frequently been found: an occaſional and temporary defence, caſt up for a ſmall force, of modern date, and in no wiſe reſembling thoſe which fortified an ancient camp.


[Page 42]

Under the ſouth front of this caſtle the Roman wall croſſes the Tippal, and ſtretches up the oppoſite eminences. The name of Thirlwall, by ſome authors, has been derived from thoſe breaches made in the wall by the Scots, in their incurſions.

Spelman's calculation of the Roman forces ſtationed on the wall, makes them amount to the number 13,800, allowing 600 to a cohort; excluſive of a whole legion, and 13 detachments of horſe and foot, on other ſtations, and attendants on the Emperor. Conſtantine created an officer ſtiled "Comes Spectabilis Litoris Saxonici," who commanded ſeven companies of foot, two troops of horſe, the ſecond legion, and a cohort to guard the coaſts. In the reign of Nero, ſome authors alledge, the Roman army in Britain conſiſted of 70,000.*

In paſſing down the road below Thirlwall Caſtle, we perceived a large ſtone lay in the way, which bore marks of the ſculptor. We had curioſity to examine it, and found it the head of a Coloſſian ſtatue, meaſuring in circumference near five feet, cut on a rag-ſtone. It ſeemed to appertain to ſome ſtatue of Jupiter, and probably was rolled down the ſteeps from Carr-Voran, and lodged in the river Tippal.

A mile from Thirlwall, lays

1.13. WARDREW,

famous for its Spaw. The waters have been analized, and require not my pen to repeat their virtues, ſo well known to the public. The conveniences for a few viſitors are narrow, but commodious enough; the ſituation is retired, not much of the romantic; the walks are ſolemn, and the whole ſcene befits a mind that carries its ideas and meditations [Page 44] to diſtant regions; for there are few objects preſent which either elevate or entertain. Calmneſs and tranquillity are the effects ſuch ſameneſs of ſubject inſinuates to the mind; and indolence, with that degree of eaſe ſtiled negligence, ſucceed to take the place of pleaſure.

We now proceeded by the military road, and made a little excurſion to the left to


formerly the ſeat of the Ridleys, part of the ruins of the old caſtle remaining. Travellers are ſhewn a well among the cliffs, where it is ſaid Paulinus baptized King Egbert;* but it is more probable it was Edwin King of Northumberland. Such ſpectacles gratify the religious enthuſiaſt, who would be in tranſports on viewing this hallowed font.

From thence to


is little more than a mile: the Vallum of this ſtation is very diſtinguiſhable, of an oblong ſquare, near the dimenſions of Carr-Voran; the interior parts rugged, from the ruins of many buildings. In the courſe of the Notitia, this ſtation is called Aeſica. It was garriſoned by the Cohors Prima Aſtorum, but no inſcriptions have been found here, that mention this or any other cohort.

Great Cheſters muſt be reckoned, Mr Horſley ſays, among the forts that have been well preſerved: the ramparts about it are very viſible; ſome part of the original ſtone wall is ſtanding a good height; the ditch is alſo to be ſeen on all ſides, but towards the eaſt, where it is ſomewhat flat. On the weſt ſide there is a double Agger and ditch. The ruins of the rampart on this ſide are very high: ſeveral regular courſes of ſtones are to be ſeen in this ſide of the rampart, where the ruins have been cleared out. The Praetorium is very viſible, being about 50 yards from eaſt to weſt, and 40 from north to ſouth. To this is joined another parallelogram at the eaſt end, of the ſame breadth with the Praetorium, and 26 yards from eaſt to weſt. This I take to have been the Queſtorum. On the north ſide of the Praetorium are large ruins of ſome conſiderable building, which probably was a temple. On the ſouth ſide of the fort has been a regular entry. Part of the jambs and ſome other ſtones are remaining entire; which may ſhew for what purpoſe ſuch ſtones muſt have been, which are found in other [Page 45] Roman forts. Some pieces of an iron gate and hinges have been found in the ruins not long ago. From this gate there goes a paved military way to Hadrian's Vallum, which is diſtant about 15 chains, which way is alſo continued till it joins the other military way. The out-buildings are moſt conſiderable on the ſouth ſide, though there are alſo ſome on the eaſt. There are vaſt ruins of buildings in this field, which, as uſual, has a gentle deſcent, and is open to the ſouth.

The diſtance between this ſtation and Little Cheſters, the next in my rout, is about three miles and three quarters; and here again all the Caſtella are viſible, being four in number, beſides one more which ſeems to have fallen in with the ſtation at Great Cheſters. The interval here again between the Caſtella is ſeven furlongs.

A little to the weſt of Great Cheſters, near a houſe called Cockmount Hill, the Picts wall begins again to aſcend the rocks. From Great Cheſters to this place the ditch is but faint, except for two or three chains, where it is diſtinct.

A little to the weſt of Walltown, and between that and Carr-Voran, there is a part of the wall which is in the greateſt perfection of any now remaining in the whole track: it is about three yards high, as I before obſerved, has about 14 regular courſes, and at one part 16, of the facing ſtones entire.

As for Hadrian's Vallum, it is viſible all the way till it comes near Carr-Voran. It paſſes near Low Town, juſt on the ſouth of it; and particularly the vallum or rampart on the ſouth brink of the ditch, is here very viſible. Mr Horſley ſays he was informed there were the ruins of ſome Roman works at Low Town, but upon viewing them, nothing like it appeared. They look (he ſays) ſomewhat like the houſes of Moſs Troopers, which ſeems confirmed by what Camden ſays, ‘that he durſt venture no further this way for fear of them.’ He mentions Carr-Voran on the one ſide, and Carraw on the other; ſo that the two Cheſters and the Houſe-ſteads muſt have been the ſtations that he was afraid to viſit.

The diſtance between Great Cheſters and Carr-Voran is almoſt two miles and a quarter. In this ſpace there are three Caſtella, and all of them viſible.

[Page 46] The remains of broken altars and ſome effigies are ſcattered on the eaſtern ſide of this ſtation, but of no ſignificance to the antiquary, as the inſcriptions are totally obliterated.—The following fragment was dug up here, and is thus given in Camden:

I [...]. CAS. M. AVR. SEVE

Near a mile on the ſouth ſide of this ſtation, is a monumental ſtone about three feet high, with the effigy of a man in a nich, cut in relief, with the inſcription as repreſented in the plate.

Mr Horſley, No. 64, gives a monument very like this in figure, but the inſcription varies greatly:

which he reads, dis manibus Pervicae filia fecit.—A funeral monument erected for one Pervica, by her daughter who is not named.

[Page 47] I took the drawing and inſcription with great attention, and am induced to believe the whole monument is here repreſented with truth.

At the mill gate a ſtone placed upſide-down has this inſcription:

D. M.

Mr. Horſley gives this inſcription in the ſame manner, but his drawing of the ſtone has a man's head above the inſcription. This might be ſunk in the earth, as the ſtone now ſerves for a gate-poſt, and is reverſed. Dis manibus Aelio Mercuriali, Corniculario Vacia ſoror fecit. This is a funeral monument erected for Aelis Mercurialis, by his ſiſter Vacia. A Cornicularius was an inferior officer under the Tribune. Mention is made of the Cornicularius, by M. Laetorius Mergus the Tribune by Valerius Maximus; and Suetonius, ſpeaking of Orbilius the grammarian, ſays, "In Macedonio Corniculo mox equo meruit." The name of this officer is upon ſeveral monuments in Gruter, and occurs frequently in the Notitia: he was a kind of a clerk or ſecretary, and in the lower times of the empire, he was rather of higher rank or quality than before.

Camden ſays, this was the ſecond Station of the Dalmatians, called in the old book of Notices MAGNA; and that Sir Robert Cotton took from hence the two following inſcriptions:

From theſe conſular names, the date of this inſcription is 259 in the chriſtian aera.

[Page 48]
—III—A—IOR— (This by ſome antiquaries is ſuppoſed to be dedicated to the Syrian goddeſs Aſtarte. Mr Horſley has objected to Camden's reading: but Dr Stukeley, in his Carauſius, thinks it is confirmed by the altar in Mr Graham [...]s collection at Netherby, inſcribed to that goddeſs in the Greek character and language.) Cohortis primae Hamiorum.

Camden gives the following reading: Deae Suriae ſub Calphurnio Agricola Legato Auguſti Propretore Licinius Clemens Prefect. Unto the goddeſs Suria under Calphurinus Agricola, Lieutenant of Auguſtus and Propraetor, Licinius Clemens the Captain. This Calphurinus Agricola was ſent by Antoninus, philoſopher, againſt the Britons, about the year of our Lord 170; at which time ſome cohort under his command erected this altar. Mr Horſley has treated of this inſcription as being found at Little Cheſters, under which head I have inſerted it in the notes. Lucian deſcribes the goddeſs Suria with a turretted crown on her head, a tabor in her hand, ſet in a car drawn by lions. This was the favourite divinity of Nero, till he grew ſo weary of his devotions, that, as the tranſlator of Camden has it, ‘he defiled her with his urine.’

[Page 49] We paſſed a monument on the left hand, placed on a hill, conſiſting of three large erect ſtones or pillars, two of which ſeem broken off in the midſt. They are called the Mare and her Foals, appearing to be monuments of ſome memorable action, and not druidical, as has been conjectured; their figure and poſition in no wiſe correſponding with any monuments of the Druids.

At a little diſtance from the Cheſters, and ne [...] the 35th mile ſtone, are four Tumuli placed in a ſquare figure, which Mr Wallis ſays were cut through by one Curry, a diſſenting miniſter, whoſe curioſity diſturbed the aſhes of the dead, reaping nothing but the Salina which had conſecrated the remains of the interred, without being able, from this undertaking, to diſcover to what age or people theſe monuments appertained.*


[Page 50]

laying at a little diſtance, induces the traveller to quit his direct road. —This was the ancient houſe of the Ridleys, from whence deſcended many eminent men, amongſt whom was Nicholas Ridley, Biſhop of London, who ſuffered at Oxford with Biſhop Latimer Oct. 16, 1555; alſo Lancelot Ridley, D. D. Fellow of King's Hall, Cambridge, and the great Civilian, Sir Thomas Ridley, Knt. L. L. D.

From thence we paſſed to


a ſmall Roman ſtation, laying on the weſtern ſide of Bardon Burn, now called the Bowers, on account of the trees which cover it. It doth not contain above three acres of land in its incloſure, the Vallum of which is very diſtinguiſhable, forming an oblong ſquare with obtuſe angles. [Page 51] The Via Vacinalis from Carr-Voran to Walwick Cheſters, paſſeth cloſe by its northern ſide, near which a Roman military guide ſtone is ſtanding; and at a mile weſt another; and again, another mile further weſt, a third, in a direct line. Theſe ſtones are cylindrical, ſix feet four inches in circumference, and near ſix feet above ground. On one of theſe is the following inſcription: BONO REIpVBLICAE NATO, the letters large and coarſe. No doubt this was a compliment to the Emperor then reigning, and not an uncommon one.

Little Cheſters was the Vindolana of the Romans, where the Legio Sexta Victrix kept garriſon; as alſo the Cohors Quarta Gallorum, as the inſcriptions found here prove.

Mr Horſley's deſcription of this ſtation is as follows:

‘This ſtation is ſouth from both the walls near a mile and three quarters, but ſtands on the military way before mentioned, which is very viſible for a conſiderable ſpace from this ſtation: ſo that Little Cheſters muſt be reckoned among thoſe which belong to the wall, it being in this rout, and the only military way, which belongs to it, coming from the wall and returning to it.’

[Page 52] ‘There are two or three Forts more, as Carr-Voran and Cambeck Fort, detached to the ſouth of the wall, though none ſo far as this; yet this is not above half a mile from Hadrian's Vallum.’

‘This is one of the leaſt Stations on the wall. It is only ſeven chains long from north to ſouth, and four broad from eaſt to weſt. The ramparts are viſible quite round, and very large, but the ditch is near filled up. The town or out-buildings here have been chiefly to the weſt and ſouth-weſt of the fort; there being a ſmall brook to the ſouth-eaſt, and a deſcent from the Station to it. The Praetorium may be diſtinguiſhed; and there ſeems to have been ſome towers at the corners of the fort, and perhaps two in the ſides of the ramparts.’

‘Severus's wall, which keeps upon the precipices all the way, is almoſt at a mile diſtant from this Station.’

The Royal Society received a few years ago ſome Roman Sandals found here. A Roman Hypocauſtum or Sudatory was diſcovered here, of which Dr Hunter gave the following deſcription:—‘It was a ſquare room vaulted above, and paved with large ſquare ſtones ſet in lime: under which was a lower apartment ſupported by rows of ſquare pillars, about half a yard high—the upper room had 16 flues in the walls then open, and appearing as niches; the pavement and roof were tinged with ſmoak.’ Theſe ſudatories, from this deſcription, were certainly heated by flues in the wall like the modern ſtoves. Mr Horſley ſpeaking of it, ſays it looks very like a Balneum with the Hypocauſtum below it: and ſomewhat of this nature I ſaw at Lancheſter and Riſingham; at the latter place it was not far from the Praetorium. —An engraving is given by Mr Horſley of a ſculpture found here; the principal figure of which repreſents Mercury. He gives the following deſcription of it. Mercury is repreſented with his caduceus in his left hand, and purſe in his right. Above his right arm is ſomewhat like a petaſus, or perhaps a cap of liberty. The head of the figure and upper part of the ſtone is broken and confuſed, ſo that we cannot be certain, whether or no Mercury has had his petaſus on. If we could be ſure that he was here repreſented, as wearing his petaſus on his head, I ſhould then have thought it more probable, that this other figure was the cap of liberty. Mercury's looſe and flying chlamys is viſible; and beſide him an altar with this inſcription upon it: DEO [Page 53] MERCVRIO. A Camillus lays the incenſe on the altar. Mercury is uſually repreſented with a juvenile briſkneſs, according to the poet's deſcription:

Omnia Mercurio ſimilis, vocemque coloremque,
Et crines flavos, et membra decora juvente.
Virg. Aen. IV. 558.
It is well known what ſort of people were peculiarly devoted to Mercury. "Callidum, quicquid placuit jocoſo condere furto." Hor. Carm. —Whether the ancient inhabitants of this part, had the ſame diſpoſition with their poſterity, who dwelt hereabouts in Camden's time, and to whom we owe the good laws for preventing of theft, upon the northern borders, I ſhall not determine.

Mr Warburton preſented this ſtone to the Royal Society, in whoſe Muſaeum it now is.

It is obſervable, that the trading inhabitants of this country held a ſolemn feſtival to Mercury, on the 25th of October.

A centurial ſtone (now at Ridley Hall) was found at this Station inſcribed


A large ſtone lately found here, now placed in a field at Archy Flat, as a rubbing-ſtone for cattle, is rudely ſculptured with the figure of a deer under the ſhade of a tree, with two fauns at his feet. This ſeems to have been an ornament to ſome ſmall temple of Diana, which perhaps ſtood near this place, as pilaſters and capitals, of the Doric order, were dug up ſome few years ago, with multitudes of ſtags horns, the remains of the ſacrifices to that goddeſs, on the 13th of Auguſt, when the hunters held their feſtival, and offered the devoted ſtag.*

[Page 54] The reader will pardon a ſhort digreſſion, which the ſubject of Roman Sacrifices neceſſarily leads me to. When we read of piles of ſtags horns, bones of ſacrificed animals, and ſuch remains of religious acts; or of [Page 55] hecatombs and mighty ſlaughters, which ſtained the altars of Roman devotees, we might conceive the country abounded in cattle, or the havoc and waſte of ſuch a profuſe gift to the gods would endanger a famine. The firſt impreſſions of the unlettered reader on theſe acts of devotion, would miſlead him into an idea, that theſe ſacrifices were only [Page 56] a laviſh deſtruction of animal beings, under the irrational preſumption, that the gods delighted in the ſervice of burning carcaſſes: but by attending to the ceremony, we are relieved from this miſtake, and acquit this learned and poliſhed people of ſuch an error againſt common ſenſe. —From national prejudices they had aſſigned perſons to the attributes of the Great Creator, whom they univerſally confeſſed; and preſumed to depict them, as being diſtinct emanations from the ſupreme, by the figures of Apollo, Bacchus, Pallas, Ceres, and all the multitude of their divine perſonages; yet by the intelligent and wiſe, the religious ſervices paid to the images of thoſe attributes, were in fact, and from the heart, addreſſed to the God of Nature. Seneca ſays, ‘'tis of very little conſequence by what name you call the firſt Nature, and the Divine Reaſon which preſides over the univerſe, and fills all the parts of it; he is ſtill the ſame God. He is called Jupiter Stator, not as hiſtorians ſay, becauſe he ſtopped the flying armies of the Romans, but becauſe he is the conſtant ſupport of all beings—they call him Fate, becauſe he is the firſt Cauſe on which all others depend. We Stoics ſometimes call him Father Bacchus, becauſe he is the univerſal Life that animates nature—Hercules, becauſe his Power is invincible—Mercury, becauſe he is the eternal Wiſdom, Order, and Reaſon—you may give him as many names as you pleaſe, provided you allow but one ſole Principle every where preſent.’—Thus, if the Roman devotee petitioned for ſucceſs in war, he reſorted to the temple of Mars, or raiſed to him an altar; and ſo on, through the chain of thoſe images, with which their pantheon was crowded.

This error aroſe very early in the world; and before letters communicated wiſdom and ſcience, it is no wonder it prevailed almoſt univerſally among mankind—the eye carries images to the mind moſt immediately—the mind thus impreſſed was warmed into an energy, which nothing but outward objects could convey to the ignorant. Beſides, we find thoſe perſonages, who had rendered themſelves important to their country, and by their ſuperior talents and virtues, won the love of the people, in commemoration of ſuch their excellencies, had their images erected, and became repreſentatives of the divine attributes.— Here we trace a ſtrong influence to promote devotion; the love borne to the very perſon whoſe image was ſo erected. The danger to religion among the vulgar is obvious, and was proved in the event: the great architype was forgotten, and the ſmoaky and inanimate ſtatue became the idol of the vulgar worſhip.

[Page 57] Let us now examine the ſacrificial rites.—The altars which remain in Britain, are chiefly formed of one ſtone, like the pedeſtal of a column: above the cornice are two rolls, commonly called the horns of the altar; the centre riſes in a conical figure, in which is an aperture, wherein was placed the charcoal and embers for the ceremony. Theſe altars were fixed before the ſtatue of the God to whom the devotee paid his rites, or at the Oſtium of the temple, which during the time had its gates thrown open; or otherwiſe, they were erected in groves, conſecrated to the Divinity: the Prieſt, together with the devotee, dreſſed in white garments (emblematical of purity and innocence, characteriſtics preſumed moſt acceptable to heaven) went foremoſt in the proceſſion. The animal ordered for ſacrifice had its horns gilt, or its forehead bound with white fillets, decked with garlands, and crowned with the leaves of that tree, which it was ſuppoſed the Deity moſt affected; but in fact, that which was eſteemed emblematical of the peculiar virtue of the Deity then addreſſed. Several attendants walked in the proceſſion, amongſt whom were the public Crier, the Muſicians, the Aruſpex or Diviner, and all thoſe whoſe office it was to ſlaughter and dreſs the animal. As ſoon as the Victim was brought, the Prieſt, laying one hand on the horns of the altar, began the ceremony with a moſt ſolemn and devout prayer, either for the public weal, or the private proſperity of the devotee offering ſacrifice, as the occaſion required. The ſacred fire being placed in the aperture of the altar, the Prieſt ſtrewed corn and frankincenſe, meal and ſalt, upon the head of the animal; then taking the Patera, (a ſhallow baſon) in which was contained the wine, he touched it with his lips, and after giving it to thoſe who ſtood near him to do the ſame, poured it between the horns of the beaſt; then plucking ſome hair from between them, he caſt it into the fire, and turning his face to the eaſt, drew his knife along the animal's ſpine, from head to tail, as the enſign or mark of conſecration: after which, the inferior officers performed the ſlaughter. The carcaſs being opened, the Aruſpex examined the inteſtines, and if deformed, deficient, or diſeaſed, he pronounced the omens inauſpicious: if on the contrary, healthy and vigorous, the heart large, and the animal parts ſtrong, the indications were propitious. After this ceremony, particular ſmall parts were placed on the embers, to occaſion a pleaſant ſavour, and the reſt was dreſſed for a ſolemn feſtival. Here we view the ceremony in its proper light: the ſacrificial rites were no more than a public exhibition of the cattle, given on ſome ſingular occaſion, when they were preſented [Page 58] before heaven with prayers, the Prieſt imploring a bleſſing. It is a doubt with me, whether, by men of enlightened minds, whoſe underſtanding overlooked the idol, and whoſe religion ſpiritually addreſſed the only true God, theſe were not acts of piety and fervent devotion, equal to moſt we find in this age.* We have avoided Scylla, and ſunk in Charybdis. To reform the abuſes of the heathen world, we have too much aboliſhed ceremony; and from fervour, have fallen into a ſlovenly lethargic indolence, which comprehends ſo little of piety, that men often find their minds, even during the act of kneeling, abſtracted from the Divinity, and wandering in worldly occupations. We have taken away the idol, which betrayed the vulgar, but have left them in ſuch jeopardy, that few even remember there is a God. Religious rites warm the mind: pure and ſentimental devotion only befits the moſt enlightened, and moſt learned: ceremonies catch attention, as it were in wiles; and thoſe who would think little of prayer, may ſometimes be induced thereto almoſt involuntarily, by joining in, or being preſent at religious rites. The ſoul full of wiſdom, worſhips in ſilence; but wayward minds ſoon ſink away from ſuch ſpiritual ſervice. The contemplation of the Deity, by the enlightened and wiſe, is ſo replete with wonder, and inſpires ſuch reverence, that ſilence becomes it beſt: but the ignorant mind conceives little more than its wants; and the God of miracles, with ſuch, is concluded in the God of daily bread. I reverence the Roman in his ſacrifice: it was a noble exhibition of piety; an auguſt mode of ſupplicating the Deity. The ſolemnity of craving a grace on the appointed feſtival in theſe rites, was ſtrikingly devout. In this boaſted age of chriſtianity, where is the devotion attendant on the hecatombs of a Lord Mayor's Feaſt. The hecatombs of the Ancients, were feſtivals on great and memorable events, and were preceded by the moſt ſolemn rites of conſecration;—a commencement of feſtivity, worthy the imitation of the moſt enlightened nations.

Dr Stukeley, in his Carauſius, ſays, ‘In reading the Roman hiſtory, we ſee ſuch a ſpirit of Religion, breathing in general, upon every [Page 59] occaſion, through all they did, as a nation, as is no where elſe to be found in the leaſt comparable. To enumerate particulars, would make an agreeable volume. I can only take notice, that it makes a great part of their ſtory. So honeſt, ſo warm, ſo grateful was their zeal to heaven, at every public act, that providence could not but look favourably upon them, wink at what they were ignorant of, as the the Apoſtle profeſſes, Acts xvii. 30. and proſper them accordingly. Every ſingle perſon, of any note, had a part of his houſe conſecrated, like as our private chapels, called the Lararium. Upon every ſucceſs, we read of their vowing temples. On occaſion of misfortune, peſtilence, floods, thunder, and the like, they conſult the oracles, order public luſtrations, ſupplications, and ſacrifices. Even their theatrical ſpectacles began with an act of religion; many altars in their circs and places of games. They never began or ended a war, took up the military ſtandards every morning, without an act of religion, a libation of incenſe. In their kalendar, moſt days in the year have ſome religious ſolemnity. Look into their ſculptures and monuments, and obſerve the extravagant expence and pomp of their religious proceſſions: even their coins are counter-ſigned with ſome Deity, and innumerable ſculptures of their Emperors ſacrificing, incenſing. They never began their harveſt, their vintage, without a ſacrifice: without the Flamen Dialis gathering the firſt bunch. The genius of the people and city were ever repreſented with a Patera in its hand, before an altar incenſing. In ſhort, religion makes the greateſt part of the hiſtory; the greateſt part of thoſe authors that write of their cuſtoms; the greateſt part of the monuments, coins, and ſculptures, which are now come to our hands, of this truly magnanimous and virtuous people. And if we read Polybius particularly, we obtain a juſt idea of the noble ſpirit, the honour, and uprightneſs of the Roman ſenate, which made them courted by all the world. Religion cannot be ſeparated from Roman hiſtory, becauſe, in their way, they were the moſt religious of all people; and for that reaſon, Providence gave them the Empire of the World.’

To return.—In the wall of Mr Smith's houſe, at the weſt end of the Station of Little Cheſters, an altar is preſerved, inſcribed


[Page 60] I have ſeen a braſs coin, ſtruck in honour of the feſtival of Mars, held on the 1ſt of March.—Mr Wallis ſays, the late Rev. Mr Walton was poſſeſſed of one, upon which was the figure of Mars, armed and helmeted, a ſhield on his left arm, and a ſprig of olive in his right hand.

The diſtance between the Stations of Great and Little Cheſters, is about three miles and three quarters: in that ſpace there are four Caſtella viſible, and one which ſeems to have fallen in with the Station at Great Cheſters: the interval between each is ſeven furlongs.*

[Page 61] Returning to the military road, we paſſed a Tumulus of conſiderable magnitude:* it has been called an exploratory Mount; but its ſituation contradicts this appellation, as it commands no extenſive country, or important paſs.

The Roman Station now called


preſents itſelf in a confuſion of ruins, laying on an eaſy deſcent.—This was the Borcovicus of the Romans.

The firſt Cohort of Tungrians appears, by ſeveral inſcriptions under different Prefects, to have been ſtationed here. Some inſcriptions prove this Cohort was alſo in other places; but the number, and variety of [Page 62] monuments erected here, plainly ſhew, that their ſettled quarters were at this place, and continued here the lateſt.

Mr Horſley ſays, ‘I cannot ſay that Hadrian's Vallum has made the ſouth rampart of this Station, but I think it has paſſed not much to the ſouth, and ſeems to have made a ſmall turn juſt at the brook, in order to come near, if not up to it. The ſouthern boundary of this Station is uncertain, though the other limits are diſtinct. The ditch about the Station is alſo flat and obſcure. Severus's wall makes the north rampart. From ſouth to north it is about five chains, and from eaſt to weſt about ſeven. The area of the moſt northerly part of the Station is nearly plain; but the ſouth part is more upon a deſcent than any other Station that I remember. I think the Praetorium is viſible, and the ruins of a temple near it. The vaſt ruins of the Roman Station and Town are truly wonderful; and a great number of inſcriptions and ſculptures have been found, and many yet remain at this place. The town or out-buildings have ſtood upon a gentle declivity, to the ſouth and ſouth-eaſt of the Station, where there are ſtreets, or ſomewhat that looks like terraſſes.’

‘The beſt view of the walls, and the greateſt variety, is between Walwick and Houſe-ſteads.’

‘From this Station there ſeems to have gone a military way to Little Cheſters, ſome faint veſtiges of which I thought I obſerved, but was not certain. As ſuch a military way might be of ſervice for marching forces from one of theſe Stations to the other, ſo it might alſo be further uſeful, for a more convenient paſſage from Houſe-ſteads to Carr-Voran, or to any other Stations along the wall more weſterly. Near to this way, and to that part of Houſe-ſteads where a temple is ſuppoſed to have ſtood, are ſome old wrought quarries, now grown over with graſs.’

‘The diſtance between Little Cheſters and Houſe-ſteads is about a mile and three quarters, and the diſtance between Houſe-ſteads and that part of the wall which is directly oppoſite to Little Cheſters is about a mile and three furlongs; and in this ſpace there are two viſible Caſtella, the interval between which ſeems to be juſt about ſix furlongs. This is the leaſt interval between any two Caſtella upon the whole track of the wall; the reaſon of which may be the diſtance of the Station at Little Cheſters from the wall.’

[Page 63] The headleſs effigies of the Deae Matres remain on the ſpot (they are ſaid to be the tutelary Deities of the Foreſt of Lowes); are repreſented attired in a ſhort robe to the knee, each holding ſomething circular between their hands; ſuppoſed to be the work of the Thracian or Syrian Auxiliaries; and are of rude and ill-proportioned ſculpture. Mr Wallis ſays, on Chapel Hill, a place not far diſtant, the Romans had a temple on the eminence, where fragments of Doric capitals were found not many years ago, one conſiſting of two toruſſes plain, and many broken columns.*

[Page 64] The next remarkable place we arrived at was


between the military road and the wall, near the 28th mile-ſtone; the remains of a Roman Station, about ſixty yards ſquare, which Camden concludes was Hunnum, where the Notitia places the wing Sabiniani. Mr Horſley thinks it belonged to Hadrian's Vallum, and became uſeleſs, when Severus's wall was built.

[Page 65] We advanced to


near the 25th mile-ſtone, the Roman Station Procolitia, garriſoned by the firſt Cohort of the Batavians. Severus's military way appears to enter the eaſt gate of the fort, and go out at the weſt. A great part of [Page 66] the rampart here ſtill continues very entire, eſpecially on the eaſt ſide; and Severus's wall, which forms the north rampart, is in good preſervation. The ditch is moſt viſible on the weſt. Here it may plainly be ſeen, that the corners of the forts were not ſtrictly angular, but turned off in a quarter of a circle.

[Page 67] According to Mr Horſley, the buildings without this fort have been chiefly on the weſt ſide, where, ſome years ago, a well was diſcovered with a good ſpring: the receptacle for the water is about ſeven feet ſquare within, and built on all ſides with hewn ſtone: it is now almoſt filled up with rubbiſh. There had alſo been a wall about it, or a houſe built over it.

[Page 68] From this fort to the village of Carraw, Hadrian's Vallum and ditch are not very conſpicuous; but Severus's wall is very viſible, though the ditch is obſcure. About half a mile ſouth-weſt from Carraw, upon a high ground, is a ſquare fort, now called Broom-dykes: it is as large as the fort of Carraw-brough, and probably has been for exploration, or for the Aeſtiva of this fort About half-way between Carraw and Thropfell-houſe, there ſeems to be ſome veſtiges of the ſmaller military way, ſuppoſed to have gone cloſe by Severus's wall, from turret to turret.

For about a mile the walls keep near to each other, and for that ſpace are themſelves and all their members very large and conſpicuous; ſeveral of the regular ſtones appear in Severus's wall, and the united military way is very noble. After this the walls part, and take different courſes. The north Agger of Hadrian's fortification, continues after the [Page 69] ſeparation large and high; is mixed with ſtones, though no regular pavement appears: whereas Severus's military way, after this parting, appears little raiſed, but regularly paved. Hadrian's Vallum keeps the low ground all the way, whilſt Severus's runs along the brink of the precipices, which in ſome places ſeem to have been made ſteeper by art, in order to render them more inacceſſable. For this reaſon Severus's wall is for this ſpace very crooked, whilſt Hadrian's in the main is pretty ſtraight. They have made no ditch to Severus's work, when they had the advantage of a precipice; nor was there the leaſt occaſion: but in theſe intervals between the rocks, they have often drawn a ditch, and in theſe places uſually erected their Caſtella.

After their ſeparation, Severus's military way accompanies the wall pretty cloſely, and is generally, for the whole ſpace that the walls continue ſo far parted, viſible and diſtinct; yet the way does not follow every ſmaller winding of the wall, upon the tops of the precipices, but generally takes a ſhorter courſe, and paſſes along the ſlope of the hill, from Caſtellum to Caſtellum, in the ſhorteſt and moſt convenient line that it can: this is very remarkable at the firſt great turn of the wall, after it enters upon the precipices. The wall itſelf is almoſt all this way viſible, in an eminent degree, and ſometimes it only wants the battlements, as near Buſy Gap, which is an aperture or paſs between the hills ſo called, where there is an opportunity of croſſing the wall on horſeback. Thus it paſſes by Shewing-ſheels Houſes, leaving Shewing-ſheels Caſtle on the north. Mr Horſley further obſerves, that this Caſtle, or ſomething elſe near it, is called a ſquare Roman Caſtle, in the new edition of Camden; and Camden himſelf thought this was the Station of Hunnum: but he ſays, he ſaw nothing that was Roman about it. The Caſtle itſelf, (in ruins) and the Moats about it, are undoubtedly of a much later date. And he adds, I obſerved ſeveral trenches thereabouts, particularly a large and long one, which reaches from Buſy Gap croſs the paſſes between the mountains. But theſe are all on the north ſide of the wall, and muſt certainly have been made in later times, for ſecuring the neighbouring paſſes. Probably they are no older than the times of our famous Moſs Troopers, who might conveniently ſhelter themſelves among theſe hideous mountains and moſſes. The height of one of theſe rocks is near forty yards perpendicular;* but in other parts [Page 70] they are conſiderably higher. As ſuch ſteep rocks are a ſufficient fence of themſelves, the wall has not in theſe parts had either ſtrength or thickneſs, equal to what it has had in others. The remains here are not ſo conſiderable, though it ſeems very improbable that any of the ſtones, eſpecially in ſome places, could have been removed. In the hollows between the rocks, beſides the addition of the ditch and a Caſtellum here and there, the wall itſelf ſeems to have been ſtronger and thicker. Where there is a ſmall break of the precipice inward, the wall forms an internal angle, fetching a compaſs. In other caſes, it paſſes directly from one rock to another, and then is uſually continued down the ſide of the one, and up the ſide of the other, except where the deſcent is almoſt perpendicular, in which caſe it is only carried cloſe to the ſide of the rock, beginning again at [...]; which was all that was needful or practicable.

The diſtance between Houſe-ſteads and Carraw-brough is ſomewhat more than four miles and five furlongs. All the Caſtella between theſe two Stations are very viſible, being five in number, but their diſtances are a little unequal. The two firſt intervals from Carraw-brough are juſt ſeven furlongs, but the next is only ſix. There is a turret near Buſy Gap, the diſtance of which from the neareſt Caſtellum is, I find, juſt one-fifth of the interval between that and the next Caſtellum.

An altar found here, and depoſited in the Dean and Chapter's Library at Durham, has the following inſcription:

Fortunae Cohors Prima Batavorum cui praeeſt Melaccinus Marcellus Praefectus. This altar, dedicated to the Goddeſs Fortune, is moſt curious and valuable, becauſe by mentioning the Cohors Prima Batavorum, it confirms the Station to be Procolitia. The altar is ſtill entire, and the inſcription eaſy enough to be read. Mr Horſley reads the Commander's name Melaccinus, as it had been read before: Dr Hunter reads it Marcus Flaccinus; but on a review, Mr Horſley ſtill thought the ſecond [Page 71] letter in the laſt line but one to be rather an E.* It is remarkable that this altar has no focus.

We ſearched for the ſculpture, which Mr Wallis ſays was found at this Station, and is built up in a gable of the houſe at Car [...]aw: he deſcribes it as a curious repreſentation of Neptune with his trident. The ſtone on which this effigy is cut, is placed ſo high, that it is difficult to come near it; is almoſt ſquare, about 16 inches on the longeſt ſide, and has ſo imperfect a reſemblance of Neptune, that I ſhould not have known what it was, had I not ſeen Mr Wallis's deſcription.

We arrived at

1.21. WALWICK:

the country through which we had paſſed from Walton to Carraw was dreary, and had not our minds been engaged with objects of antiquity, would have proved weariſome. In ſome parts we had diſtant proſpects, various in their beauties, and rendered more ſtriking by the barrenneſs over which we looked upon them. When we came within five miles of Chollerford, the vales of North and South Tyne opened upon us, and the ſcene was filled with all that pleaſing variety which ariſes from cultivation, receiving additional beauties from the incidents of the ſeaſon. Verdant meads, dotted or patched over, as it were, with the hay that [Page 72] ſtood in pikes, * mixed with rich fields of corn, ſome cut and others ready for the ſickle, interſperſed with woodlands and ſtately trees, formed the Landſkip, where ſeveral gentlemen's ſeats, and well-built farmholds, were diſperſed; the whole graced with the winding ſtreams of Tyne:—the clay-built cottage, and naked-footed poverty, were no where in view.

In Walwick the Roman wall is in good preſervation. From the ſeat of Thomas Dixon, Eſq the proſpect is filled with the moſt agreeable ſubjects:—to the left Houghton and Swinburn Caſtles are ſeen, with the villages of Hunſhaw and Chollerton—the north branch of the Tyne, with a fine ſtone bridge of five arches at Chollerford, ornament the front ground—and to the right, a wide cultivated country, terminated by the town of Hexham.

The ſeat of Henry Tulip, Eſq alſo commands a beautiful proſpect over this valley.

The Inn at Chollerford tempted our ſtay; a ſpacious room built for the reſort of the neighbouring gentlemen, afforded us a pleaſing view upon the river; whilſt excellent accommodations indulged us with that degree of ſatisfaction, which truly conſtitutes the traveller's eaſe.

We viſited


ſituate near the elegant new-erected Manſion of John Errington, Eſq— This was the Cilurnum of the Romans, where, as ſome authors aſſert, the Cohors Prima Vangionum was ſtationed; but according to Mr Horſley it was garriſoned by the Ala Secunda Aſtorum. It is placed on an inclining plain, near the banks of North Tyne; the Vallum forms an oblong ſquare with obtuſe angles, in length from eaſt to weſt 170 paces, and in width 130 paces. In Mr Warburton's plan it is ſet out as being 570 feet long, and 400 feet broad. The ſcite of the Praetorium, at the [Page 73] eaſtern end, is very diſtinguiſhable, with two entrances through the Vallum, anſwering to each ſide of the Praetorium and a road leading down to the river. The ground within the Vallum is crowded with the ruins of ſtone buildings, which appear to have ſtood in lineal directions, forming ſtreets, two on the ſouth ſide and two on the north, interſected in the middle by a croſs ſtreet from north to ſouth. On the ſouth ſide without the Vallum and Foſs, many ruins of buildings appear, and ſome on the north. I remember, on a tour in Cumberland, I found Caerleud, near Wigton, crowded with ruins.

This being the firſt Station in my tour where the direct appearance of regular ſtreets was obſerved, I thought it the propereſt place to introduce the following remarks.

The Roman manner of encamping a large army, according to Polyhius, and other ancient writers, is thus repreſented.

[Page 74] Fig. 1. The Praetorium, a ſquare plot, every ſide containing 200 feet, for the General's lodging and his train; the ground ſo choſen, as might be fitteſt both for proſpect and direction.

Fig. 2. A ſtreet 50 feet broad, leading from the midſt of the Praetorium to the gate fig. 3.

Fig. 4. A ſtreet directly oppoſite to the former, of the ſame breadth, leading from the Praetorium to the gate fig. 5, on the right hand of which ſtreet was lodged one Legion, with her Auxilia, and another on the left. Now from the Praetorium towards the gate 3, meaſuring out 150 feet, employed to uſes hereafter ſpecified, we are there to begin the lodging of the common ſoldiers.

Fig. 6. A row of lodgings for the horſemen of the firſt legion, divided into 10 partitions, according to the number of Turmae in Polybius's Legion, which conſiſted of 300 horſe, and 4200 foot; the firſt Turma being quartered in the lodging neareſt to the Praetorium, and the reſt in order toward the gate 3. Theſe lodgings lay lengthways, and open upon the ſtreet 2-2, each ſide being 100 feet; ſo that to one horſeman they allowed a ſtanding equal to a ſquare, a little exceeding 18 feet every way. Next comes the lodgings of the Decem Ordines Triariorum, 10 lodgings for the 10 Ordines, or Manipuli Triariorum Primae Legionis, with their Centurions and under officers, joining back to back with the lodgings of the Equites, and opening into the ſtreet 8, 8, of 50 feet broad; Primus Pilus being quartered next to the Praetorium, and ſo in conſequence towards the gate 3, where all the Decemi Ordines do lodge. Every one of theſe lodgings, in length 100 feet, in breadth 50 feet, lodged 60 Triarii, and a rateable part of the Velites, which, conſidering the proportion that one of the Ordines Triariorum bore to one of the Ordines Principium and Haſtatorum, and the number of Velites in Polybius's Legion, falleth out to be 24 perſons: according to which reckoning, to one footman they allowed a ſtanding equal to a ſquare ſomewhat more than eight feet every way.

On the other ſide of the ſtreet 8, 8, the lodgings of the Decem Ordines Principium Primae Legionis, and at their backs the lodgings of the Decem Ordines Haſtatorum, opening, the one into the ſtreet 8, 8, and the other into the ſtreet 9, 9, being alſo 50 feet broad. Each of theſe 20 lodgings [Page 75] was ſquare, every ſide containing 100 feet, and lodged 120 Sui Ordinis, and 48 Velites, beſide, proportionably, as in Tabernaculis Triariorum, there was for half as many men half as much ground.

On the other ſide of the ſtreet 9, 9, are the lodgings of the Auxiliares Equites in Dextro Cornu, and at their backs the lodgings of the Auxiliares Pedites in Dextro Cornu, the horſe opening into the ſtreet 9, 9, the foot into the void place between the lodgings and the trenches, of which further notice will be taken. Now the Equites Auxiliares of a Legion (the extraordinary band being deducted) amounting, according to Polybius, to 400 horſe, allowing to 300 legionary horſe, 10 lodgings of 100 feet every way; we are to allow to theſe, following the ſame proportion, 10 lodgings, each 100 feet in length, and 150 in breadth, to quarter the one as conveniently as the other. Likewiſe the footmen, after the deduction of the extraordinary band, being 3360, that is 336 perſons for every lodging.

Upon the left hand of the ſtreet 2-2, are the lodgings of the ſecond Legion, with her Auxilia, in the ſame proportion and order in all points with the firſt; and ſo we have the breadth of the camp, from the utmoſt auxiliary footmen of the one legion, to the like of the other, 1650 feet, or 330 paces, accounting five feet for a pace.

AA The Via Quintana, 50 feet broad, paſſing from ſide to ſide through the whole breadth of the lodgings; ſo named á Quintis Ordinibus, which quarter all upon it. In this ſtreet, as being in the middle of the ſoldiers quarters, and therefore the beſt adapted to that purpoſe, was holden a market Forum rerum utenſilium.

BB Of the ſpace of 150 feet between the ſoldiers quarters and the Praetorium, 100 feet was employed in the Via Principalis; eſpecial care was taken to beautify this ſtreet and keep it clean, as being the uſual place of reſort for the ſoldiers in the day-time. In the other 50 feet toward the Praetorium, was a row of lodgings opening upon Via Principalis, each lodging bearing every way 50 feet, for the 12 Tribuni and 12 Praefecti Socio [...]um, their train horſes and carriages. 6, 6, 6, 6, 6, 6, are the lodgings of the ſix Tribunes of the firſt Legion, the firſt lodging anſwering directly to the legionary horſemen's quarter, and the laſt to the ſtreet 9, 9, with paſſages 30 feet wide between each. c, c, c, c, c, c, are the lodgings of the Praefecti, anſwering exactly to the breadth of the Auxiliary-quarter, with a void ſpace of 50 feet between the third [Page 76] and fourth tent: and ſo on the other ſide for thoſe of the other Legion.

D, D, A croſs ſtreet 100 feet broad before the Praetorium, where I preſume was held the watch mentioned by Polybius.

e, e, e, e, Here were lodged the Extraordinarii Equites and Extraordinarii Pedites, the plot was 150 feet by 450 feet, anſwering the Quaeſtorium and part of the Praetorium for the extraordinary band of the Auxilia Primae Legionis, conſiſting of 200 horſe and 840 foot, the footmen quartered toward the trenches, and the horſe toward the ſtreet: and ſo on the other ſide for the other Legion.

f, f, f, f, A plot of the ſame length, and in breadth 350 feet, for the foreign Aids, ſuch as by occaſion came in.

G, G A plot 200 feet by 350 feet, where the Selecti ac Voluntarii Equites & Pedites were quartered, being choſen men of the extraordinary band of the Auxilia Primae Legionis: the foot quartered toward the trenches, the horſe toward the Praetorium: and ſo on the other ſide for the other Legion. There was a reſerve therein for Voluntary-men, who from kindred or friendſhip, or on other reſpects attended the General. Theſe Selecti and Voluntarii did not only, ſaith Polybius, quarter near the General, but alſo in marching, and all other times of ſervice, were continually attendant upon the General and the Quaeſtor, in the nature of a Cohors Praetoria.

H The Quaeſtorium, a plot 200 feet by 375 feet, for the Quaeſtor and his train, with their treaſure and proviſion; for the Pioneers, Carpenters, Smiths, Armourers, &c. with their tools and officers. There was alſo the Auguraculum, and peradventure the public priſon.

I The Forum, a plot equal in dimenſions to the Quaeſtorium. This was the place of all public aſſemblies, and the tribunal, with the ſeat of eſtate. Here were probably thoſe ſeats of which Joſephus makes mention, on which the Tribunes and Centurions ſat in judgment, to decide the controverſies happening between the ſoldiers. Here were placed the eagles and enſigns of the Legions, with the bearers Aquiliferi and Signiferi, certain images of the Gods, and in later times, of the Prince and his children, and ſometimes of his great [Page 77] favourites. Tacitus, deſcribing a ſolemn aſſembly in that place, ſays, Inde, Eques, hinc agmina Legionum ſtetere fulgentibus aquilis; ſigniſque & ſimulacris Deúm in modum Templi. Medio Tribunal ſedem curulem, & ſedes effigiem Neronis ſuſtinebat—the Eagles were placed in little chapels. Dio. lib. 4. ſays, ‘In all the Roman armies there is a little chapel, and in it a golden eagle doth ſtand.’ The enſigns were placed ſub dio, as indeed being certain long ſpears covered with ſilver, with the Prince's image hanging upon them, they could hardly be placed under a tent.

K, K, K A void ſpace 200 feet broad, between the lodgings and the trench, calculated for the eaſy iſſuing of the troops, and to prevent the enemy throwing fire upon the quarters: alſo uſed for lodging the cattle.

L The Vallum, in the ſummer camps compoſed of earth, defended by a paliſado of large ſtakes bound together: theſe were carried by the common ſoldiers (uſque ad ſeptenos Vallos) ſays Livy. In the Vallum were contrived platforms like turrets, where the engines were placed, the Baliſtae and Catapultae.—Without the Vallum was a ditch ſix feet in depth at leaſt.

There were four gates in the camp—the Porta Praetoria, the chief gate, placed oppoſite to the enemy; the back-gate, oppoſite to the former, placed for the convenience of water and forage—the other ſides had each a gate opening to the Via Principalis.

This camp was calculated for two of Polybius's ordinary Legions, with their Auxilia, which was the ordinary army of one Conſul.

The General Officer over the camp was named Praefectus Caſtrorum, who ordered the ſtaking out the camp, its being kept regular and clean, to order the trenches and ditch, and to quarter the ſoldiers.—To keep in order the Smith, Carpenter, Engineers, and Artificers, was an Officer named Praefectus Fabrûm.

The ruins which appear at Walwick camp, muſt neceſſarily induce an enquiry from the traveller, in the firſt place, what number of men were ſtationed there.—By every monument remaining to us, one ſingle Cohort only appears to have held each of theſe Stations on the wall.* [Page 78] Stations defended by a ſtone-built Vallum, were the permanent ones, and winter quarters: the encampments in ſummer were defended by a rampier of turf, with a paliſado, (of which, as I mentioned before, I preſume, the Corona Vallaris was a pattern, compoſed of pointed ſtakes) and an outward ditch. Few, if any remains are left us of ſuch, to aſcertain their ſituation or magnitude. In a ſquare of 170 paces by 130, there appears room ſufficient for a Cohort, when lodged in tents or hovels of wood: but when in that ſquare, you have allotted room for the Praetorium, with the apartments of the chief officers, what kind of tenements of maſon-work muſt there be erected in ſtreets, which ſhould contain that number of people, with their accoutrements, wives, families, and houſehold ſtuff?—I ſhould conceive, the excellent diſcipline of the Roman army would not admit the women within the wall of the camp, except only in time of imminent peril; but that they were lodged in the ſuburbs.— The enquiry naturally brings on this reſult, that thoſe edifices whoſe remains now appear in ſome of the Roman Stations, (for they are not in all) are of more modern date, were built (after the Romans forſook this iſland) by the Britons, or their Saxon allies, and aroſe in that Aera in which the appellation of Caer or City was given to many of them. The Britons, in their diſpirited ſituation on the final retreat of the Romans, would neceſſarily reſort to thoſe barriers and ſtrongholds, which the Romans had filled. I am induced to believe, that no caſtle of any conſiderable magnitude was erected by the Romans in this country: the Caſtellum or Turret on the walls, was not worthy the appellation of Caſtle; being, as I before obſerved, moſt probably no more than a tower to guard the gate; or no better than a mere baſtion to command the Vallum. Our caſtles, of which ſuch noble remains appear at this day, are of much more modern date, and derived from the Saxon and Norman viſiters. The ſtrongeſt fortifications of the ancient Britons, were formed of piles of looſe ſtones, heaped to a ridge, and reduced into a circle, or a ſquare. Such a Vallum was difficult to be ſurmounted by aſſailants. The Vallum of the Roman permanent Station, was built of hewn ſtone, inſide and out: thoſe which I have ſeen moſt perfect (among which Lancheſter, in the county of Durham, is one) were formed of ſtones about 16 inches long, and 10 inches deep, of rough aſhler-work: the outſide of the wall was perpendicular, and might, in its original ſtrength, be 14 or 15 feet high, and eight feet thick at the foot, but thining or decreaſing on the inſide towards the top, by ſteps and gradations at the diſtance of about 16 inches, and the ſummit covered with a broad flat cape, having a parapet or paliſado in front. Lancheſter has [Page 79] four of thoſe ſteps or gradations now remaining. The interſtice between the inward and outward caſing of aſhler-work, was filled with flat ſtones, in an inclining poſition, run full of lime mixed with ſmall pebbles and rough gravel; ſo that the cement is more impenetrable than the ſtone itſelf: the angles were obtuſe, to ſuit the ſuperſtructure of an exploratory turret; or to give greater power to the garriſon, upon an aſſault in annoying the enemy on their flanks. The gradations allowed them not only a power of aſcending the wall readily, but of lining it ſeveral ranks deep; thoſe at the top were at liberty to manage their ſeveral weapons and engines; thoſe below to uſe the bow; and the ſoldiers engaged during an aſſault, were eaſily relieved when fatigued or wounded.

Some of the Stations had an entrance on each ſide, defended by a gate; but whether with a tower or not, it is difficult to aſcertain, tho' it may reaſonably be conjectured.

I apprehend a Roman Station in Britain, when in the occupation of its proper people, would greatly reſemble the following imaginary drawing.

[Page 80] At Walwick Cheſters, Severus's wall falls in upon the middle of the camp, on the eaſt and weſt ſides; and Hadrian's Vallum falls in with the ſouth ſide of it: Severus's wall and ditch being never continued through a Station, are here, as in all the like caſes, ſupplied by the north rampart and ditch of the fort; and they are both very conſpicuous.

From this Station, a military way * has gone directly weſt, by Little Cheſters to Carr-Voran; it is very viſible for the greateſt part of the way, and paved with large ſtones. In its eaſtern courſe, it ſeems to have paſſed through this Station, and croſſed the river North Tyne, juſt below it, by a bridge; and at the diſtance of three miles and a half from thence, falls in with the great Ermin-ſtreet way, (by the country people called Watling-ſtreet) in its courſe between the ſouth and north parts of Britain; which military way croſſes, and ſoon after coincides with another Roman way, called the Devil's Cauſeway, which enters into Scotland near to Berwick upon Tweed. Mr Warburton ſays, in his opinion this is (though contrary to the ſentiments both of Mr Horſley and Mr Gordon) the true courſe of the Roman road, called the Maiden Way; which they ſuppoſed to have terminated at Carr-Voran, or to have entered Scotland by a ſhorter direction.

From Walwick Cheſters to the village of Walwick, Severus's wall and ditch are very obſervable; but Hadrian's Vallum, with what belongs to it, is more obſcure. From hence, all the way to Carraw-brough, both the walls and their ditches are very conſpicuous; and for moſt part of the way, ſeveral regular courſes of the original facing ſtone, are to be ſeen in Severus's wall: the two works keep pretty cloſe together, and nearly parallel one to the other: the military way is within a chain or two of the wall. Taking all the works together, they are no where in the whole tract, more conſpicuous and magnificent than they are here, at leaſt for ſo long a ſpace.

Near Towertay, there are five or ſix regular courſes of the facing ſtones of the wall: and a little weſt from thence, are large remains of a Caſtellum, detached about a yard from the wall, the reaſon of which is not very obvious.

[Page 81] There are, for a ſmall ſpace, heaps of rubbiſh laying on the north ſide of Hadrian's ditch, at a place where the ditch paſſes through ſome rocks; which looks as if ſtones had been wrought there for the uſe of the wall. There are alſo in this part of the north Agger, ſeveral breaks, as if they had been made for the paſſage of carriages; which I alſo obſerved in other parts: none ſuch are obſervable in thoſe places where the military ways are united. And both the rubbiſh upon the north Agger, and the breaches in it, are where Severus's military way leaves it, to go off to a Caſtellum.

The diſtance between Walwick Cheſters and Carraw-brough Fort, is almoſt three meaſured miles and a quarter; and in this ſpace there are three viſible Caſtella. The fourth has either been very near the Station at Carraw-brough, or juſt fallen in with it.

We paſſed down to


the former reſidence of the Errington family. The ſituation of the houſe is romantic and retired.*

At a little diſtance from the Grange, is the fragment of a croſs, with a ſheathed ſword cut on it, as the token of a treaty of peace; but to what event it relates is not known.

[Page 84] Before I quit the Cheſters, I muſt remark a Conſular Medallion of Hadrian's found there, four inches in circumference, with the head in bold relief; the legend, Hadriano Aug. Caeſari; with a lauriated border or civic garland on the reverſe, and this legend, S. P. Q. R. Optimo Principi, S. C. * The Conſuls entering on their office on the 1ſt of January, [Page 85] (a day ſacred to Janus) it was obſerved with great ſolemnity, as preparatory to the felicity of the new year; and the Cuſular coins were then minted.

Below the Cheſters, the foundations of a bridge are apparent at low water, ſuppoſed to be of Roman conſtruction; and it is ſaid cramps of iron have been obſerved in the work.

We paſſed over Chollerford Bridge, in our way to Hexham. Walter Skirlaw, Biſhop of Durham, in the 17th year of the reign of King Richard II. granted a releaſe from penance for 13 days, to all ſuch as ſhould contribute by labour or money to the repairs of this bridge.*

As we approached Hexham, the proſpect opened upon us in a beautiful manner; the cultivated vale was painted with all the happy aſſemblage of woods, meadows, and corn lands; through which flows the Tyne, (the northern and ſouthern ſtreams having united) forming upon the valley various broad canals by its winding courſe. At the conflux of the rivers lays the ſweet retirement of NETHER-WARDEN, defended from the north-weſt by lofty eminences, and facing the vale towards the eaſt, hallowed to the churchmen, as being the retirement of St John of Beverley, a Biſhop of Hexham, in ſo diſtant an age as 685.—A little further, and oppoſite to Hexham, on an eminence, ſtands the church of ST JOHN LEE; beneath whoſe ſcite, the banks for near a mile, are laid out in agreeable walks, formed in a happy taſte, appertaining to the manſion of the Jurin family; a modern building, ſeated at the foot of the deſcent, and fronting towards Hexham; having a rich lawn of meads between it and the river. This place is called the HERMITAGE; [Page 86] its ſituation favours the title, but from whom it was derived, is not known.* From thence the vale extends itſelf in Breadth, and is terminated with the town of Corbridge: the hills which ariſe gradually from the plain, on every hand are well cultivated, and own the ſeats of many diſtinguiſhed families. Over this pleaſing ſcene, Hexham, from an eminence, looks like a gracious Princeſs on the opulence of her dependants, rejoicing in their proſperity and peace.

1.24. HEXHAM

is a place of great antiquity; Bede called it Hanguſtald; by the old Engliſh Saxons it was named Hextolderham; and ſome authors (particularly Camden) ſay it is the Axelodunum of the Romans, that name implying its high ſituation, by the application of the old Britiſh name Dunum, a hill, by Hextol, a little rivulet ſo called, which waſhes its weſtern foot.

Moſt of our Antiquaries believe the origin of Hexham to be derived from the Romans. Camden ſays the firſt Cohort of the Spaniards had [Page 87] their Station here; but Horſley contradicts Camden's name of Axelodunum, and conjectures it was Epiacum, placing the Cohors Prima Hiſpaniorum at Burgh, on Sands, in Cumberland.

In the reign of Egfrid King of Northumberland, A. D. 674, it was made an Epiſcopal See by St Wilfrid, then Archbiſhop of York, who through the enthuſiaſtic fervour of Etheldrida,* Egfrid's Queen, which that ſkilful Eccleſiaſtic knew how to poſſeſs, the territory of Hexhamſhire was granted to the church of St Andrew, which he had founded. The church was raiſed by workmen brought from Italy, and by Hiſtorians of that time, ſaid to exceed in beauty and elegance every other edifice in the land. They particularly praiſe the variety of the buildings, [Page 88] the columns, the ornamental carvings, the oratories, and the crypts. They dwell with great wonder on the richneſs of the covers for the altar, the gilding of the walls with gold and ſilver, and the fine library, collected at a great expence. Hexham having ſuffered much by the Danes, it is preſumed no part of the ancient church remains at this day.

Many ſucceſſive Biſhops held this See.

Eata,* in the year 678, ſucceeded the founder as Biſhop of Hexham.

[Page 89] Theodore Archbiſhop of Canterbury having taken diſpleaſure at the inſolence of Wilfrid of York, and poſſeſſing the moment of Egfrid's averſion to that Prelate, obtained the royal licence for dividing the kingdom of Northumberland into three dioceſes, York, Lindisfarn, and Hexham; thereby diſmembring Hexham of great part of its territories.

Eata ſoon afterwards being tranſlated to Lindisfarn, was ſucceeded at Hexham by Tumbert, A. D. 680. This Biſhop was depoſed, by a Council held at Twiford, near the river Alne, A. D. 684; at which King Egfrid was preſent, with Theodore Archbiſhop of Canterbury, at whoſe inſtance this Convocation was held, for the intent of examining Tumbert's denial of his juriſdiction, as Provincial, over the churches.

St Cuthbert, a Monk of Lindisfarn, then an Anchorite on Farn Iſland, was elected to Hexham, and with great reluctance received the Epiſcopacy: he was tranſlated to Lindisfarn, and Eata returned to Hexham.

John de Beverley * was the next Biſhop of Hexham, and ſucceeded to that See A. D. 685, a Saxon of quality, born at Harpham, in Yorkſhire, [Page 90] or Beverley, for authors diſagree in the point. He was a ſcholar of St Hilda, Abbeſs of Whitby, and a ſtudent at Oxford, and was tranſlated to York, A. D. 687.

St Wilfrid was taken from his retirement after his depoſition from the See of York, and ſucceeded to Hexham on the tranſlation of John of Beverley.

Acca,* his Chaplain, was ſucceſſor to St Wilfrid, A. D. 709. He was greatly eſteemed by Bede, who dedicated ſeveral of his works to him. His ſucceſſors were,
  • Fredbert, who was Biſhop of Hexham 34 years.
  • Alcmund, Biſhop 13 years.
  • Tilbert, Biſhop 8 years.
  • Ethelbert, Biſhop 7 years.
  • Eadfred, Biſhop 3 years.
  • Eanbert, Biſhop 13 years.
Figure 1. Inscription in the Church at HEXHAM

Thomas * Archbiſhop of York, on his viſit to Hexham, being moved with the deſolation of the church, and the ruins of its ancient magnificence and ſplendour, together with the dreadful devaſtation which had laid in duſt the munificent gifts and works of piety of ſo many learned and religious men, in the year 1112, conſtituted here a Prior and regular Canons of St Auſtin, and endowed the priory amply. The preſent edifice is to be attributed to this Archbiſhop, Hexham in the reign of Henry the Firſt being given to the See of York. The architecture is mixed, of the Gothic and Saxon; in one part the narrow ſharp windows appear, which began to be in uſe about that King's reign. The firſt Prior, Aſchetill, died March 17, 1130. He was made Prior on the reſignation of Richard de Maton, Rector of this church. Robert Piſethe, ſecond Prior, ſucceeded him in 1131.

As a teſtimony of the reſtoration and repair of this church, a curious inſcription, on 12 ſquare pieces of wood, (originally 14) unnoticed by moſt viſiters, is repreſented in the annexed plate. I did not diſcover it on my firſt viſit to Hexham in 1774. It is cut in wood, and intermixed with gilded ornaments in roſe work, in a fillet of the great ſcreen, which cloſes the entrance to the choir, (whereon is painted Death's Dance) and is thus read, Orate pro anima, Dni Thomae S..... Pater hujus Eccleſiae, Qui fecit hoc Opus. The Italicks ſupply the parts of the inſcription now loſt.§

Hexham having ſuffered great diſtreſs under an incurſion of the Scots in the reign of Edward the Firſt, A. D. 1296, when the priory and part of the cathedral were burnt; in the 25th year of that reign, [Page 92] (ſoon after this devaſtation) an inquiſition was taken of the poſſeſſions of the church, dated at Newcaſtle on Tyne, July 7, 1297; in which the particulars of the revenue were ſet forth, too tedious to be inſerted here, and of little conſequence to the traveller.* [Page 93] The whole at the diſſolution was valued at 122l. 11s. 6d. according to Dugdale, and 138l. 1s. 9d. as it is ſet forth in Speed. There were then 14 Religious in the abbey, Edward Tay, Prior.

This church poſſeſſed that ignominious privilege called Sanctuary, till taken away by Henry VIII. in 1534, on which the diſqualifying ſtatute fixes an everlaſting ſtigma, by enacting, ‘that groſs offenders againſt the laws, taking ſanctuary at the altar, or any conſecrated place, ſhould be out of the protection of churches:’ implying, that ſuch pollutions had rendered obnoxious, even the moſt ſacred places.

The famous TRIDSTOL, or Stool of Peace, is ſtill preſerved here. Whoever took poſſeſſion of it was ſure of remiſſion.* ‘This place had the privilege of a ſanctuary, which was not merely confined to the church, but extended a mile four ways, and the limits each way marked by a croſs. Heavy penalties were levied on thoſe who dared to violate this ſanctuary, by ſeizing on any criminal within the preſcribed bounds; but if they preſumed to take him out of the [Page 94] ſtool,* the offence was not redeemable by any ſum; it was eſteemed botoleſs beyond the power of pecuniary amends; and the offenders were left to the utmoſt ſeverity of the church, and ſuffered excommunication; in old times the moſt terrible of puniſhments.’

In Hexham were two Hoſpitals, one for Lepers, the other for the Sick, both well endowed.

The Archbiſhop of York enjoyed great privileges here; to enquire of which, a Quo Warranto was iſſued in the 21ſt year of the reign of King Edward I. to ſhew ‘by what authority he claimed to have all Capitulas of the Crown, delivered to his Bailiff, to be pleaded by Juſtices, whom he ſhould aſſign for that purpoſe, concerning all things ariſing within his manor of Hextolderſham; and that all pleas, as well of the Crown as other pleas, be pleaded by his writs, and his Juſtices in his ſaid manor to take and have the iſſues and profits ariſing thereby; and to do and execute by his officers, all things pertaining to the office of Sheriff and Coroner; and that no Bailiff of the King do enter into the ſaid manor, to execute any office. And to have the cuſtody of priſoners, and make delivery of them at his will. And to have market, gallows, chattels of fugitives and felons condemned in the ſaid manor, without leave of the King and his progenitors; which things do pertain to the King's crown and dignity.’— To which the Biſhop pleaded his claim from ancient time, and uſage from time immemorial;—in conſequence of which theſe privileges of a Palatine were confirmed by the King and Council. In the 13th year of the reign of King Edward III. Hexham had Jura Regalia confirmed, and the right of levying Tenths and Fifteenths.

In the ſecond year of Henry the Fifth's reign, Hexham was ſtripped of thoſe privileges, as being an aſylum of thieves and robbers.

The tenants within this manor, as ſubjects of a Palatinate, were exempt from all other public ſubſidies than thoſe raiſed by their Palatine.

Hexham came to the Crown under Archbiſhop Holgate, who exchanged this manor for ſome abbey lands, in the 36th year of the reign [Page 95] of Henry VIII. retaining nothing but the ſpecial juriſdiction. In the 14th year of Queen Elizabeth, it was annexed to the county of Northumberland; and the manor being ſoon after ſold, devolved on the late Sir Walter Calverly Blackett.

The remains of this ancient cathedral bear innumerable marks of magnificence. Many ancient tombs are here: within the quire is the recumbent effigy of an Eccleſiaſtic hooded, on a table monument of black marble, in relief; at the foot, a ſhield with uncommon arms, or rather an emblematical device to denote mortality, being the reſemblance of croſs bones. The people who keep the doors, ſay it is the tomb of Prior Richard, an Hiſtorian of the 12th century. He was ſome time a Monk here, and occurs Prior A. D. 1153. The device on the ſhield, if it is preſumed to be the tomb of Richard, will then appear to be the letters ri placed one over the other. Mr Wallis's Antiquities, which I have frequent occaſion to quote, ſays ‘theſe arms are argent, a ſaltier gules; and that contiguous to this tomb, an helmet is fixed, denoting that this perſonage, before he was an Eccleſiaſtic, was of ſome military order.’ He alſo ſuppoſes he was Prior here.—If it were not for the ample field of imagination, and inexhauſtable conjectures, the employment of Antiquaries would be dull indeed—I cannot forbear diſſenting from this learned viſiter. Immediately adjoining this tomb, ſtands a ſhrine * of wood-work, after the ancient form, ſupported on pillars, canopied, and ornamented with tabernacle-work; ſuch as in the early ages of the church diſtinguiſhed the place where the remains of great perſonages or ſaints were depoſited: this is ſurrounded with ſtone-work, having figures in various niches, which by reaſon of the ſtalls built againſt them, I could not make out. At the eaſtern end of this ſhrine, within, is an altar; above which are painted the ſufferings of our Lord. On the canopy or roof are the arms on a ſhield, very freſh, Azure, the ſaltier (if it is ſuch) Or. Behind the high altar, and in other parts of the church, I perceived the ſame arms, and alſo in the walls of the priory: from whence I am led to believe this is the tomb of one of the Priors, a great benefactor to the church, and the Inſignia, [Page 96] a croſs of the dedicatory St Andrew, formed of the two firſt letters of the Prior's name.

The Religious of the Order of St Auſtin were hooded.

The other (fig. I.) I apprehend is deſigned for Jupiter. And near the altar ſtands a figure of ſtone, about three feet eight inches high, ſupporting himſelf on a ſtaff, on his head ſomething that appears like a helmet or a cap and plume, and round his ancles three wreaths or fetters. This (fig. III.) I apprehend is the figure of Pan. It is reaſonable to conjecture they have been ſaved from the ruins, when the Roman remains in the vaults were obtained. Some travellers have concluded theſe were the works of monkiſh times. The effigies are accurately repreſented in the annexed plates, and the reader will from thence determine according to his own judgment.

The tomb of Umfrevill, one of the family of the Earls of Angus, mentioned by Camden, remains in the ſouth aile, not much mutilated. This family were benefactors to the church of Hexham.

[Page 98] A little below, in the ſame aile, is the tomb of Sir Robert Ogle, with the arms of Bertram and Ogles, quartered, and an inſcription in braſs, dated 1404. Theſe were ancient families in Northumberland; the Ogles owned ſeven Lords and thirty Knights of their race, having large poſſeſſions before the conqueſt.

In the north aile is a monument in the wall, of ſuch a form as uſually deſigned at the building of churches, for founders or great benefactors; but to what perſonage this belongs, is not known, no inſignia or inſcription remaining. It is ſuppoſed to be the tomb of Alfwold, King of Northumberland, who was aſſaſſinated at Cilcheſter, by Sigga, a factious Lord of his Court, on the 23d of September, A. D. 788. I meaſured an effigy which lays near this tomb, and found it anſwering exactly in length. The tomb is formed in an aperture made through the wall by an elegant piece of arched work. The effigy repreſents an Eccleſiaſtic with his hood thrown back to his forehead, his hands elevated, and robed to the feet; the folds of the drapery thrown into excellent order, eaſy and elegant.

On the ſcreen at the entrance of the quire, are ſome ſtrange monaſtic paintings, vulgarly ſtiled Death's Dance; a ludicrous repreſentation of the univerſal influence of that inſatiable tyrant, over all ranks of men; beginning with the full-cheſted Cardinal, and triply coronated Pope, and leading into his mazes the Prince and Peaſant: but I am ſo diſguſted with the church paintings I have ſeen in other places, that I had not patience to attend to this defilement of the tabernacle. There are ſome grim and lion-like Saints painted in the ailes, among whom ſtands St John of Beverley, of hideous aſpect.

In the pavement of the croſs aile are ſeveral monuments; one inſcribed "Hic Jacet Thomas de Devilſton," and ornamented with a croſier; another with a croſier and chalice, inſcribed "Johannes Dew," with the uſual legendary prayer in the margin, Orate per anima, &c.

In a part behind the north door, is the recumbent effigy of a Knight, which Mr Wallis ſays repreſents Henry Beaufort, Duke of Somerſet, taken priſoner and beheaded at Hexham by King Edward the Fourth; his ſhield Or, bearing a feſſe az, with three garbs proper. I think it improbable this monument was erected for a traitor, who died an ignominious [Page 99] death: beſides, it cannot be any of the Beaufort family, as they quartered the arms of England. I rather conceive this was one of the Aydens of Ayden Caſtle, the arms aſſumed by the Edens of the North at this day, being greatly ſimilar. The male line of the family of Aydens of Ayden Caſtle, was extinct in Edward the Firſt's time; and Emma the heireſs and relict of that family, was by him, as a royal ward, given in marriage to Wallis.

The interior architecture of this church, is highly finiſhed, in the mixed Gothic order; the pillars are cluſtered, ſupporting Gothic arches; the members of the archings, and the pilaſters, finely proportioned. The quire is roofed with wood covered with lead, and the ſide ailes are arched with ſtone; a double gallery runs round the whole, opening with Saxon arches; each opening is compoſed of three arches, the centre circular, the ſide ones pointed, of which the workmanſhip is very fine, and the pillars light. The principal pillars of this ſtructure in general are rather diſproportionate and heavy; an error ſeen in moſt of the Saxon churches.

The Mercers Company in London, under the will of Richard Fiſhborn, Eſq about the year 1630, founded a Lectureſhip here, which they endowed by a purchaſe of tithes. Sir Walter Calverly Blackett gave ſeveral valuable gifts for the augmentation of the living; and many charities have been left for the relief of the poor. It is a doubt with me, whether theſe donations to the poor do not induce indigent and impotent perſons to crowd a town, and in effect encourage idleneſs. Had the donors diſpoſed the ſame ſums for inſtituting and ſupporting a manufactory, the encouragement to induſtry would have brought with it opulence, inſtead of crowds of mendicants.

Mr Gale and Dr Stukeley, in the year 1726, viſited the vaults of this church, now uſed as a private burial-place. What will not Curioſity attempt! They have given two inſcriptions diſcovered there; the one containing a new name of a Legatus Auguſti, viz. Q. Calpurnius conceſſinius, and that of a body of horſe at Corcheſter, called Equites Caeſarienſes or Caeſariani Coronotatae, not mentioned either in the Notitia Imperii or elſewhere. The other of Lucius Septimus Severus, by them ſaid to be of the beſt ſculpture, the letters large, but the inſcription imperfect. The curioſity remarked by theſe Antiquaries, conſiſts in this monument having [Page 100] ſo diſtinctly the name of that Emperor, and its being the only genuine one found ſo near the wall with his name on it.

Mr Horſley gives the firſt of theſe inſcriptions in the following manner:

Legato Auguſtati Propraetore Quintus Calpurnius, Conceſſinius Praefectus equitum Caeſarienſium Coronototarum, manu Praeſentiſſimi Numinis dei votum ſolvit.

To this reading he adds the following remarks:

‘The Rev. Mr Andrews of Hexham, obliged a friend of mine with a copy of the ſame inſcriptions, which he had taken. This inſcription is upon a Roman altar: I had leave to deſcend into the vault and view the inſcriptions. I ſpent ſome time in examining every particular, and have here repreſented them as I found them, with the greateſt impartiality. Every word and letter that remains in this, is ſo plain as to leave no room for any doubt. The not taking notice that the altar and inſcription are both of them imperfect at the top, is the only material defect in the former repreſentation. I look upon it as certain, that the letters which have filled up the deficient part of the line, have been VG. PR. PR. for thus the number of letters in this line will anſwer to the number in the others. I think alſo there have been two or three lines above, which are broken off: theſe have probably contained the name of the Legate, and of the God to whom the altar had been inſcribed. The conjectures in the letters in Mr Gordon's appendix are very ingenious, and the arguments uſed in ſupport of them, very learned and curious. The author ſuppoſes, that here is the name of a new Legate, as alſo of a new body of horſe, called Equites Caeſarienſes (or Caeſariani) Corionototae: the name Equites [Page 101] Caeſarienſes, is there juſtified by a parallel inſtance in Gruter; and the name Corionototae, that gentleman ſuppoſes to be a corruption of the Roman name of a people in theſe parts, perhaps Curia or Coria Otodinor, and that Corbridge was the place. The reſt of the inſcription he judiciouſly explains to be a flattering acknowledgment of this perſon, that he was promoted by the immediate hand of the Emperor; it being no new thing to call the Emperors Gods, and erect altars to them. But in a matter ſo entirely conjectural, it is very excuſable to ſuſpend one's aſſent; and the more explanations are offered, it is the more probable that the truth will be found out. If Q. Calpurnius Conceſſinius was the Imperial Legate, I ſcarce think that he would in the ſame inſcription ſtile himſelf Praefect of Horſe: I rather believe, as I hinted before, that the name of the Legate has been above, and is broken off. Perhaps it has been ſub Legato Auguſtali, or pro ſaluti Legati Auguſtalis. As to the word Corionototarum, * I rather ſuppoſe that Ptolemy's Coria or Curia, was a town of the Gadeni, than of the Otadini. Ptolemy's Coritani, are a people of one of the Provinciae Caeſarienſes in Britain, and poſſibly, from hence theſe horſe might have the name of Caeſarienſes Coritani. Coriotiotar in the anonymous Ravenuas, is not unlike this name. I ſuppoſe it may have been miſtaken by ſome tranſcriber for Coriotiotae or Corionototae; the ſhape of the Gothic E is not unfavourale to this: but it ſeems more probable to me, that it was from ſome more diſtant country, than any part of Britain, that theſe troops had the name of Caeſarienſes Corionototae or Caeſarienſes Corionototarum. The Crotoniatae (inhabitants of Croton, a city in Greece) are celebrated by Strabo; according to whom, 'the laſt of theſe was equal to the firſt of the other Greeks.' Poſſibly this name may have been deſigned for Crotoniatarum: if this be admitted, we may more eaſily account for the Greek inſcriptions at Corbridge and Lancheſter, and for the more evidences of Grecian Auxiliaries, that appear in the neighbourhood. The explication of the reſt of the inſcription by the ſame learned gentleman, whom I mentioned above, is certainly juſt; that Praeſentiſſimum Numen dei ſignifies the Emperor, and manu intimates that Q. Calpurnius was advanced to his poſt by the immediate 31 [Page 102] hand of this Emperor, ſuppoſed to be Commodus, who leaſt deſerved ſuch titles, and yet moſt inſiſted on them. I find Numini Praeſenti in an inſcription to Caracalla. The word Praeſenti ſeems to be uſed in a different ſenſe in theſe caſes from that of Horace:

Praeſenti tibi maturos largimur honores,
Jurandaſque tuum per Numen ponimus aras.

‘And again in his Ode concerning Regulus:

— Praeſens divus habebitur
Auguſtus adjectis Britannis

‘To what particular Emperor this inſcription muſt be referred, is hard to determine with certainty.’

Our curioſity urged us, at the diſtance of 49 years after thoſe learned viſiters had inſpected the vaults, to ſee the antiquities they mention: perhaps they had entered into open cells, then unuſed for ſepulture: our deſcent was more ſolemn. Theſe vaults have for ſeveral years paſt been uſed as a private burial-place, and the entrance is covered with a table of marble, of prodigious ſize, which is not uſually moved but at the denunciation of mortality. The maſſive Clauſtrum was heaved from the mouth of the vault by iron crows and rollers, at which the ground trembled over the arches—by a ladder we deſcended about 20 feet, into the regions of the dead, where avaricious curioſity making an anxious reſearch after the objects of its deſire, ſo compleatly occupied the mind, that ſcarce one reflection was agitated, for thoſe, over whoſe aſhes we wantonly trampled. Theſe vaults, which anciently were within the weſt end of the croſs, have been built of the ſtones of a Roman ſtation, many cornices, mouldings, and ornaments, with fragments of inſcriptions, are ſcattered through the walls. We found the preceding inſcription correſpond exactly with the plate in Mr Horſley's works. The narrow vault, on the left hand, is roofed over with flat ſtones, on the furtheſt of which the following inſcription is preſerved, but from its ſituation, and the ſtone being reverſed, rendered difficult to be read. My companion and I took it with great attention, both in the letters as reverſed, and (as well as we could ſee them) direct. Our copies exactly correſponded with each other, and yet they differ from Mr Horſley's, in whoſe plates it is thus repreſented:

[Page 103]
Imperator Caeſar Lucius Septimius Pertinax et Imperator Caeſar Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Pius Felix Auguſtus et Geta Caeſar, Cohortium Vexillationes fecerunt.

To this reading he adds, ‘There can be no great doubt, with relation to the former part of it, which is not unlike the inſcription at Burgh, in Richmondſhire; a copy of which was long ago publiſhed by Mr Camden, and runs thus: Imperatori Caeſari Marco Antonino Pio Aurelio Felici Auguſto, &c. Then follows a ſpace where the name of Geta has been eraſed. Juſt ſo in this inſcription at Hexham; after much the ſame names and titles given to Severus and Caracalla, there follows a ſmall ſpace, where it is manifeſt the words have been deſignedly eraſed with a tool. I ſuppoſe the Vexillatio Legionis was made up of the ſeveral Vexillations of the particular Cohorts: and perhaps they might retain the name of Vexillationes Cohortium, when the Vexillations of all the Cohorts of the Legion, that is, the whole Vexillation of the Legion itſelf was not preſent. Theſe then might be the Vexillations of ſome Cohorts of one of the Legions which were employed in building the wall, that might be occaſionally at Hexham, and erect this inſcription. Some of the inſcription, facing the right hand, is covered in the wall, on which the inſcribed ſtone reſts. The lower part of the ſtone is alſo fixed in the end wall of one of the paſſages into the vault; but not ſo as to hinder the loweſt line from being read, though not without difficulty. The letters FE—RVNT are diſtinct and certain, and as much room is between the E and R, as will contain CE: ſo that beyond all queſtion it has been fecerunt, which compleats the inſcription. The ſtone has had a raiſed bordering, which was ſpoiled, and made level with the reſt of the ſtone, when it was built up in this place.’

It is with the utmoſt diffidence I offer to the public remarks upon this inſcription, where they do not agree with the very learned Antiquaries [Page 104] who before copied it. The beginning of the inſcription ſeems to be IMP CAES SEV—; but the line is imperfect and broken off: I could not diſcover the L in this line. The ſecond line appeared to be VERON. AXEL. IMPO. And the beginning of the third line an AA mixed.

An inſcription in the Cottonian collection, found at Bowes, in Yorkſhire, mentions the Vettones as follows:

LEG. AVG. PR. PR Propraetor under Severus.

Theſe people were ſometimes ſtiled Verones, and at other times Vettones.* Camden ſays, a Cohort of Spaniards were ſtationed at Hexham. The inſcription, by having one ſide lodged in the wall, may now appear with a great diminution. I would not have offered my obſervations, but that they may induce ſome future viſiter to reconcile theſe differences. I own it difficult to give a reaſonable conjecture how the names of Severus and Antoninus could be mixed in this inſcription.

Before I quit the ſubject of theſe inſcriptions, I muſt add, that Mr Horſley ſays ‘theſe ſtones and inſcriptions argue Hexham to have been a Roman Station; for the plenty of free ſtone ſo near, makes it improbable that in the modern buildings (or thoſe later than Roman) they would have fetched any ſtones either from the Roman Wall or from Corbridge. And this might have been a town in the Roman times, and yet not be mentioned in the Itinerary, nor continue ſo late as [Page 105] till the writing of the Notitia. I know not what name to give it, unleſs we ſuppoſe it to have been Ptolemy's Epiacum. The ſituation of this does by no means anſwer, but it is plain from Vinovium and Galatum, that Ptolemy is here in confuſion; and the mutual diſtances between theſe three places, are not ſo far wrong as their ſituation.’

‘I have elſewhere proved, that it is not Axelodunum, though it has long been poſſeſſed of that, name.’

At the weſt end of the church are the remains of the priory. It was a ſpacious building, with an adjoining cloiſter. The refectory is yet entire, and ſerves as a room of entertainment at public times; is very ſpacious, with a roof of oak work. What remains of the cloiſters, ſhews they were of excellent workmanſhip: the tabernacle work and pilaſters above the ſeats are elegant: the door caſe oppoſite, which formerly was an entrance into the church, is richly wrought with pierced work of fruit and foliage, in a ſtile eaſy and bold.

The town of Hexham was burnt by the Scots in the year 1296, together with the priory, the weſt end of the church, and ſchool-houſe.

It was pillaged by David King of Scots, in the 20th year of the reign of King Edward III. A. D. 1346, who entered the borders with 40,000 men, making their way by Lanercoſt Priory and Nawarth Caſtle, in Cumberland; on which incurſion they were over thrown at Nevil's Croſs, near Durham, and David was taken priſoner.*

This place is not very populous, the inhabitants being computed at 2000 ſouls: the ſtreets are narrow, and ill built. The Market-place, near the centre of the town, is a ſpacious ſquare; in which is a convenient piazza for the butcher-meat, the ſtalls being moveable. The town is ſupplied by a fluent fountain of water, in the Market-place. Two markets are held here in the week, on Thurſday and Saturday; and there are two annual fairs.

[Page 106] Leading to the priory, is a gate-way of very ancient architecture; the arches form a ſemicircle, and are moulded in a ſtile which denotes their antiquity to be much greater than any part of the priory or cathedral. There is nothing ſimilar to this work, in proportion of members, about the church, or any thing in Hexham I could diſcover that appeared cotemporary. The roof of the gate-way is of ribbed arching, meeting in the centre; the interſtices, filled with thin ſtones or bricks, ſuch as are ſeen in Roman works. The paſſage is divided into a large gate-way for horſemen or carriages, and a narrow one for foot paſſengers. The ſuperſtructure is in ruins. Mr Pennant ſays this gate ‘is of the old Saxon architecture, and perhaps part of the labours of the great Wilfrid.’

There are two ancient towers in the town, the one uſed as a Court or Seſſions-houſe, anciently an exploratory tower, belonging to the Biſhops and Priors of Hexham; the other ſituated on the top of the hill towards the Tyne, of remarkable architecture; being ſquare, containing very ſmall apertures to admit the light, and having a courſe of corbels projecting a long way from the top, which ſeem to have ſupported a hanging gallery, and beſpeak the tower, at preſent, not near its original height. The founders of theſe places are not known. Camden ſays "he heard they appertained to the Archbiſhop of York." This laſt-mentioned tower, having two dreadful dungeons within it, doubtleſs has been the chief fortreſs of the place, and was uſed as a priſon when the Biſhops of Hexham poſſeſſed their palatine juriſdiction.

This place has owned ſeveral learned men: John de Hexham and Richard de Hexham, both Superiors of this religious houſe, and great Hiſtorians. The Addenda to the book of Symeon of Durham, from the 9th of King Henry II. to the 1ſt of King Richard, we owe to Prior John. Richard was the author of a Chronicle, from Adam to Henry the Emperor; he wrote the Hiſtories of King Stephen and King Henry III. but the principal work we have from his hands, is a [...] account of the State and Biſhops of the Church of Hexham.

There is a School here founded by Queen Elizabeth, 25th June, 1599, with an ample ſtipend for a Maſter and Uſher. The Maſter's houſe was built by ſubſcription.*

In the Market-place, on the front of an old houſe, are three coats of armour, in plaiſter-work: opinions are various what they denominate: the moſt probable is, that the dexter arms is that of the Dean and Chapter of York; the centre, the croſs of St Andrew, to whom the church was dedicated; and the ſiniſter one, being one of the Arm [...] Cantantia, or Rebuſſes, anciently adopted, comprehends the name of ſome great churchman. Beneath theſe, is a legend divided into three portions, which I read Ma—ne—ria—; perhaps importing the Manor Houſe, and probably was the manſion of ſome of the Biſhops of York. Plate, fig. III.

This town is not incorporated, but being a manor of the late Sir Walter C. Blackett, is governed by a Bailiff and Jury.

Hexham has been unhappy in civil bloodſhed; the ſlaughter made by the North-Riding Yorkſhire Militia on the Miners, in their inſurrection, is remembered with horror. No troops in the world could have ſtood with greater ſteadineſs and military propriety than they did, ſuſtaining the inſults of an enraged crew of ſubterranean Savages; whilſt the tim'rous Magiſtrates delayed their command for defence, till the arms of the Soldiers were ſeized by the Inſurgents, and turned on [Page 108] themſelves; and an Officer * was ſhot at the head of his Company, as he was remonſtrating to the Mob.

In the levels beneath Hexham, the deciſive battle was fought in 1463, when John Nevil, Marquis of Montacute, afterwards created Earl of [Page 109] Northumberland, General of the forces of the Houſe of York, forced the intrenchments of the Lancaſtrian party, and made a dreadful ſlaughter. The Ogles and Manners' of this country were with the victors; the Percies, Roes, Nevils, Tailbois, and Greys, among the vanquiſhed. The Earl of Somerſet, Sir William Tailbois, Sir Humphrey Nevil, and Sir Ralph Grey, being among the priſoners, were executed; Sir Ralph being firſt degraded, by cutting off his ſpurs, defacing his armorial enſignia, and breaking his ſword over his head. The miſerable eſtate of the great perſonages, whoſe fortunes were reverſed on this day of carnage, remains in hiſtory a dreadful leſſon to thoſe who adventure in civil diſcord.

Hexham is conveniently ſituated, for a traveller to make his excurſions over the neighbouring parts of the county: the accommodations are excellent.

The road to


is highly pleaſing. Here is a ſmall village, intitled to a market on Tueſday, and an annual fair on the 21ſt of July, obtained by the firſt Anthony Lord Lucy; but at preſent they are neglected. There is a fine bridge over the Tyne at this place, conſiſting of ſix arches; near to which is a Grammar School, endowed with lands by the Rev. Mr Shaftoe, formerly Vicar of Nether-Warden; the Maſter to be of the degree of Maſter of Arts: his ſalary at preſent is upwards of 50 l. a year, with an Uſher's fee of 15 l. a year. Over the entrance of the ſchool-houſe, is an inſcription ſetting forth the foundation.*

From this place


is in view; ſituate on a fine eminence, built in the form of the letter H, having four towers, one at the extreme of each wing. It was defended [Page 110] towards the weſt by a deep foſs. The walls are near ſeven feet in thickneſs, and the north-eaſt tower is about 66 feet high. Eight groundfloor rooms remain entire, four to the eaſt and four to the weſt, vaulted with ſtone; four ſmall upper rooms alſo remain entire to the eaſt. Many of the windows are of a middle ſize, and larger than what are uſually ſeen in buildings of the ſame date.

This was the baronial ſeat of Adam de Tynedale * and his ſon, in the reign of King Henry III. by marriage of whoſe daughter it came to Richard de Bolteby, and deſcended to his ſon Adam de Bolteby, from whom it paſſed to the Lucies, Barons of Egremont and Cockermouth, and remained with them for five deſcents.§ Afterwards it became the poſſeſſion of the Ratcliffes of Dilſton, and gave title of Viſcount and Baron Langley to Sir Francis Ratcliffe, created Earl of Derwentwater by King James II. A. D. 1688. It was forfeited by James the laſt Earl, and is now part of the poſſeſſions of Greenwich Hoſpital.

At a little diſtance lays


the ſeat of William Lowes, Eſq a modern houſe, on a riſing ground, in a moſt romantic and pleaſant ſituation. It was anciently the eſtate [Page 111] of the Ridleys of Willimoteſwick.—The walks on the banks of the brook of Allen, terminated by the woody heights of Kingſwood, are worth the attention of every viſitant, where Woods and Rocks are agreeably and magnificently blended. The cliffs are ſcattered over with yews and hollies. Ravens, which reſort to theſe rocks, lend a ſolemn voice to join the muſic of the falling waters. Many agreeable views are had from the eminences: Beltingham, the Caſtle of Willimoteſwick, Haden Bridge with its Village, are fine objects in this rich landſkip of cultivated lands, ſcattered over with cottages, and mingled with woods.*

About two miles ſouthward is


or, as it was anciently called, STAWARD LE' PEEL, of which little now remains but a ragged gate-way, which was defended by a draw-bridge and port-cullice. Some ruined walls appear to the weſtward. The outworks are a deep foſs, with a Vallum of ſtone and earth. This Caſtle has a remarkable ſituation, being ſeated on a peninſula formed by the conflux of the Allen and Harſingdale Burn: the approach is narrow, on an elevated way, chiefly formed by nature, rocky ſteeps laying on each ſide, cloathed with wood; beneath which you view a pretty pictureſque plain, waſhed by the murmuring ſtreams of Allen, where a cottage fortunately diſpoſed amidſt a little grove of trees, gives a peculiar beauty to the retirement, which is ſhut in on one ſide, by a woody amphitheatre hanging on the weſtern banks, and by the gloomy remains of Peel on the other. The view from theſe ruins northward, takes in the village of Thorngrafton, ſurmounted by the cliffs above Shewing Sheels, which form the horizon.

Peel belonged to the Friars Eremites of Hexham, under the grant of Edward Duke of York.

The rural ſcenes on the Allen are contracted, but are every where pictureſque and romantic; the winding rivulet forms many beautiful Bays and Peninſulas, boundered by rocks and hanging woods, affording a multitude of little ſolemn and ſecluded retreats, through which the waters murmur.

[Page 112] After croſſing the Allens, you approach


remarkable for nothing but its ancient poſſeſſors the Whitfields, who held it in the time of Richard II.* There is a Water-fall about a mile ſouth, mentioned by Mr Wallis, but in a dry ſeaſon is little more than ſome few trilling drops weeping down the cliffs, and not worth a traveller's quitting his road to view it.

1.30. OLD TOWN,

which Mr Horſley ſuppoſes to be a Roman Station, retains the marks of antiquity mentioned in the letters given in the notes.


[Page 113]

is ſituate on an eminence on Eaſt Allen, is chiefly inhabited by Miners. In the neighbourhood is a Free School, founded in 1700, and endowed [Page 114] ſeveral liberal benefactions.* We paſſed from thence to Allenheads, a part of the county barren and mountainous, inhabited only by Miners [Page 115] and Shepherds: the ſcene on every hand is dark and deplorable; the Mines only inducing inhabitants to this deſolate ſpot. Near Allen-heads [Page 116] is a place called Shorngate, where the Scots made their retreat from Stanhope Park, in the reign of King Edward III. A. D. [Page 117] 1327. They paſſed a moraſs, as ſome authors ſay, by cutting through the moſſy earth to the rock, or by laying a road with ſtones;* an aſtoniſhing act in the perils of a retreat.

[Page 118] By a diſagreeable road, in a deſolate country, we travelled to


ſeated in a narrow deep vale, on the river Derwent; a few ſtrips of meadow ground lay along the margin of the ſtream, and ſome cultivated lands ſkirt the feet of the hills, whoſe ſummits are covered with heath. This is a very different ſituation from others I have ſeen, choſen by the Religious for the foundation of their houſes; the country around is [Page 119] barren and mountainous; the narrow vale in which the abbey is placed, ſeems in no-wife ſuited to the maintenance of its former inhabitants— poverty for ages paſt has reigned over the face of the adjacent country. The ſcites of religious houſes are generally in well-ſheltered and warm ſituations, where the retirements are ſurrounded with rich lands. This place looks truly like the realm of mortification.

This abbey was founded by Walter de Bolbeck in 1175, dedicated to the bleſſed Virgin, for twelve Premonſtratenſian Canons, having liberty to exceed that number, with the conſent of the Biſhop of Durham. Part of his donation was twelve fiſhes for their table, out of his fiſhery of Stiford, in lieu of tithes of fiſh. The Abbot was ſummoned to parliament 23 King Edward I. At the ſuppreſſion, here were fourteen Canons; the annual revenue of the houſe, according to Dugdale, being 40l. 0s. 9d. and 44l. 9s. 1d. according to Speed. After paſſing from the Crown by ſale, it became the poſſeſſion of the Foſters, and was forfeited in 1715, by Thomas Forſter, Eſq after which it was purchaſed by Lord Crew, and by him left to charitable uſes.

The weſt end and tower of the church and the ſouth aile of the croſs remain; the latter neatly fitted up for parochial duty. The gateway entering into the ſquare, where formerly the houſes of the Canons ſtood, ſtill remains; the towers on each hand converted into ale-houſes: the buildings which are ſtanding are now inhabited by poor people, who are perhaps employed in the leadworks; the diſtreſs and ragged appearance of the whole conventual buildings, being moſt deplorable; no one relique of church pomp remaining. To compenſate for the diſagreeable review of cells of poverty, we walked in the levels adjoining the church, when it happened to be the time of divine ſervice: the pſalm of the congregation, at our diſtance, had a degree of ſolemn harmony, which inſpired ſerious though pleaſing reflections: ſentiments and ideas ſucceeded, which dignify the mind of man, and give him competition with angels.

Near Blanchland lays the Barony of

1.33. BOLBECK,

the ancient baronial inheritance of John de Bolbeck, in the reign of King Henry III.* It is now the eſtate of George Baker, Eſq of Ellemore, in the county of Durham.

[Page 120] We paſſed from Blanchland by a woody declivity to Acton Mill, a ſmelting mill for lead, where, in vaſt heaps of ore, the wealth of the late Sir Walter Caverley Blackett was diſplayed: the road from thence to Prudhoe was harrowed up by lead carriages, and in innumerable places the name of Blackett ſtruck our eye, on the lead which lay on the road. We paſſed by


where the advances of cultivation gives a moſt pleaſing countenance to the decreaſing deſert.

The country in general is heathy and naked, near theſe new and beautiful incloſures, where planting ſucceeds admirably:—at length we gained a diſtant view of Tynedale, coloured with the happy teints of corn and meadow: we haſtened from the dreary country which had detained us too long from ſcenes of pleaſure.

When we had gained the ſummit of the hill above Hedley, we had a good proſpect of Tyne towards the north-weſt; the river, by its winding courſe, formed ſeven diſtinct canals, one of them near a mile in length: the fore-ground of this landſkip is enriched with the village of Bywell, ſurmounted by Mr Fenwick's elegant manſion, and decorated with plantations and garden grounds, ſo diſpoſed to the eye, as to retain all the eaſe and inartificiality of nature: the water, brightened by a weſtern ſun, appeared through the trees, as if the manſion and pleaſure grounds were inſulated: the riſing ground to the right is crowned with a gloomy ruin, once the fortreſs of the vale, held by the Baliols, and after them by the Earls of Weſtmoreland, now contraſting beautifully with the modern and excellent taſte of Mr Paine, of whoſe mode of architecture the manſion-houſe of Bywell is conſtructed: to the left, extenſive woods filled the landſkip.

[Page 121] Behind the town of Bywell, grounds in high cultivation, interſperſed with wood, aſcend gradually from the river; in one part terminated by heathy eminences, and in another, by diſtant lands ſtretching away through an extended valley towards Hexham, where the diſtinction of objects was loſt to the eye in the blue vapours which covered the extremity of the vale.

We deſcended through a woody paſſage to

1.35. PRUDHOE,

which, though ſituate on a very lofty eminence near the banks of Tyne, is much inferior to the hills by which we advanced towards it.

The Caſtle of Prudhoe ſtands on the ſummit of a vaſt rocky promontary, which communicates with the adjoining grounds by a narrow neck and paſs towards the ſouth; the ground on which the fortreſs ſtands forming ſeven parts of a circle, on an octagonal ſection. It is guarded by an outward wall towards the Tyne, built on the brink of the cliffs, in this part not leſs than ſixty perpendicular feet in height, above the plain which intervenes between the caſtle and the river; this wall at intervals is defended by ſquare baſtions. The entrance to the caſtle is from the ſouth: on our approach the whole ſtructure was viewed from the heights, and made a very noble and formidable appearance. The narrow neck of land leading to the entrance, was formerly cut through by [Page 122] a deep ditch, over which a draw bridge has given acceſs to the outward gate: the water which anciently ſupplied the ditch, is now collected by a reſervoir before the gate, and ſerves a mill: the outward gate was originally defended by ſeveral outworks and a tower, as appears by their ruins. From the ſituation in which I drew my view of this place, I could overlook the top of the firſt gate, and the eye penetrated the inner gate-way, the ſuperſtructure of which is a lofty embattled ſquare tower, about ſixty feet high, now ſo mantled with ivy, that the windows, loop-holes, and apertures are almoſt wholly concealed. I will deſcribe the whole from the ſtation I occupied on that occaſion: To the right, the outward wall extended to ſome diſtance, terminated by a turret or exploratory mount, the wall of which is embattled, and there the landſkip was cloſed by a fine grove of ſtately trees. The outward wall to the left, from the inner gate-way, extends to a conſiderable diſtance, without any turret or baſtion; over which ſeveral interior buildings, and among them the remains of the chapel, were diſcovered, in all the confuſion of ruin; mingled chimneys, windows, buttreſſes, columns, and walls, in that wildneſs of irregularity, which conſtitutes much pictureſque beauty in ſcenes of this kind: above all which objects a ſquare tower, the Keep of the Fortreſs, (on the ſide towards me almoſt perfect, twenty-five yards in height, and eighteen in breadth, but without ornament or windows, with an exploratory tower on the ſouth-weſt corner) overlooked the caſtle, with that gloomy and ſullen majeſty which characterizes the age in which it had its riſe. The wall ſtill extending to the left, on its angle is defended by a ſquare baſtion, with broken loop-holes; from whence it turns northward, and is terminated by a broken circular tower, ſituate on the brink of the cliff, whoſe inner receſs the eye ſufficiently penetrated, to mark the diſtraction of its interior works. The fine levels between the caſtle and the river, opened to the left, the Tyne in view, with the town of Ovingham hanging on the oppoſite ſhore.*

[Page 123] We advanced by a narrow path on the ſide of the reſervoir, to the firſt gate-way, which is formed by a circular arch: by the fragments and broken walls, it evidently appears this gate was originally flanked with various outworks, and had a tower. This gate gives admittance to a covered way, leading to the inner gate, about 30 paces in length; a ſally-port opening on each ſide, to flank the walls and defend the [Page 124] ditch. There is no appearance of a port-cullice in either gate-way. The ſecond gate-way is alſo formed by a circular arch, above which is a high tower, the windows ſhewing that it contained three tiers of apartments. A lattice or open gate ſtill remains, jointed with ſtuds of iron. The roof of the gate-way is arched in ſemicircles, with an aperture in the centre, from whence thoſe in the upper chamber might annoy an enemy who had forced the gate. From thence you enter an area, now ſo blocked up by the buildings of a farm-yard and tenement, that it is not poſſible to form any idea of its original magnitude; though it appears by the other parts, that an open area had ſurrounded the great tower, which doth not ſhew any remains of communication with the outworks, but ſeems to have ſtood apart, on an eminence in the centre. The outward wall was defended on the angle to the ſouth weſt by a large ſquare baſtion, with loop-holes; to the north-weſt, by a circular tower, containing ſeveral tiers of low chambers, ſingular in their form and height, and ſuch as I never obſerved before in any ancient caſtle: the inhabitants could not ſtand erect in them at the time of defence. Towards the river and northward, the wall is guarded by ſeveral ſmall ſquare baſtions; and towards the ſouth-eaſt, a ſmall mount, placed within the walls, overlooks the ditch, which guards the ſouthern ſide, and terminates at the brink of the cliffs. The large tower is in ruins, only the the ſouthern wall now ſtanding; and not one baſtion remains entire, they being all in ruins towards the area. A paſſage runs in the centre of the wall, from baſtion to baſtion. Steps aſcend from the area to the top of the wall, in ſeveral places, which is broad enough to allow the armed men of the garriſon to paſs each other, covered by a parapet.

Camden conjectures this was the Prodolita of the Romans, and the Station of the firſt band of Batavians. It was the poſſeſſion of the Umfrevills. This family came into England with the Conqueror, who beſtowed on Robert with the Beard the Lordſhip of Redeſdale, to be held for ever, by the ſervice of defending the country againſt thieves and wolves, with the ſame ſword with which William entered Northumberland; and alſo the Barony of Prudhoe; by the ſervice of two Knights fees and a half.* This caſtle was famous in the reign of King Henry II. for the oppoſition it gave to William King of Scotland, in his incurſion, and the gallant defence it then made, he being obliged to raiſe the ſiege. It was the poſſeſſion of Robert, or, as ſome authors ſay, of [Page 125] Rogerus de Umfrevile,* in the reign of King Henry I. as appears by the eſcheats of that reign. He was ſucceeded by Odonel de Umfrevile, who with Barnard de Haliol and others, took William King of Scotland [Page 126] priſoner at Alnwick, in the 20th year of the reign of King Henry II. A. D. 1174, after his retreat from the ſiege of Prudhoe.* According to Mr Groſe, he was ſucceeded by Robert his ſon, whoſe ſucceſſor, Richard de Umfrevile, was a benefactor to the priory of Hexham. Gilbert was the next ſucceſſor, in the 11th year of the reign of King Henry III. and after him a ſecond Gilbert, A. D. 1245, who was created Earl of Angus, and ſummoned to the parliament held at Carliſle in the 35th of King Edward I. A. D. 1307:—he founded a chantry in the chapel of Prudhoe Caſtle, and endowed it with two crofts, 118 acres of land, and 5 acres of meadow, for the maintenance of two Chaplains. He was ſucceeeded by Gilbert the third, who was ſummoned to the parliaments at Weſtminſter in the 26th of King Edward III. A. D. 1352, and the 1ſt of King Richard II. A. D. 1377. He was ſucceeded by Gilbert the fourth, the 11th of King Henry IV. A. D. 1411: he attended King Henry V. in his French campaigns, and was made Governor of Gournie and Melun for his bravery. He loſt his life at a paſs in Anjou, by the [Page 127] treachery of a ſervant belonging his General, the Duke of Clarence, corrupted by the enemy. After him Prudhoe came to Walter Tailbois, by marriage with Gilbert the fourth's ſiſter; and under attainder, in the 3d of King Edward IV. A. D. 1463, after the battle of Hexham Levels, it came to the Crown; from whence it paſſed by grant to John Duke of Bedford, and afterwards to Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland, and now conſtitutes a part of the princely poſſeſſions of the preſent Duke of Northumberland.

We paſſed over the ferry-boat at Ovingham, from whence we had a fine view of the Caſtle of Prudhoe; the river beneath us waſhed the margin of a level of corn land, above which aroſe the precipitous cliffs on which the caſtle is erected, in the form of a half-moon, crowned with the remains of the fortreſs, of an aſpect awfully majeſtic; over theſe the riſing grounds behind, cloathed with woods, and the thick groves on each flank, ſeemed to caſt a ſolemn mantle. The ſcene ſtruck me with the image of mourning royalty, weeping in aſhes for the diſſolution of Empire, and lamenting the cruel viciſſitudes of Fortune, in which all its honours are extinguiſhed, and nothing but memorials of calamity left behind.


had heretofore a religious houſe of Black Canons, ſubordinate to Hexham, founded and endowed by one of the Umfreviles, Barons of Prudhoe. At the diſſolution it was valued at 11l. 2s. 8d. by Sancroft, and 13l. 4s. 8d. by Speed. It is now the eſtate of Thomas Charles Bigge, Eſq of Little Benton. The church is in the cathedral form, but retains nothing antique or curious.

The road from Ovingham to

1.37. WYLAM,

the ſeat of the Blackets,* is delightful; the river with its varied beauties on the one hand, and hanging woodlands on the other.


[Page 128]

the manſion of the Bewicks,* claims the traveller's viſit, for the excellent proſpect it commands: placed on a gently inclining lawn on the banks of Tyne, it has all thoſe beauties in view, which ariſe in a well cultivated and rich country: the river is ſeen, graced with a ſmall iſland, where ſome ſtately oaks are fortunately ſcattered; the incloſures at the time of our journey abounded with the riches of harveſt, mingling the teints of gold with the velvet of the green meads; whilſt tufts of trees, well diſpoſed, filled the nearer landſkip: on this hand, Bradley, the ſeat of John Simpſon, Eſq on that, the village of Newburn, are on the offscape; whilſt an elegant curvature of the river, ſurmounted by Ryton ſpire, is in from.

Near Cloſe Houſe, on the north of the military road, lays


the Vindobala, according to Mr Horſley, of the Romans; where the Cohors Prima Frixagorum kept garriſon. Camden calls it Vindolana; and by ſome authors it is ſaid to be the frontier ſtation of the fourth Cohort of the Gauls. Severus's wall runs upon the middle of the eaſt rampart, but is not continued through the ſtation: Hadrian's Vallum paſſes about the diſtance of a chain to the ſouth of it. This fort has been very conſiderable, and the ruins of it at preſent are remarkable: on the north ſide there have been ſix turrets, one at each corner, one on each ſide the gate, and one between each corner, and thoſe adjoining to the gate. On the eaſt and weſt ſides there is alſo a tower between the gate and the angle, in that part of the fort that is on the north of the wall; but it is doubtful whether there has been the ſame number of towers in that part that lays within the wall. The ramparts are ſtill very viſible. If there has been a town without, which there can ſcarce be any doubt of, it has been, as uſual, on the ſouth, where the village of Rutcheſter now ſtands, and covers its ruins.

To the north-weſt of Rutcheſter, is a place called Whitcheſter, ſometimes Outcheſter; in Camden it is called Old Wincheſter, or Vindolana, [Page 129] and there are ſaid to be ſome remains of a fort here; but all this ſeems to be a miſtake. There is ſomewhat like the remains of an earthen rampart, which added to the name, may make it probable that here were the Caſtra Aeſtiva of the garriſon of Rutcheſter; and perhaps it was called the Outer Cheſters.

Between Whitcheſter and Harlow Hill, is a round hill with a trench about it, which ſeems to have been exploratory, and by the ſituation one would judge it had been as ancient as the time of the Romans.

It is curious to obſerve the paſſage of Hadrian's ditch near Harlow Hill, where it paſſes through a limeſtone quarry; though nothing is to be diſcerned on the ſurface, yet below it the exact dimenſions of the ditch may be taken; becauſe that part of the quarry, through which the ditch has been carried on, is now filled up with earth only, ſo that the ſhape and meaſure here are very plain. It is made ſloping, the depth between eight and nine feet, and about eleven feet broad. At this place a Caſtellum has ſtood; the foundations yet appear. It has had a high ſituation, and commanded an extenſive proſpect.

At the uſual diſtance from Harlow Hill, a Caſtellum is viſible, and about a furlong weſt from this, the walls approach very near to each other, being not above a chain diſtance. Again, at the uſual diſtance, another Caſtellum appears, but ſomewhat obſcure, and of an uncommon ſhape; two of the ſides (thoſe which lay eaſt and weſt) being about double the uſual length, and the ſouth ſide of it reaches very near the north Agger of Hadrian's work. Mr Horſley was of opinion this was one of Hadrian's exploratory Caſtella; but the north ſide of it falling in exactly with the line of Severus's wall, it has been uſed alſo as a Caſtellum by him. Severus's wall, in part of this tract, has four courſes of the original ſtone appearing.

From Rutcheſter to Halton Cheſters is little more than ſeven meaſured miles: there are nine Caſtella between theſe two ſtations, and all of them viſible, the interval between every two of them being near upon ſix furlongs and an half; and it is remarkable, that as the interval between theſe two ſtations is the greateſt of any upon the whole line of the wall, ſo the intervals between the Caſtella are the leaſt of any, except in one ſingle inſtance.

[Page 130] Many Roman Antiquities have been gained here, beſides thoſe mentioned by Mr Horſley, viz. an Effigy of Hercules ſome years ago was removed from hence by Mr Duane; two Fibulae of ſilver, Roman Bricks marked LVIV, and Coins of the low Empire, were lately diſcovered; but the moſt valuable acquiſition gained from hence, was an Urn found in 1766, containing gold and ſilver Coins, in the poſſeſſion of the late William Archdeacon, Eſq in which, it is ſaid, is a compleat ſeries of thoſe of the higher Empire. In the ſame year was diſcovered a Coffin, cut in the rock, twelve feet in length, containing many bones, teeth, and vertebree or joints, ſuppoſed to belong to animals ſacrificed to Hercules, whoſe feſtival was obſerved on the third day of June.*

Near this ſtation ſtands Rutcheſter Tower, the poſſeſſion of the family de Rutcheſters in the reign of King Edward I. The county of Northumberland, as was before obſerved, contains the remains of a multitude of ſuch towers, apparently calculated for a family defence againſt the Moſs Troopers and Scotch Ravagers.


lays to the north. The manor belonged to the priory of Hexham, afterwards to the Widdringtons, and now is the poſſeſſion of Ralph Riddle, Eſq

But I muſt return to the banks of Tyne, to ſpeak more fully of

1.41. BYWELL.

The reader hitherto has only had my diſtant view from Hedley Hill.

[Page 131] I cannot forbear taking notice of a public grievance, which is ſo very notorious in the county of Northumberland, that every traveller experiences it. When I entered this county, I was prejudiced in its favour, and had not the leaſt apprehenſion that any matter neceſſary for the public weal could be neglected. The reſolutions of the Magiſtrates given to the public, will tranſmit their virtues to poſterity. Merchandize has occaſioned, within the laſt century, ſuch an influx of wealth to this county, that it proves Trade is advanced by good roads for carriages, and an eaſy communication with the ports:—how then, in the midſt of ſuch profeſſed virtues, and ſuch public conviction, can it ariſe, that the plain directions of the law, touching the highways, are totally neglected or overlooked? There is ſcarce one Guide-poſt, to mitigate the grievances of travelling, erected through the whole county, except in the neighbourhood of Wallington; and ſome of thoſe are obliterated. On the public road from Newcaſtle to Hexham, and on the wilds of Wooler, the traveller is equally embarraſſed.

As you look upon Bywell from the moſt pleaſing point of view, the landſkip lays in the following order:—From the road near the brink of the river, the ruined piers of a bridge become the front objects; behind which, in a regular caſcade, the whole river falls over a wear, extended from Bank to Bank, in height about eight perpendicular feet; a mill on the right hand, a ſalmon lock on the left: the town and two churches ſtretch along the banks of the upper baſon of the river, with a fine curvature: the ſolemn ruins of the ancient caſtle of the Baliols, lift their towers above the trees on the right, and make an agreeable contraſt with the adjoining manſion-houſe: the whole back ground of the landſkip appears covered with wood.

There is a tradition, that two ſiſters quarrelling about precedency, one of them founded a church of her own, from whence ſhe excluded her ſiſter; which was the occaſion of two churches in this ſmall town. Both are ſerved at preſent by one Clergyman, who does duty in the morning at one, and in the evening at the other.

Bywell was the Barony of the Baliol family for many generations, Guy de Baliol being inveſted therewith by William Rufus:* Hugh de [Page 132] Baliol poſſeſſed it in the reign of King Henry III.* Camden ſays, he held it by the ſervice of thirty Knights fees to the ward of Newcaſtle. And after him, it paſſed to John de Baliol, 1 King Edward I. It became the poſſeſſion of the Nevils, Lords of Raby;§ and by the attainder of Charles Earl of Weſtmoreland, was forfeited to the Crown in the year 1571, with his other large poſſeſſions.

In the Life of Lord Keeper Guildford, we have an account of a cuſtom held here. As this country was perilous to travellers, the tenants of each manor were bound to guard the Judge through their reſpective precincts. Lord Chief Juſtice North deſcribes his attendants with long [Page 133] beards, ſhort cloaks, long baſket-hilted broad ſwords, hanging from broad belts, and mounted on little horſes, ſo that their legs and ſwords touched the ground at every turning. The Sheriff preſented his train with arms, viz. a dagger, knife, penknife, and fork.

By the two piers yet remaining in the river, it appears there was an ancient bridge over Tyne here; but as it is remarked by workmen, that the piers have not had a ſpring of arches, it is evident the ſuperſtructure was of wood. The ruins of the chapel appertaining to Bywell Caſtle, are ſituate on the ſouthern banks of the river.

I cannot quit this delightful ſcene, without making a compariſon between the aera of 1580 and the preſent age:—the record I have given in my note, affords a deplorable evidence of the circumſtances attending the inhabitants of Tyne, when they were obliged to guard their cattle every night, and to cultivate no more lands than in proportion to the places of defence they had to ſecure their crops; living in a ſtate of perpetual warfare and jeopardy. And even theſe calamities, which aroſe from a vicinity of thieves and robbers, were trifling, when compared to the devaſtation and ruin, which marked the incurſions of the Scots. Theſe were only the incidental grievances of the times; but there was one which was continued—the vaſſalage and miſery of a feodal tenure; by which genius was kept in fetters, and induſtry was diſtinguiſhed only by the name of ſlavery. What then was the eſtate of this opulent and beautiful county of Northumberland, when compared to the preſent time? What bleſſings have flowed in upon this land, from the union of the kingdoms, and the excellent police of the age? The ferocity of the inhabitants is ſubdued; traffic, arts, ſciences, manufactories, and navigation, have taken place of the brutal warfare, which is extinguiſhed; Cultivation, with all the comelineſs of Plenty, laughs in the valleys; the ſtreams are taught to labour in mechanic ſyſtems, to aid the manufacturer; every Creek and Bay is thronged with Ships; the gloomy Tower, that frowned defiance from each Eminence, ſinks in the duſt, whilſt a Palace receives the deſcendants of her Lord, with all the bounties of Opulence and Peace. Deſert plains ſtained with Slaughter, and track'd with the progreſs of Rapine and Violence, formerly ſpread forth an extenſive ſcene of deſolation, where now riſing woods, incloſed farms, villages, and hamlets are diſpoſed under the ſmiles of Proſperity. The original naked inhabitants (ſavage from hunger and neceſſity, lurking in dens, and in the mountains [Page 134] prowling as wolves, ſubſiſting in perpetual jeopardy on robbery and rapine) has furniſhed the land with a race, who, at the time they enjoy the comforts of life, reap the fruits of induſtry and the profits of genius, and thereby are progreſſively advancing their families towards opulence. Happy reverſe!—But to return from this digreſſion.

In the year 1760, an angler found in the river, near Bywell, a ſmall ſilver cup, of Roman work, with a motto engraven on the bottom, Deſideri vivas.

The cuſtom of wiſhing health or proſperity, at the time of drinking, is very ancient—it is not poſſible to trace it to its ſource: we have teſtimonies of it among the cuſtoms of moſt of the ancient nations: it was uſed as a religious ceremony with many; the wine was offered in the ſacred veſſel, and the Deity invoked; after which a little was ſpilt on the altar, and the public prayer being made, the petitioner put his lips to the cup.

It would afford great aſtoniſhment to a foreigner, in whoſe country no ſuch cuſtom has gained acceptation, to be brought into a company of Engliſhmen, where jollity and convivial mirth had begun to take place: we will preſume the viſitant, by his interpreter, is introduced to a knowledge of the characters before him, in order that we may heighten the lines of his ſurprize:—how would he be amazed, to hear a man, who in common life and converſation expreſſes no religion, morality, principles, or public virtue, praying with all the vehemence of an Enthuſiaſt, on his knees, before he drinks to the proſperity of the object of his wiſhes; who is, perhaps, no other than ſome factious wretch, and rebellious diſturber of the commonweal; whilſt the circle of communicants, ſtanding around like Canibals at ſome horrid feſtival, or Daemons at an infernal convocation, in every diſtortion of body and countenance, which can expreſs an agitated ſoul and an inflamed mind, halloo with all the ardour of unlimited licentiouſneſs, in the hideous yells of Hottentots?—When ſuch a viſiter, returned to his native land, ſhould relate the ſcene, and tell his aſtoniſhed countrymen, that with the poliſhed Britons this was jollity and public ſpirit; could he be believed?—Would he not, like Mandeville on his viſit to the vale of Devils, to ſave his credit, be obliged to add, "Men ſayen for I hav' not ſeyen." As to my part, I think a vehement Partizan, in the ardent act of drinking a conſtitutional Toaſt, as he would term it, is as odious and ridiculous an Animal as Nature can exhibit.

[Page 135] Returning to the wall,


claims my attention, conſiſting of one ſtreet only; it has three annual fairs, on the 12th of April, Holy Thurſday, and Thurſday ſucceeding the 26th of Auguſt. Here is a free ſchool, founded by Sir Thomas Widdrington, in the year 1663, well endowed. The vicarage houſe is pleaſantly ſituated.

About a mile from thence is


now in ruins, in a low ſituation, the ſeat of Thomas de Fenwick * in the reign of King Henry III. It continued for ſeveral generations in that family, till it came by ſale, in the reign of King William III. to Sir William Blacker. In pulling down pan of this tower, ſince I viſited it, a treaſure was found by one of the workmen, of the broad gold coin of King Edward I. as freſh as if new from the mintage. The poor wretch, elate with his ſucceſs, exceeded thoſe limits of diſcretion neceſſary to ſecure his wealth; by launching out into extravagance, he alarmed an envious neighbour, and the ſimple man was ſoon left to his original poverty, by a claim from the owner of the tower.


in the neighbourhood of Fenwick Tower, next attracted our notice. In the reigns of King John, and King Henry III. it was the manor of Philip de Ulcote, who held it by Grand Sergeancy, on keeping the pleas of the Crown. He was joined in commiſſion with Hugh de Baliol, 17 King John, A. D. 1216, to hold the caſtle and town of Berwick upon Tweed againſt the Barons. It afterwards became the inheritance of the Feltons, till by marriage it devolved on Sir Edward de Haſtings. In the reign of Queen Elizabeth it was in the poſſeſſion of Sir Ra. Lawſon, and after changing its owners ſeveral times from that period, is now the eſtate of Sir Edward Blacket, whoſe manſion-houſe is ſeated on a [Page 136] fine eminence, ſhielded by extenſive woods, above the river Pont, with a viſta of conſiderable extent opening upon the military road. The houſe and pleaſure grounds are highly pleaſing, though not pompous: there is that elegance which perfect neatneſs conſtitutes, to be diſcerned in the whole.

Adjoining to the eaſt ſide of the viſta, is a rude ſtone Column, nine feet high, near which lately ſtood a Tumulus, which on account of building a farm-houſe, has been deſtroyed; the people living near it, ſay it was near 30 yards in circumference at the foot; but as no remains were left for me to make my obſervations upon, I will give the deſcription found in Mr Wallis's book verbatim. ‘In a field on the eaſt ſide of the viſta, about three quarters of a mile from the houſe, is a circular Mount, with a round cavity in the middle, of the form of the Celtic Tumuli, or Temples; an upright ſtone pillar ſtanding by it, of a great ſize, nine feet high above ground, with flat ſides, three feet broad, and a foot and a half thick. The mount is compoſed of earth and numerous maſſes of ſtone, of the coarſe rag kind, many of which have been digged up for the uſe of this farm, and among them were diſcovered two ſtone cheſts or coffins, conſiſting of four flags ſet edgeways, with a bottom ſtone and a ſtone cover, containing the aſhes of the dead, appearing like a white duſt.’

From this deſcription, I apprehend it was one of the moſt curious pieces of antiquity, of the Tumuli order, that was in this county, or perhaps the north of England. I humbly conceive it was not a Celtic Temple, as Mr Wallis calls it, being evidently appropriated to the ſepulture of the dead; a defilement at no time permitted by the Druids in their holy places. Its diſtant antiquity is proved by the mode of ſepulture; the burning of the deceaſed, after the manner of the Romans, was not attended with the mode diſtinguiſhed herein interment; the Danes uſed burning the deceaſed, but we have no evidence in what manner they practiſed it in England. From the cavity on the crown of the mount, ſimilar to ſome of the Druids monuments I have ſeen, I am induced to apprehend, this was the mauſoleum of the Druid tribe, and of the remoteſt antiquity; and that ſuch cavity was adapted to rites paid to the manes of the deceaſed. Pillars and other memorials of ſepulture, were originally deviſed as mementos to the paſſenger, of the precariouſneſs of our exiſtence, and by remembrance of the virtues of the dead, to promote our emulation. The cuſtom of burning the remains [Page 137] of men of rank or power, gained an acceptation in very early ages; it was conſiſtent with the general ideas of thoſe who held the Amonian rites; the ſpirit or human ſoul was eſteemed to be a ſpark of etherial fire, an emanation of the Deity, who made his throne in the orbit of the ſun, to which they looked up in worſhip; which divine eſſence, in this life, was caſed up in members of mortality, during a pilgrimage allotted to it in a terreſtrial ſtate: to reſtore to that element again this offspring of heavenly light, they reduced even the loathſome memorials of its bondage, that nothing ſhould remain which might cauſe it to linger on earth. But I will add no further to this ſubject, than by way of note, to give the reader the quotations and reflections of Mr Wallis.*

[Page 138] Returning to the military road, between the 12th and 13th mile ſtone, is a view of


ſituate on a riſing ground, adjoining a ſmall village. There is nothing ſingular in the ſtructure. On entering Northumberland, my companion, the ingenious Mr Bailey, aſſiſted me to draw views of many towers, but ſuch a ſameneſs reigned through the whole, and they multiplied upon us ſo faſt, we were obliged to deſiſt from further proſecution of ſo weariſome and unprofitable a work.—We trod the hallowed ground where Finan, as Bede tells us, then Biſhop of Lindisfarn, baptized Sigebert King of the Eaſt Saxons, and Penda King of the Mercians, with a numerous train of nobles and adherents. This was the ancient ſeat of the Weltons,* of Simon de Welton in the reign of King Henry IV. and continued in that family till the reign of King Charles I.

At a little diſtance from thence ſtands


There is nothing remarkable in this ſtructure. It appertained to the ancient family of Haltons, and was poſſeſſed in the reign of King [Page 139] Henry III. by John de Halton.* It afterwards deſcended to two coheireſſes, through whom one moiety came to the family of Lowthers, and the other to that of the Carnabys. In the reign of King Henry IV. the whole poſſeſſion was in the Carnaby family, with whom it continued for many generations: one of whom, Sir William Carnaby, being a loyaliſt at the battle of Marſdon Moor, in the Northumberland regiment, commanded by the Marquis of Newcaſtle, was obliged to fly the land.

Here is preſerved a ſword of the Carnabys 64 inches long, one of thoſe ill-proportioned inſtruments which was deciſive at one blow, or left its owner at the mercy of his adverſary, unable to recover his weapon for a ſecond attack. It was difficult to be wielded with any effect by a footman, and undoubtedly appertained to the horſe ſervice; the ſhield deviſed by the Romans as a defence againſt the ſame was borne by the horſemen.

[Page 140] Halton was purchaſed by John Douglas, Eſq * of Newcaſtle, in the year 1706, and by marriage has become the poſſeſſion of Sir Edward Blackett.

Within view from the tower is


the Hunnum of the Romans, ſituate on an eaſy deſcent; the remains of the Vallum not perfectly to be traced.—This ſtation is the next fort that appears upon the wall between Rutcheſter and Walwick Cheſters, and comes at a due diſtance, and in proper order for the ancient Hunnum, the fifth ſtation in the ſeries of the Notitia, garriſoned by the Ala Saviniana.

Mr Gordon, omitting the ſtation at Halton, makes Walwick Cheſters to be Hunnum, and ſuppoſes Cilurnum, the next ſtation in the Notitia, to have been between Walwick Cheſters and Precolitia or Carrawbrugh, but now entirely demoliſhed. This cannot hold, for the walls and their appurtenances are here in the greateſt perfection; how then ſhould a fort on that part of the wall be entirely ruined, ſo as not to have the leaſt veſtige remaining? Beſides, the great diſtance between Rutcheſter and Walwick, which is above twelve miles, ſhews that there muſt have been at leaſt one ſtation between them; and on the other hand, the ſmall diſtance between Walwick Cheſters and Carrawbrugh, which is little more than three meaſured miles, renders it moſt unlikely that there ever ſhould have been another ſtation between them.

Hadrian's Vallum ſeems to have fallen in with the ſouth rampart of this fort, and Severus's wall with the north line of the inner part. There ſeems to have been an aqueduct to convey water to this ſtation, from a ſpring on the higher ground, near Watling-ſtreet-gate: when Mr Horſley paſſed that way, he ſays he was ſhewn a part of it by a countryman, who ſaid, it was what the ſpeaking trumpet was lodged in: of this matter I have treated before.

[Page 141] The ruins of the out-buildings are to the ſouth and ſouth-eaſt of the fort. Near about a furlong to the eaſt of Watling-ſtreet-gate, is a viſible Caſtellum, and at the gate there has been a ſquare Caſtellum, half within the wall and half without.

Mr Horſley remarks, that Severus's military way appears very diſtinct for the ſmall ſpaces where it is ſeparated from Hadrian's north Vallum; regularly paved, but not much raiſed above the level of the ground. When the two are united, they make a military way very beautiful and magnificent: and the reſt both of Severus's and Hadrian's works are ample and conſpicuous all this way. As for the courſe of Severus's military way, and its coinciding with Hadrian's north Vallum, and going off from it again at every Caſtellum, it ſeems very curious, and it is remarkable that it has not been more obſerved.

From St Oſwalds to the river of North Tyne, ſome parts or appurtenances of the walls become more faint and obſcure, and ſome not viſible at all; but yet Severus's wall, the ditch, and Hadrian's Vallum and ditch, are very apparent. After the wall has croſſed the Tyne, it goes to Walwick, as before deſcribed: the diſtance from whence to Halton Cheſters is near five meaſured miles and a quarter, and in this interval there are five viſible Caſtella, beſides one that muſt have ſtood near the river Tyne, but is now entirely loſt. The conſtant diſtance between theſe Caſtella ſeems to have been ſeven furlongs.

Dr Hunter, Mr Smith, and others, take notice of ſome remains at Portgate, or near it, within a mile of the Cheſters: and in the new edition of Camden, it is obſerved, that ‘there is at Portgate, a ſquare old tower ſtill ſtanding, and great ruins of old buildings.’ But it was Mr Horſley's opinion this tower had nothing in it that was Roman, being of the ſame form with a multitude of others that are in the north, and of a much later date. The ruins are at Halton, before ſpoken of.

Beſides the inſcriptions mentioned by Mr Horſley, the following were found here.

A centurial ſtone, now in the cuſtody of Sir Edward Blackett, with a civic garland rudely ſculptured, and a figure of the Roman Eagle, inſcribed


[Page 142] At the ſame time was found an Extiſpicia of wood, the inſtrument uſed by the Auſpices in examining the Entrails of ſacrificed animals. Another centurial ſtone was alſo found here, inſcribed


Urns have been dug up here, with ſome Coins of Nero and Conſtantine; and alſo ſome of Magnentius and Decentius: the remains of ſacrifices have alſo been diſcovered here. This Legion, according to Dr Stukely, after harveſt held a ſolemn feſtival dedicated to Ceres and Ops: the uſual victim was a boar.*

We approached


now greatly in decay; the ſituation is formidable, and from the ſolemnity of its ruins, is at this time ſtrikingly auguſt. It is placed on the weſt ſide of a deep gill, on the brink of a precipice, at whoſe foot runs a little brook. By the traces remaining of this edifice, it appears to have been of conſiderable extent and ſtrength, encompaſſed by an outward wall, in which the loop-holes remain. One thing remarkable here, is a ſtable, with an arched roof of ſtone, without any wood in its ſtructure, the mangers being formed of ſtone troughs. It ſeems conſtructed for the preſervation of cattle, at the time of aſſault.

The precipice is famous for a Lover's Leap, an exploit in amour totally neglected in our degenerate days, and incompatible with the ſilken ſoftneſs of modern gallants, who court the hand of deſtruction by modes more truly French, when deſpair ruffles their plumes. This cuſtom is truly Britiſh, the influenza of our heavy and gloomy atmoſphere—we read of no ſuch thing in antiquity, or the manners of other nations. Jack who made his leap here, has immortalized his name, but we are deprived of that of his Dulcinea, whoſe frowns had ſuch power over [Page 143] his forlorn heart. Intercourſe with polite nations has introduced many changes in our manners; moſt Suicides now-a-days, are in deſpair of getting a ſeparation from the ſex, and not their poſſeſſion.

The proſpect from hence is delightful, comprehending the vale, over which Hexham, with imperial looks, ſmiles graciouſly; the river is ſeen in various meanderings, and the oppoſite banks are graced with the elegant manſion of Beaufront, flanked with its extenſive plantations.

Ayden Caſtle was the inheritance of the family of Aydens * for ſeveral generations: it appertained to Emma de Ayden, a rich heireſs, in the reign of King Edward I. he gave her in marriage to Peter de Wallis, whoſe name is ſaid to be local, and derived from Wallis in France; and that he was of the ſame race of the Scotch patriot Wallis, whoſe anceſtor came into Britain with the Conqueror. Ayden afterwards became the inheritance of the Raymes of Bolham, and was in that family from the reign of King Edward III. to that of King Charles I. A part of the Ayden eſtate is ſaid to have been in the family of the Carnabys.

Camden ſays, near this place was dug up an ancient monument, on which the effigy of a man was cut, reſting on his left arm upon a couch, in the attitude uſed by the Romans, his right hand laid upon his right knee, with the following inſcription:

— — — — —
which may be read thus: Norici annorum triginta Meſſorius Magnus Frater ejus duplaris alae Sabinianae. This is a curious and uſeful inſcription, [Page 144] as it confirms this place to be the Station of Hunnum. The cut of the letters is neither very good nor exact; nor are they very regular as to their magnitude or diſtances one from another; and the the whole favours of the lower Empire. The original is at Conington. Norricus is a Roman name that occurs ſeveral times in Gruter: and the name Meſſorius is found alſo in an inſcription at Riſingham, in this county. The mark at the bottom looked like a part of a letter, as if this ſtone had been parted from another, upon which there was ſome inſcription. Camden ſuppoſes, that Sabina, Hadrian's wife, gave the name to this Ala: but it was thought more probable by Mr Horſley, that it was taken from Sabinia, the wife of the Emperor Gordian; to whoſe time this inſcription much better agrees.

Alſo the following inſcription is mentioned by Camden:

V. S. L. M.
M. Marius Vellia Longus Aquis hanc Poſuit V. S. L. M. Mr Horſley preſumed that Aquis here is for Eques, ſo Equis for Eques we meet with in other inſtances; and perhaps an A for an E has been the error of the tranſcriber. This horſeman might alſo belong to the Ala Sabiniana.

We deſcended to


Though the town makes a pretty appearance at the foot of the vale when you ſee it from Hexham, it diſappoints the traveller greatly on his entrance, to find it dirty and diſagreeable.

In the reign of King Edward I. A. D. 1296, the Scots burnt Corbridge, on their incurſions, at the ſame time that they deſtroyed Hexham. In the reign of Edward II. Corbridge again ſuffered by the Scots, A. D. 1311.

The church is ancient; under an arch in the north aile, is the tomb of one of the founders, inſcribed Hic jacet in terris Alſini filius Hugo. King Henry I. preſented his Chaplain, Richard de Aurea Valle, to this church; and gave the impropriation and perpetual advowſon, to the Church and Canons of St Mary, Carliſle.

Many conſiderable donations were made by the Dilſton family and others, to the poor of this pariſh.

In the year 1735, there was found near Corbridge, a curious piece of Roman plate, now in the poſſeſſion of his Grace the Duke of Northumberland. It weighs 148 ounces, is 20 inches long, and 15 broad, a print of which, engraved by Vertue, ſome years ago was publiſhed by Mr William Shaftoe. We intended whilſt upon our journey, to have procured a drawing of this curious piece of antiquity; but on our arrival at Alnwick, found the caſtle crowded with viſitants, it being one of his Grace's public days, when the popularity and libera ſpirit, ſo eminently diſtinguiſhed in his Grace's character, laid open the gates of his palace.*

It is probable this piece of plate was not for ſacred uſes, but was a Lanx, for the ſervice of the Emperor's table on high feſtivals; and expreſſive of ſome great atchievement to the glory of the Roman Eagle: the locality and the event being loſt to us in the diſtant antiquity.

[Page 146] The beſt deſcription and definition now extant, have been communicated to me, among the manuſcripts of the late Roger Gale, Eſq and I do not doubt the curious reader will readily pardon my inſerting the papers at length, which relate thereto.

From the Manuſcripts of the late Roger Gale, Eſq

Extract from the Newcaſtle News-paper, with an account of an ancient Silver Plate found near Corbridge, in Northumberland.

"A few days ſince, near the Roman wall in Northumberland, was found by a ſmith's daughter in Corbridge, an ancient piece of ſilver, in ſhape like a tea-board, 20 inches long, and 15 broad, hollowed about an inch deep, with a flat brim, an inch and a quarter broad, neatly flowered with a vine full of grapes, &c.—On the right hand is a figure of Apollo, with the bow in his left hand, and a phyſical herb in his right, under a canopy ſupported by two Corinthian pillars; near his left leg is a Tyre, under it an Heliſtrope, and at his feet a Python; near the right hand pillar is another of a different form, with a ſun for its capital; againſt this ſits a Prieſteſs on a tripod, who looks over her ſhoulder at Apollo, under her feet is an altar, near which lies a ſtag on his back.—The next figure to the Prieſteſs is another female, her head unveiled, with a ſpear or wand in her left hand, on the top of which is a ball, and near her is Minerva with a helmet on her head, a ſpear in her left hand, pointing with her right to a man (ſuppoſed an Hunter) on the other ſide of a large tree; on Minerva's breaſt is a Meduſa's head, under her feet an altar, and near it a wolf looking up to a man who has a bow in his left, and an arrow in his right hand; below him, at one corner of the plate, is a rock with an urn in the midſt of it, from which flows a ſtream. The figures are raiſed large, and well proportioned and caſt-work, without the leaſt ſign of a graver upon it. There are a few ſcratches of a punch or chiſel on the back of it; the three firſt are I. PX, but the reſt is very unintelligible. It had under the middle of it a low frame, about 7 inches long, 4 broad, and one and an half deep, but this was broken off by the ſmith, though once all of a piece. It was found by a little brook or water-courſe near the above-mentioned place, and weighing about 148 ounces, was bought by Mr Cookſon, a goldſmith of Newcaſtle, who values it at a high rate. It has been deſcribed by ſeveral Virtuoſi to the Royal Society, that of the Antiquarians, and others, who eſteem it a valuable relique of antiquity."

[Page 147]

Letter from Mr Robert Cay, with an account of the Corbridge Silver Plate. 4 March, 1734.


"My fondneſs to antiquity is revived, and with it the memory of my obligations to you, by a Silver Table that has lately fallen into the hands of Mr Iſaac Cookſon, a goldſmith in this town. It was found near Corbridge, by ſome ignorant poor people, who have cut off the feet in ſuch a vile barbarous manner, that they have broke two holes through the table, and a ſmall piece off one of the corners too. It is 19 inches and ½ long, and 15 broad, the feet 7½ long, and 5½ broad, and about one inch high; it weighs about 150 ounces. I imagine it to have been caſt all in one piece, moſt of the work is in baſſe relief, the reſt engraved. It repreſents a ſacrifice to Apollo, whoſe image ſtands in a ſmall temple by two Corinthian pillars, againſt one of them ſeems to be a pile of ſome ſquare blocks, and cloſe to it ſits a Prieſteſs upon a ſtool, that ſhews but two feet; behind her is a column with a globe upon it, I ſuppoſe to repreſent the ſun, though had it been alone I ſhould not have thought ſo: near her ſtands another in the ſame habit, and a third that ſeems to have the attributes of Pallas, particularly the head-piece. Near the laſt is a man * with a bow in his left hand, and an arrow in his right, before him is an altar and a dog, I think a greyhound near him; behind him is a large ſpreading tree, with an eagle parched upon it; there are alſo ſeveral ſmall birds about it, but theſe are only engraved. In the lower corner next the man, on the left hand as you look at it, there is a rocky hill, and on the ſide of it lies an urn, with a ſtream of water running out; perhaps deſigned to repreſent the river Tyne. The two ſtanding women hold each of them a ſtaff of their own height. Afore the temple is another altar, on one ſide of which lies a griffin, and on the other ſide next the man, a buck, which ſeems to be killed for a ſacrifice; near the buck grow two ears of corn tyed together, and near the griffin a ſhrub of three or four branches, that has at the end of each branch ſomewhat formed like a fan. There is a border raiſed round the whole, higher than the plain, which is adorned with a vine; the branch is engraved, but the grapes and leaves are in baſſe relief. I am, Sir, yours, &c.


"I heartily wiſh this table was in the hands of ſome curious gentleman well able to make ſuch purchaſes, for I find Mr Cookſon will expect [Page 148] profit, though I hope he will not be unreaſonable. I ſhould have taken notice, that the workmanſhip appears in all reſpects to be of the lower Empire."

Another Letter from Mr Cay, on the Corbridge Silver Plate.


"Soon after the poſt was gone from hence, I received yours of the 11th. This morning I went to the goldſmith, who ſoon convinced me of my error in ſaying the birds, &c. were engraved; and that all which I thought to be engraved, was ſtruck with the chiſel and punch; ſo that I muſt own your ſuſpicions were well grounded. Mr Cookſon's father happens to be here now; I take him to be well verſed in the art of caſting of metals; he ſhewed me ſeveral marks near one end, in the middle of which end there is a crack; which marks and crack, he ſays, are proofs that it was caſt in one piece.

"I enquired again about the price, but Mr Cookſon waved ſaying any thing different from what I mentioned to you yeſterday; which was, that he hoped it would produce him about 200 guineas.

"As to the place where it was found, he ſays, he can tell me no more, than that it was ſomewhere near Corbridge. He apprehends the perſon who ſold it to him was afraid to name the particular place, or to confeſs in whoſe manor it was diſcovered, as fearing a claim from the Lord of the Manor.

"Since writing the above, I am told a kind of a claim has been made on behalf of the Duke of Somerſet, though neither his Grace's officer nor the goldſmith know in whoſe manor it was found.

"On the back of the table there is a kind of inſcription, which I cannot pretend to read, but will endeavour to repreſent it below.

I am, Sir, yours, &c. ROBERT CAY.

"P. S. I am told two other pieces of antique plate have been ſince found in the ſame place. One of them was ſold to a gentleman in Cumberland, and the other to a goldſmith in this town, who thinking it much damaged, had melted it down before I heard of it.

R. C."

[Page 149]

Letter from Sir John Clerk, in anſwer to one from Mr Gale, giving an account of the Corbridge Silver Plate.

"The account you have ſent me of the ſilver table found near Corbridge is very ſurprizing. How happy had Mr Gorden and I been, when we were hunting for Roman Antiquities in that country, if this valuable curioſity had fallen into our hands! As to the uſe of it, I make no queſtion of its being a tabula votiva, and that it has been hung up, or kept in a temple, at Corbridge; dedicated perhaps to Apollo or Ceres. No doubt the Roman officer, who commanded in theſe northern parts of Britain, thought himſelf very happy, to find good meat and drink, in a country where he expected to find nothing, but famine and barbarity; and therefore in gratitude made this preſent to the God of the place.

"I cannot help, ſince I am in this way of thinking, to reflect a little upon what I obſerved in a church, called Notre Dame de Halle, about 12 miles from Bruſſels; the walls were hung round with ſilver legs and arms, cups, and ſeveral other things in ſilver, as tokens of gratitude to the bleſſed Virgin, for having by her means and interceſſion, been recovered from infirmities and diſtempers.

"Among other things, I could not but take notice of a Silver Pen, which old doating Juſtus Lipſius had ſent thither ſome years before, out of gratitude, as an inſcription told us, for that by the aſſiſtance of the Virgin Mary, he had been enabled with ſo much eloquence, &c. to write a Treatiſe de Miraculis B. Virginis Hallenſis. I called to mind upon that occaſion, paſſages very agreeable to your Silver Table and applicable.

Hic ſteterat nautis olim venerabile lignum
Servati ex undis ubi figere dona ſolebant
Laurenti Divo, et votis ſuſpendere veſtes.*
— me Tabula ſacer
Votiva paries indicat uvida
Suſpendiſſe potenti
Veſtimenta maris Deo.

"You are pleaſed to expreſs ſome doubt, as to the engraving; and I think you have reaſon. The Romans, I believe, never practiſed our [Page 150] way of engraving, yet they did what was next to it, for they were uſed to cut ſome remarkable laws and edicts in braſs tables, as they uſed to make inſcriptions in marble or ſtone. I have ſeen ſome of theſe, particularly at Lyons, which at that time made me reflect on the dulneſs of the Romans, and all mankind beſides, that by means of theſe braſs plates they had not fallen upon the art of printing; for if theſe had been daubed over with any ſort of colour, and clapt upon the paper or parchment, they would ſoon have introduced that art; but there are many plain things that mankind cannot ſee into all of a ſudden, and which are reſerved for poſterity. I'd be glad to hear from you after you have ſeen this fine plate; 'tis well the goldſmith did not melt it down, as ſome modern Goths of this trade have frequently done.

I am ever, Sir,

Your moſt faithful humble ſervant, JOHN CLERK.

"By way of corollary, I muſt add to what I have ſaid above, that if ſearch was made in the very place where this plate was found, many fine things may probably be diſcovered.

"See poſtſcript to Mr Cay's letter, 15th March, 1735."

Letter from Maurice Johnſon, Eſq in anſwer to one from Mr Gale, giving an account of the Corbridge Silver Plate, &c.


"It was with much pleaſure I received and communicated to our little fraternity, your very obliging and ingenious account of the Corbridge Silver Table, which honour I am commanded to return you thanks for, and for your very kind promiſe of continuing to us the moſt valuable favour, of your ever entertaining, judicious, and improving correſpondence. On reading your account of that maſſy piece, ſome of us thought it might have been part of an Acerra, or ſacred coffer, wherein incenſe and odours were preſerved for the ſervice of the altar, or ſalt, &c. for ſome ſorts of ſacrifices; others have perhaps with more reaſon conceived it to be a ſtand, ſalver, or ſort of waiter to ſet ſuch things on, or even the Acerra, or perhaps for domeſtick uſes; for we are too apt to apply every relique of antiquity, as being venerable, to [Page 151] ſacred purpoſes. The Society next ſucceeding (which was the 1ſt of laſt month) we had much the like account, but the dimenſions a little different, and the figures or characters on the back ſaid to be I. P. X. with the unintelligible traces of more: to us they are ſo.

"Our friend and brother member, Mr Bogdani, in a letter I lately received from him, tells me, you now ſeem to think this piece caſt or wrought in the Saxon * times; of which people, as we have fewer remains in the arts of deſigning (when they are ſaid to have been in a great meaſure loſt, I ſhould be glad if this ſhewed us ſomewhat of their ceremonies or cuſtoms) than of the Romans; of which we have many, and under whom, from the Graecia Capta to the utter declenſion of their empire, we have in almoſt every part of the world moſt ſplendid remains; but from what I remember to have read in Verſtegan or elſewhere, of the Saxons, I cannot apply any part of this deſign, peculiarly to any piece of their ſacred or civil hiſtory; from the coins even of their lateſt Princes, they ſeem to me to have had leſs notions of deſigning after nature, and to have done their work in a much worſe taſte than our old Britiſh anceſtors, of whom I am ſatisfied, I have ſeen ſeveral coins or medals in every one of the three metals, not imitating or borrowed from the Romans, or made by Roman workmen; and of theſe, ſome by the extraordinary boldneſs of the relief, and all by their convexity, more in the manner of ſome of the eaſtern people than the Romans; to whom the manner of chariot-fighting ſeemed ſtrange, though very cuſtomary with the eaſtern nations, whoſe ſtrength for the battle was frequently calculated or eſtimated by the number of their chariots and horſemen: and I cannot ſay I ever ſaw a fair piece of old convex coin found in England, but had on it ſome deſign of a horſe, horſeman, chariot, or wheels, and ſometimes with more things with them. Notwithſtanding what has been advanced againſt the judgment of Sir Robert Cotton, Selden, Speed, Camden, &c. I cannot but think that in the main they give us rational conjectures about the Britiſh coins or medals, if we ſhould not allow them to be current coin; for which yet I ſee not any reaſon, unleſs we are bound to take all for truth and fact which the Romans relate, and admit alſo, that they told the whole truth, and all that was really fact, of thoſe brave, polite, and honeſt people, whom they ſo gloried in annoying and diſtreſſing. Sed manum de Tabulá.—Only [Page 152] give me leave by you, Sir, to preſent our thanks to your good brother, for his ingenious Diſſertation on Caeſar's Landing, which gave our Society much pleaſure, particularly our worthy Preſident, and another member, who having ſome years reſided in thoſe parts, well knew all the places therein mentioned.

"What we have had of late communicated,* has been chiefly poems, and ſome philoſophical experiments, ſchemes of draining, and ſeveral petrifactions preſented to our petty Muſaeum, where we continue to amuſe ourſelves every Thurſday, and remember with pleaſure our friends at the Mitre.

"On the 17th ult. the Rev. Mr Ray, V. P. ſhewed the Society a ſculpture in ivory of a Skeleton ſitting on a monument, with a winding-ſheet thrown over him like a looſe robe, reſting his right hand on an hour glaſs, and his left on his ſcythe, with ſculls and bones in baſs relief, on the ſides of the monument. The blade of the ſcythe had teeth like a ſickle, the work ſeemed of ſome age, but as a Phyſician ſaid, not accurate.

"He alſo ſhewed a paper MSS. in 24o. of the whole book of Pſalms, in number 150, written in French moſt elegantly in all the hands in uſe throughout Europe, by Mrs Eſther Anglois, a French Lady at Liſlebourgh en Eſoſſe, 1599, dedicated to Prince Maurice of Naſſau, with a complimentary copy of Latin Verſes to his Highneſs, by B. K. her huſband, and ſeveral on the Lady's elegant writing, by Andrew Melvin John Johnſon, Robert Rolloe, and on her perſon and great abilities, under her picture, neatly drawn by herſelf with a pen; as are alſo the Arms of that Prince, and a Head and Tail-piece to each pſalm. This curious little MSS. is bound in velvet embroidered with gold, the leaves finely gilded and painted, with a running foliage ſtamped thereon: the ſaid Prince of Orange's cognizance or device is embroidered on the corners in ſilk of proper colours, and drawn with a pen at the end of the book, within a laurel wreath, a branch of palm with the motto, VIRESCIT, on an eſcrol, wrapped round it, and a coronet over it. It was, by tradition, given by the Prince to a French Refugee Gentleman, who was his Surgeon; and from him came into the hands of a Lady, who now [Page 153] owns it, and ſets a very high value upon it. The Prince and Poets, we know, are eminent enough, though their compliments are puns, and their wit low; but who B. K. called dictae Eſthrae Maritus, ſhould be, we know not.—I wiſh, good Sir, I had any thing better to divert you with; I write now however as ſoon as I could, rather than be rude, in neglecting by anſwer, to acknowledge the receipt of yours, and the great pleaſure and honour you have done to us all; and more particularly to,

Dear Sir,

Your moſt obedient humble ſervant, MAURICE JOHNSON."

Part of a Letter from Sir John Clerk, relating the Corbridge Silver Plate.


"I had yours of the 1ſt inſtant in due time, but ſince you was to go down to Cambridge, I delayed giving you any trouble till now. I am very much obliged to you for the particular account you have been pleaſed to ſend me of the Silver Table. I am ſorry that you think it not ancient, and yet by the figures it ſhould ſeem ſo ſtill. I humbly think, that if theſe figures relate to any known piece of hiſtory among the ancients, they may be modern; but if they relate to nothing of this kind, they may be ancient ſtill, at leaſt of the lower Empire, or the Greek. In Father Mabillon's Diplomata there are ſeveral engravings which one would believe to be modern, and yet are of the 5th, 6th, 7th, 8th, and 9th centuries. The argument I now would draw from theſe is only this, that in the 3d and 4th centuries there might have been ſome heathen engravings much of the ſame kind; but you can beſt make the compariſon, who have ſeen the table.

"I am ſurprized with what you write me about the reception Mr Blackwall's book * had with my good friend my Lord Iſlay:—ſomething or other has diſobliged him, for I know his reſpect for all men who are lovers of learning only, as well as the Literati themſelves. He had a particular regard for Mr Horſley, who printed the Britannia Romana, and was poſitively reſolved to have done him ſervice about the time when he died. I am, &c.


[Page 154]

Part of another Letter from Sir John Clerk, on the Corbridge Silver Plate.


"I am glad that upon viewing the Silver Table you think it ancient. This was always the notion I conceived of it, for I could not imagine any modern Sculptor could get into his head ſo much ancient imagery, without any foundation from ancient hiſtory or fable. I am indifferent who gets the better in the law-ſuit,* but I hope it will be preſerved and kept in the country. I fancy with myſelf you will be able to diſcover ſome piece of our hiſtory from it; for I make not the leaſt queſtion but it has been a preſent from ſome of the Roman Emperors, and alludes to ſome memorable affairs at the time. The table has ſerved, I believe, for an oblation of fruits or corn on ſome remarkable altar near the wall, erected to the honour of perhaps Diana, Ceres, or Bacchus, and that it has afterwards been hung up in the temple dedicated to one of theſe Deities. An Iriſhman would perhaps diſcover the antiquity of Ireland from the Harp, and I believe you will be inclined to think one of the figures is a repreſentation of Britain. I am, &c.


Letter from Roger Gale, Eſq to Mr Robert Cay, upon the Silver Plate found at Corbridge.

"When I wrote laſt, I had only time to return you thanks for the favour you procured me from Mr Cookſon, of taking a draught of his moſt curious Silver Table, being to go out of town next morning. Since I came back, upon peruſing the letters I received from you on that occaſion, I find in one of them a deſire of knowing my thoughts upon that ſubject, which I cannot refuſe to a gentleman who has laid me under ſo many obligations, and to whom the pleaſure and entertainment I have received from the frequent views of that uncommon and valuable piece of antiquity, are entirely due; and the leſs, becauſe the accounts hitherto publiſhed of it ſeem to me not a little erroneous.

"I ſhall begin to deſcribe it from the right hand to the left, as you look upon the face of the plate, where Apollo, the principal figure in the whole piece, is placed in a fanum or ſmall temple, (the roof of which is ſupported by two wreathed columns with flowered capitals) almoſt naked, having only a pallium hanging down from his left ſhoulder over his [Page 155] back; in the ſame hand is his bow, which he holds up towards the top of the column on the ſame ſide; his right hand is extended downwards with a branch in it, perhaps of laurel, croſs that pillar; againſt which, almoſt to the middle of it, riſes a pyramidical pile of 12 pieces: for what it is intended, I muſt confeſs my ignorance.—See the plate.

"Againſt the baſis of the left hand column, reſts a lyre, whoſe form is truly antique; and beneath it grows a plant with three ſpreading flowers at its three extremities, deſigned, as I ſuppoſe, for an Heliotrope; cloſe by it couches a Griffin, with its wings elevated over its back. The Ancients had ſo high an opinion of the ſagacity of this fictitious animal, that they conſecrated it to the God of Wiſdom: Begerus gives us a medal of Commodus, the reverſe whereof is Apollo in a chariot drawn by two Griffins; and the poet Claudian alludes to this manner of his riding, in the following diſtich:

Ac ſi Phoebus adeſt, et fraenis Grypha jugalem
Riphaeo, tripodas repetens, detorſit ab axis, &c.*

"Againſt the right hand column and this pyramidical pile, ſits a woman, upon a ſquare four-footed ſtool, though no more than two of its legs are viſible; ſhe looks backward over her left ſhoulder towards Apollo, and is wrapped up in a long garment or ſtola, from head to foot, and veiled. By this attire, and the altar which was brought from Troy, with the eternal fire burning upon it juſt by her, I take her to be Veſta.

—Manibus vittas, veſtamque potentem
Aeternumque adytis effert penetralibus ignem. Virgil.
Et vos Virgineâ lucentes ſemper in arâ
Laomidontiae, Trojana altaria, flammae. Sil. Hal.

Her left hand is repoſed upon her breaſt, and in her right, which reſts upon the ſame thigh, ſhe holds a little bundle (bound about with a ribbon) perhaps of wool.

"Below her lies a buck, dead, on one ſide, turning up his belly; and behind her riſes a tall pillar with a globe upon it, probably to denote the earth, of which ſhe was Goddeſs.

"The next is a woman erect, her hair gathered up and tied with a knot behind, upon her forehead riſes a Tutulus, and ſhe is habited in a Stola from her ſhoulders to the ground: her right arm is wrapped up croſs her breaſt in her garb, only the hand appearing out of it; in her [Page 156] left ſhe holds a ſpear, the ſhaft twiſted, the iron of it ſomething obtuſe. This ſeems to be the only human figure in the company; but a very learned gentleman * of my acquaintance thinks it may be deſigned for Juno, who is often thus accoutred with a ſpear; if ſo, it muſt be the effigies of Juno curis, or Juno haſtata, we have it from Ovid, ‘"— Quod haſta curis priſcis eſt dicta ſabinis."’ She was the ſame with Juno pronuba; ‘Celebri haſta nubentis caput comebatur, vel quia Junonis curitis in tutelâ eſſet, vel ut fortes viros ominaretur;’ but as there is no peacock, nor any other attribute of her divinity attending her, and her appearance no ways majeſtick or adequate to the

—Divum regina, Joviſque
Et ſoror et conjux.
I cannot be entirely of his opinion, eſpecially as ſhe ſeems by her poſture and attitude to be a follower and attendant of the next figure, which is plainly "Pallas—Galeá effulgens et Gorgone ſaevá," the head of that monſter, as uſual, being fixt upon her breaſt. In her left hand ſhe holds a ſharp-pointed ſpear, her right is extended towards Diana, with whom ſhe ſeems engaged in a very earneſt diſcourſe, to which alſo that Goddeſs ſeems very attentive: ſhe is the laſt figure in the group, though called a man in all the accounts I have ſeen of this table, and repreſented here as the Diana venatrix by the coif and feminine dreſs of her head, tuck'd up with a knot behind like the hair of the third figure, as well as by the bow in her left and arrow in her right hand. Her ſhort Tunica, which reaches down little more than to the middle of her thighs, and her buſkins, that come up no higher than the calf of her legs, has occaſioned this miſtake of her ſex, but Ovid tells us,
"Talia ſuccincta pinguntur crura Dianae
"Cum ſequitur fortes, fortior ipſa, feras."
Between the two figures of Pallas and Diana, riſes a tall ſlender tree with a crooked waving ſtem, the branches of which are diſplayed almoſt over two-thirds of the top of the plate. On the main branch is perch'd an eagle, with one wing expanded, as if going to take a flight: this is of raiſed ſolid work, like the reſt of the figures, but there are ſeveral ſmall birds ſitting among the boughs, that are only punch'd, or cut in with a tool, as are alſo ſeveral feſtoons hanging down from the [Page 157] tree, and many other little ſhrubs and flowers interſperſed all over the area of the table. The great bird ſitting directly over the head of Pallas, made me conclude at firſt that it was her owl, till I had ſeen the original, which convinced me that it can be deſigned for nothing but an eagle.

"Under this tree ſtands an altar, and ſo cloſe to Diana, that ſhe holds her left hand and bow over it. It is but little, and has nothing upon it except a ſmall globular body, perhaps a maſs of the Libamina, ex farre, melle, et oleo.

"I ſhould have told you, that below the feet of Pallas grows a plant, which ſeems to bear two ears of corn upon the ſame ſtalk, but cannot ſay what it is, or how it belongs to her. Beneath the tree and the little altar, ſtands a thin-gutted dog, like a greyhound, his noſe turned up in a howling or barking poſture, as often exhibited with this Goddeſs on medals, and in other repreſentations of her: ſome

— Acutae vocis Hyclator
Aut ſubſtricta gerens Sicyonius Ilia Ludon.
Under her, in the very corner of the plate, riſes a rock, upon which ſhe ſets her left foot, and againſt the ſide of it lies an urn with the mouth downwards, diſcharging a plentiful ſtream of water. As ſhe ſtands upon this rock or hill, and ſo near to this ſpreading tree, I cannot but think of Horace's addreſs to her, ‘"Montium cuſtos, Nemorumque Virgo."’ The whole table is encompaſſed with a border, raiſed near an inch high, and ornamented with a creeping vine, whoſe grapes and leaves are in relievo, but the ſtalk only tooled.

"The work of this curious piece is neither of the beſt or worſt of times: the figure of Veſta, particularly, is extremely well executed, the poſture free, the drapery ſoft and eaſy; and what is very remarkable, the inſtita or border, an ornament of the ſtola, appropriated to the Roman ladies of quality.

"Quarum ſubſuta talos tegit inſtita veſte,"* is neatly worked all round this of our Veſta, and thoſe of the other female Deities, nor is the next figure much inferior. I cannot, nor has any body elſe who has ſeen it, diſcover that the plan has any relation to any ſtory in the [Page 158] Heathen Mythology, but ſeems only an aſſemblage of the Deities it repreſents: this may be ſome argument of its antiquity,* for had a modern workman had the deſigning of it, he would in all probability have taken ſome known piece of hiſtory for his ſubject; to which I may add, all the ſymbols are genuine, and truly adapted to their owners.

"I was once of opinion, that it might have been the cover of an Acerra, but the foot which ſupported it puts an end to the ſurmiſe. We don't well know what the Anclabris was, the definition of it is in Feſtus as follows: ‘Anclabris menſa divinis miniſteriis apta: dicebantur autem anclabria, et Anclabris ab anculare quod erat miniſtrare.’ This is big enough to contain the Exta of a ſheep, or other ſmall victims, which ſeems to me to be the likelieſt employment for it, and that it was one of theſe ſacrificing utenſils that Virgil more than once calls Lances:

"Lancibus et pandis fumantia reddimus Exta
"— Lanceſque et Liba feremus.
"Dona ferunt, cumulántque oneratis Lancibus Aras."§
Theſe Lances were both round and ſquare, but the Diſcus uſed for the ſame purpoſe ſeems to have been always round.

"If you have the patience to read this over, you will have reaſon to think me not a little impertinent, in giving you ſo minute a deſcription, of what you had ſeen ſo often, and ſo long before it came under my view; but as I chance to have ſome notions different from what appeared to you, and as I could not well explain my thoughts upon it without entering into the particulars, I hope you will excuſe me. My ſervice to Mr Cookſon, if he is deſirous of ſeeing this, he may command it, but pray let no copy be taken of it.

I am, Your moſt obedient humble ſervant, R. GALE.

"N.B. Letters to the ſame purport, though not ſo full, were wrote to Mr Maurice Johnſon, Dr Stukeley, and Sir John Clerk, by me,

R. G."

[Page 159]

Letter from Maurice Johnſon, Eſq about the Corbridge Silver Plate.


"Your moſt obliging and ingenious account of the Corbridge Silver Table, and Diſſertation upon it, I received and read to our Society laſt Thurſday, the 21ſt inſtant, at which were preſent our Rev. Preſident and 13 other Members, and 2 Honorary, and return you their and my thanks for that excellent entertainment. As you give leave to conjecture at the female figure, erect, her hair tied up with a knot behind, with a ſmall oval,* perhaps a Britiſh pearl (for which our coaſt was in the Roman times famous) her right arm wrapped up, a ſpear with an obtuſe point in her left; permit me to opine this may be in honour to our iſle, and to repreſent Britannia, as on a coin of Hadrian in my collection, or the Genius of Great Britain ſtill retained in the reverſe of our copper coin, but in a ſedentary poſture; ſometimes by the Ancients with an haſta pura, ſometimes armed with an iron ſharp-headed one; here, as between both, with an obtuſe blunt-headed one; as worn in war ſe defendendo amongſt the Romans. I know not what elſe to think it, and as formed amongſt us, who ſo likely? The pyramidical figure I take only to denote ſtabilitas aeterna, and was, though in a leſs elegant form, the device of repreſenting the Deity in the earlieſt times of art, before ſtatuaries had taught marbles to aſſume limbs, and almoſt to breathe. Whatever this noble piece of plate was deſigned for, I take it to have been a grand compliment to our native country, and am therefore now the more deſirous of being poſſeſſed of a drawing of it.


Mr Gale's Anſwer to the preceding Letter.


"I am much pleaſed that the laſt account I ſent of the Corbridge Plate met with ſo good a reception from the gentlemen for whoſe entertainment I deſigned it. We muſt yet call it the Corbridge Plate, ſince at preſent it is ſaid to have been found near that town; though I am inclined to think it is only given out ſo, to conceal the true place where it was diſcovered. When the bill that the Duke of Somerſet has filed in Chancery, againſt the preſent poſſeſſor of it, for treaſure-trove in his [Page 160] royalty, comes to be argued, we may come to the truth. This conteſt with his Grace, made the owner very ſhy of letting it be ſeen by any body, and it was not without great importunity that a gentleman, to whom he was under the ſtrongeſt obligations, procured me the favour of taking a draught of it, and upon condition that I ſhould not permit any one to copy it, nor know where the original (which has been ſhifted into two or three hands) is now depoſited. My promiſe to comply with theſe terms muſt plead my excuſe for not permitting any body to take a copy of mine till the diſpute is determined, or I have leave to impart it to my friends, among whom you may then command it with the firſt. I had ſome weeks ago given a very ſhort account of the figures on this table, to Sir John Clerk at Edinburgh, a gentleman whoſe learning and judgment are of a ſuperior degree. He had, from what I ſaid to him, the very ſame opinion as yourſelf about the unknown figure, viz. that it might repreſent Britannia, but I believe both you and he would change your thoughts upon inſpection of it: it is entirely Roman by the habit, and not the leaſt circumſtance attending it that may honour our country with being in ſo celeſtial a rendezvous of Deities.

"Your conjecture upon the pyramidical pile I like well: I was once of opinion that it might have been ſome ſort of an altar dedicated to Apollo, and that the 12 pieces of which it conſiſts, might have ſome relation to the 12 months of the year. Tellus Stabilis we have upon the coins of Hadrian, Sabina Fauſtina Pii, and Commodus, but without this pyramis; in our table it is erected as near to Veſta as to Apollo, and ſo may be an attribute belonging as well to her, the Goddeſs of the Earth, as to him, the God of the Year. My beſt ſervices attend your flouriſhing Society, and I am, &c.


Letter from Dr Stuleley, concerning the Corbridge Plate, and a like piece found in Riſley Park, in Derbyſhire, to Mr Gale.


"I thank you for the account of the Roman Salver; it is exactly ſuch a ſort of utenſil, as that found in Riſley Park, in Derbyſhire, eight years ago, of which I wrote a large account, and traced it from an altar in France, where it was given by Exuperius the Biſhop, a friend of St Jerom's, till it got to Derby, and probably thence to Dale abbey altar, near which it was found.

[Page 161] "We may conjecture it to have been buried at the diſſolution, or in war time. 'Tis not unlikely that the Northumbrian plate was St Wilfrid's originally, and belonged to his cathedral at Hexham, buried there at his baniſhment, or ſince. He might purchaſe it in his travels in France, or at Rome. I take them to have been to adorn the ſide-boards of the Romans upon feſtivals.

"I have drawn lately Abbot Fountain's (of Croyland) Chair at Upton, preſerved by Biſhop Dove at the diſſolution: I am become a great Mandarin, and have wrote two or three verſes of the beginning of the book of Geneſis in Chineſe.

I am, &c. W. STUKELEY."

Two altars of the greateſt value to Antiquaries were found here; the one adorned on one ſide with a wreath, and on the other with an ox's head and a knife, dedicated by Diodora * the Prieſteſs of the Tyrian Hercules, three feet four inches and a quarter in height.


Mr Horſley publiſhed this inſcription, and eſteemed it one of the greateſt curioſities in Britain. It is now in the poſſeſſion of the Duke of Northumberland.

[Page 162] Mr Horſley gives the following reading and remarks upon it: ‘ [...], h. e. Herculi Tirrio Diodora Princeps Sacerdos. It has been twice publiſhed in the Tranſactions by Dr Hunter and Dr [Page 163] Todd. The differences between their copies and this will appear upon comparing them one with another. This copy was taken after the original had been thrice viſited and examined with care, and [Page 164] every variation in the former copies diligently marked. Dr Todd's delineation is different both from Dr Hunter's and mine. He tranſlates it Herculi Tyrio divina dona archiſacerdotalia vel per ſummum Sacerdotem offerenda; but he offers no reaſon to confirm this tranſlation. Dr Hunter's copy has been taken with more exactneſs, but not without ſome little variations from the original; nor has he tranſlated or explained the inſcription: but the moſt material difference between the other copies and the original, is in the ſecond letter of the ſecond line, which they repreſent as [...], though it is plainly [...]. The next letter in the ſame line is very diſtinct, as to the greateſt part of it; but towards the top is a flaw in the ſtone. If no ſtroke or part of the letter is loſt in this flaw, the letter muſt be [...]; if this break be ſuppoſed to contain a part of the letter, which is moſt probable, then it may either be [...], or rather a double [...], with one face backward, as the double [...] is frequently expreſſed upon Latin inſcriptions. If this be admitted, the word will be Tirrio, probably for Tyrio; and the whole may then, as I apprehend, be tranſlated as in the reading.’

‘Several ancient writers take notice of the peculiar regard and worſhip paid to Hercules by the Tyrians. Arrian ſays his temple in that city was the oldeſt upon record. Diodora the Arch-prieſteſs, mentioned in this inſcription, might perhaps be devoted to his ſervice. That this was an office of great dignity, and not below perſons of the firſt rank, appears from another inſcription, produced by Montfaucon, which is, "Caracylaea Arch prieſteſs deſcended from Kings." We have likewiſe an inſcription in the Marmora Oxonienſis, where one Aurelia Fauſta has this title given her: that inſcription having been erected at Smyrna, the learned Editor ſuppoſes the Lady was Arch-prieſteſs to Diana; and among other reaſons he aſſigns this, becauſe Prieſteſs miniſtered only to female Deities. Now if this obſervation was univerſally true, it would deſtroy the ſuppoſition above mentioned, relating to Diodora. But there is an inſcription in Gruter, ATERIA SACER — DATIS PA—, which I think can mean nothing elſe but Ateria Prieſteſs of Pluto. And Pauſanias ſays expreſsly, that it was cuſtomary for a virgin to officiate as Prieſteſs in the temple of Neptune, in Calaurea. It appears therefore, by theſe inſtances, that women were not wholly excluded from the prieſthood of male Deities. Caracylaea, in the inſcription of Montfaucon, is ſaid preſently after to have been wife to C. Julius Severus; the ſame, as [Page 165] Montfaucon thinks, who, according to the Faſti Conſulares, was Conſul in the year 155. And why may we not ſuppoſe that Diodora was married to ſome commander of the Roman forces, who brought her hither, where ſhe erected this altar, in honour of the Deity to whoſe ſervice ſhe had been particularly devoted? And the like may be ſaid with reſpect to other Grecian Deities, whoſe altars are found here in Britain, (as Jupiter Dolichenus and Dea Syria) which might be ſet up by perſons originally of thoſe countries where theſe Deities were more particularly worſhipped.’

The other altar is dedicated to Aſtarte,* a Syrian Goddeſs, and is now in the poſſeſſion of the Rev. Mr Graham of Netherby. The engraving [Page 166] is copied from an elegant one given in the Archaeologia. Dr Stukeley gives the following reading of it: ‘Marcus Egoraſt, the ſon of [Page]

[Page 167] Acherm, dedicates this altar to Aſtarte.’ * The names he preſumes are Syriac, Arabic, or Punic, and the adoption of Marcus proceeds from the Roman connection.

This altar, ſuppoſed to be inſcribed by the Prieſt, is attributed to a Marine Legion, raiſed by Hadrian in Syria, called the Ulpian Legion: which followed Carauſius in the time of Maximian.

Camden conjectures Corbridge was the Curia Ottodinorum of the Romans, noted by Ptolomy, and the Corſtopitum of Antonine. He has this ſingular remark—that here King John ſearched for hidden treaſures of the ancients; but was deceived no leſs than Nero, when he ſought for the hidden wealth of Dido at Carthage.

From my view of the extenſive ruins at Corcheſter, near this place, I ſhould conceive it was the chief Roman city in this part of Britain. Leland ſays, in his time the names of divers ſtreets remained, and great tokens of old foundations.

[Page 168] At a little diſtance from Corbridge is


where are the remains of a Roman Station: it is unnoticed in the Notitia, and is conjectured, was abandoned at the time of taking that account of the Roman Empire in Britain. It is not larger than thoſe ſtations near the wall, before deſcribed: the remains of the Pretorium are yet very conſpicuous. This ſtation ſtands on the tongue of land formed by the ſtream of Cor, at its conflux with the Tyne. Nothing curious remains at this time, but the foundations of a bridge, viſible at low water, believed to be of Roman conſtruction.

Dr Todd, in the Philoſophical Tranſactions, ſuppoſes the name to have been originally Herculceſter, i. e. Caſtra Herculis. What led him to this opinion, is the altar with the Greek inſcription dedicated to the Tyrian Hercules. Mr Horſley was of opinion, ‘that as Corſtopidum had been generally, ſo it is very juſtly, placed at the ſtation near Corbridge. This place has generally been taken for Ptolomy's Curia Otadenorum, becauſe there ſeems to be ſome affinity between the names, and becauſe the Otadini muſt certainly be placed hereabouts;’ but he differs in opinion concerning this matter, and concludes that Corſtopidum and Curia were different names, and altogether different places.

The Ermin-ſtreet way, having croſſed the Tyne, proceeds towards Ebcheſter, in the biſhoprick of Durham, and continues its courſe almoſt in a meridian line to Dover, in Kent, as may be ſeen in Antoninus's Itinerary. Another military way paſſes from this place ſouth-weſt through Dilſton Park, over Hexham Fell, to Old Town, in Alondale, and meets with the Maiden Way at Whitley Caſtle, as is ſet out in Mr Warburton's Map of Northumberland.

The Romans were excellent architects, and by all the deſcriptions given of their bridges * in Britain, teſtified their geometrical knowledge: their arch was ſemicircular, their pillars multangular, with a ſharp angle to the ſtream, like the prow of a ſhip. The foundations of the piers were conſtructed of an horizontal arch made of ſtones, in the form of a wedge, as appears by the remains here. In ſituations ſubject [Page 169] to rapid floods, a ſmall arch was formed in the pier, to receive the water when it began to reach the bow of the arch.

Many Roman Antiques have been found here; ſuch as coins, ſeals, &c. but moſt of them of the lower Empire.*

[Page 170] We paſſed the Tyne by a fine bridge of ſeven arches:


next attracted our notice. The Manſion-houſe is now in ruins. Its ſituation is fine, on the brink of a ſteep hill cloathed with wood, deſcending to the brook of Devil's Water. The approach we made was romantic: the rivulet at its conflux with the Tyne flows out of a deep dell, forming a grand natural caſcade, after having paſſed a bridge of a ſingle arch, which leads to the manſion: through this arch a mill is ſeen, over which are lofty and impending cliffs; the whole embowered by trees, extending their branches from each ſide of the dell, and ſpreading out a leafy canopy, at leaſt an hundred feet in height, ſhadowing the lower objects with a ſolemn gloom.

We approached the manſion, now conſiſting of diſconſolate and ragged ruins—the hollow halls, hanging ſtairs, and painted chambers, preſent a ſad memorial of the fate of their laſt unhappy Lord.

This was the poſſeſſion of the ancient family of Devilſtons,* who held it from the time of the conqueſt for ſeveral generations. They were in poſſeſſion in the reign of King Henry III. as appears by the eſcheats of that time. It afterwards experienced many changes of owners, being ſucceſſively held by the Tynedales, Craſters, and Claxtons; and at [Page 171] length became the eſtate of the Ratcliffs in the reign of Queen Elizabeth.*

The devaſtations made by Time in ancient ſtructures, mark them with ſolemn beauties: an inſpection of caſtles and ſtrongholds in ruins, gives the traveller pleaſure; hiſtoric facts ariſing on his mind, fraught with images of the tyranny and oppreſſion of feodal powers now extinguiſhed, he rejoices that the vaſſalage and cruelty which marked thoſe times are no more; he regards ſuch monuments as the broken priſons, where tyrants held in chains, thoſe whom their avarice and love of rapine characterized with the epithet of enemy. He looks upon them as the mementos of days of diſtreſs, when every man formed his greatneſs, by the number of fellow-creatures he could harneſs, to miniſter to his pride, and contribute to his crimes: as dens of ſavages, and animals of prey, who, like the wolves of the foreſt, held warfare with all the creatures of the earth; and worſe than wolves, employed the powers of rationality to render them more rapacious, more cruel, and more blood-thirſty than mere animal inſtinct could inſinuate to the heart: even cruelty, blood-thirſtineſs, and rapacity againſt their fellow-creatures, of which wolves are not accuſed. He looks upon them as monuments of ſepultured oppreſſion, over which the olives of peace are woven by the hand of liberty. He regards them as the hallowed records of all thoſe ineſtimable jewels which beſet the Britiſh diadem, and enrich the Britiſh conſtitution; whoſe luſter ſtrikes the eye of the whole obſerving world with envy, admiration, and aſtoniſhment.

But Dilſton gives the obſerver other ſentiments: tears ariſe upon the eye for the crimes of men, who in oppoſition to ſalutary laws (for good effects ſtamp the law with the character of propriety) through miſtaken principles, imbrue their hands in civil diſcord. It is the miſtake in principles, gives the tears to flow: reſolute wickedneſs extinguiſhes all pity; [Page 172] but humanity feels for man's hallucinations, for the errors of judgment —for ſuch, pity is even divine.

Another diſagreeable reflection wreſtles for a place in the contemplative mind, on ſuch a view—ſtrange, is the rapacity of men, who are ready to take poſſeſſion of the moment of overthrow, and with greedy hands ſeek to ſhare the ſpoil, even of him for whom once they fought, of him whom they had loved, had ſerved, had feared—their patron, protector, and friend. The lower claſs of mankind have but few eſtimates to govern their actions; whilſt proſperity attends, you are ſerved, you are beloved, you are adored: take away that, and the wretches return to their original ferocity, and each endeavours to gain what he can from the ruins.

From Dilſton we made a ſhort ride on the banks of Devil's Water, where there are many fine ſylvan ſcenes: we gained the weſtern eminence above


where lays the moſt pictureſque, though confined landſkip, the whole county of Northumberland exhibits. We aſcended to the brink of the precipice, near 200 feet high, from whence we looked down upon a ſequeſtered vale, almoſs inſulated by the brook, conſiſting of a fine level plot of corn land, of about eight acres, in the exact form of a horſeſhoe; the brook paſſing over a rugged rocky bottom, under the ſhadow of lofty hills, in various broken ſtreams was ſeen on each hand, foaming from fall to fall, which gave a beautiful contraſt to the deep hue of the groves. From the brook, the hills to the left ariſe precipitous, cloathed with a fine hanging wood, then glowing with a full ſunſhine; to the right, the ſteeps laying from the ſun, and in the deep ſhade, were broken, and ſcattered over in wild irregularity with bruſhwood, and here and there a groteſque and knotty tree preſented itſelf impending from the precipice; in front, a fine eminence of brown rock lifted its rugged brow, and cloſed the circle, dividing the waters with a promontory a few yards wide. In the clefts, and on the little levels of the rock, ſome ſhrubs grow; on its crown ſtood ripened corn, margined with hedge-row trees, through which a cottage was diſcovered; and by its foot, a winding road ſoon eſcaped the eye in intercepting woods: the rays of light fell happily upon the cliffs, and brightened their colouring. To the right and left, the more diſtant brook ſhewed itſelf in [Page 173] deep and rocky dells, embowered by lofty oaks. To the right hand, the hill which ſurmounts the wood, is topped with a plain of graſs ground, on whoſe brink ſtands a farmhold, acceſſable by a narrow path winding up the ſteep, from whence the woods make a beautiful curviture: the diſtant back ground is compoſed of heath lands. On the left, woodlands were ſeen on the circus, winding on the mazy channel of the brook, here and there intercepted by heathy eminences; the back ground very diſtant, and tinged with a miſty azure. To grace the little enchanted vale, reapers were buſy with the harveſt: in ſome parts the furrows looked like waving gold; in others they were emboſſed with upſet ſheafs. This is the fineſt natural theatre I ever ſaw; the circle is almoſt geometrically juſt; the plain would have ſuited thoſe exhibitions, of which we read, with an anxious curioſity, in the hiſtories of the Ancients; they would have given it life, taken away the ruſticity, and made it noble. When we deſcended to the vale below, it appeared only to want ſome of the ſacred rites, to improve its ſolemnity, and compound the idea of hallowedneſs with greatneſs. One poſſeſſed of a true taſte for natural beauties, is apt to be wound up to a pitch of enthuſiaſtic rapture, at ſuch ſcenes as theſe; where every ſubject that can compoſe a rural proſpect, are thus fortunately adjuſted and diſpoſed. It is not poſſible for me to write with temperance on ſuch a ſubject.

We again returned to Hexham; an agreeable retreat after our little excurſions.*

On our next ramble we viſited


an elegant ſituation on the north banks of Tyne, commanding a beautiful [Page 174] proſpect of Hexham plains. I have already given a deſcription of this vale, therefore to enlarge upon it, though tempted by various points of view, where its beauties are differently diſpoſed, would become weariſome to the reader: it muſt ſuffice to add, that from Beaufront the river is ſeen in ſeveral canals, and Hexham appears crowning the oppoſite eminence, with ſingular beauty. The houſe is upon an extenſive modern plan; but as we had not acceſs to it, I cannot ſay any thing of its convenience or taſte.

Mr Wallis derives Beaufront from Bellus Locus, but for what reaſon is not ſhewn. This was the ſeat of the Carnabys, ſo late as the reign of Queen Elizabeth. It is now the poſſeſſion of the family of Erringtons, of Errington, north of the Roman wall.*

We paſſed by the Hermin-ſtreet, or Watling-ſtreet, leading from the ſtation of Corcheſter to


an opening in the Roman wall before deſcribed.


was in view in our road to St Oſwald's. It appertains to the See of York, and is one of the ſmalleſt prebends of that cathedral.

We aſcended the Beacon Hill, or Mote Law, about a mile eaſt of St Oſwald's, fortified by a ſquare intrenchment; in the center of which is placed a hearth ſtone, uſed for the fire, in times of public danger, to alarm the country. From thence we had a view of


the ſeat of the Shaftoes, in the time of King Edward I. in whoſe family [Page 175] it has continued ſince that aera.* The ornaments around it are modern, and ſome of them in that taſte which doth no great honour to the age. Mock-ruins, and ſuch works of fancy, afford no beauties. The plantations are pleaſing, and the piece of water, from its ſituation, is elegant.

We arrived at

1.57. ST OSWALD'S,

otherwiſe called Holy-den-Heauveden, or Heavenfield, where Oſwald King of Northumberland obtained a ſingular victory over the Britiſh uſurper, Cedwall, or as Camden has his name, Caſwallon, King of Cumberland.

Cedwell, fluſhed with his ſucceſs over Anfred King of Bernicia, (whoſe army he had lately routed) and proud of victory, approached Oſwald with contempt, who had gathered together a ſmall body of faithful adherents, and lay in a fortified camp, prepared to oppoſe the invader. Oſwald beheld the numerous army of his enemies with aſtoniſhment, when he compared them to the little band on whoſe arms he muſt confide. He perceived, that was his dependance alone on man, the fate of his troops was obvious; they would be overwhelmed by the numbers of his foes. The propriety and juſtice of his cauſe, gave him a degree of fervour, which denied diſmay; and over his hitherto unenlightened ſoul, a new ſpirit of confidence was diffuſed, as he caſt up his eyes towards heaven, and rejected the idols in whom he had been taught vainly to truſt. He erected a croſs in the front of his army, and bending to the earth, called upon the name of Chriſt, beſeeching his mediation with the Father of all, in whoſe hand alone is the event of battle, that he would eſtabliſh juſtice on the face of the earth. As inſpired, he aroſe and called aloud to his troops, (as Bede writes) ‘Let us all kneel down, and beſeech the Almighty, the living and true [Page 176] God, of his mercy to defend us againſt this proud and cruel enemy.’ * After this prayer, he put his little army in battle array, his troops being warmed with that energy which devotion gives, and which prompts to intrepid actions. Cedwall advanced, arrogantly confident in his numbers, and inſolent from his victories, aſſuring himſelf of vengeance on his oppoſer, whom he ſought with contempt. He attacked the intrenchments, and mounted the ramparts in perſon; when a fatal ſhaft pierced his boſom, and laid him in the duſt. His followers, diſmayed at the fall of their leader, halted—a panic ſeized them—their ſwords ſtayed from aſſault, and as if perplexed by inconſiſtent commands, they began to retire in confuſion. Oſwald perceiving the change, took advantage of the occaſion, and inſtantly ruſhing upon the enemy, in a dreadful onſet, put them to flight: the carnage became horrid, the number of ſlain was incredible, and thoſe who eſcaped the ſword were totally diſperſed. It ſeemed more than the human hand could effect, to obtain ſo compleat a victory, had not the interpoſition of celeſtial powers confounded Oſwald's foes.

The convent of Hexham built a church here, in honour of St Cuthbert and King Oſwald, in commemoration of this event. Oſwald being ſlain at the battle of Macerfield, in the 38th year of his age, fighting againſt the Mercians, was canonized. A ſilver coin was found near the place where the above-mentioned church was built, with the [Page 177] head of St Oſwald, which was uſed for a long time by the convent of Durham, as their common ſeal, in honour of his memory.*

In our way to Chollerton, we viewed a place called


an exploratory mount, around whoſe ſides are flights of terraces, where the people in arms might at once ſhew their force to an approaching enemy, rank above rank, and alſo advantageouſly defend themſelves upon an aſſault.

From thence we had a view of the village of Halyton and


the ſeat of Chriſtopher Soulſby, Eſq

This place, it is ſaid, was ſtained with the blood of Ethwald King of Northumberland, who fell by the treachery of Syga, a nobleman of his court.

We proceeded by Chollerton, having a view of the houſe of Errington, with the adjoining tower, as we paſſed up the river, on one hand; and on the other,


ſituate on the weſtern banks of North Tyne, formerly the poſſeſſion of the Swinburns and Widdringtons.

This caſtle is chiefly diſmantled, ſome few apartments only remaining habitable; among which is one, made in an aperture in the wall, whoſe thickneſs affords a chamber, capable of receiving a bed and ſome other furniture. This has been an extenſive fabric, immenſely ſtrong in its ſtructure, but now no otherwiſe remarkable, than for thoſe circumſtances mentioned, and the fine grove in which it ſtands embowered.

[Page 178] We paſſed the modern ſeat of Mr Riddle,* which aroſe from the ruins of


an elegant ſtone building, covered with woods. Nothing can be more agreeable to the traveller, than to obſerve the improvements of a country, and the advances of cultivation. Mr Riddle's houſe commands an extenſive view, but it is over an open and ill-fenced tract. He is making rapid progreſs in the cure of this defect, and multitudes of quick fences and plantations are ariſing, which in a few years will extinguiſh the diſagreeable traces of that hoſtility and devaſtation, which before the union marked this country with the melancholy memorials of warfare; and in their place give to the eye all the charms of rural opulence.

In the reign of King Edward I. it was the poſſeſſion of Peter de Gunnerton, as a member of the Barony of Bywell, held under the ſervice of two Knights fees. In the reign of King Edward II. it was the property of Adam de Swynburn, who leaving a daughter, Chriſtian, it paſſed by her in marriage to Sir John de Woodrington, of Woodrington Caſtle; in whoſe family it continued for ſeveral ſucceſſions.


next attracts attention, the ſeat of the late Chriſtopher Reed, Eſq as alſo his predeceſſor, John Reed, Eſq who gave it great improvements. Its ſituation is beautiful, on a declivity, on the eaſtern banks [Page 179] of North Tyne, commanding an elegant proſpect. The river forms a fine canal in front, waſhing a woody ſteep on this ſide, and on the other the foot of a wild projecting cliff: Nunwick enriches the more diſtant view, ſurmounted by Symondburn Caſtle: the Tyne, winding through the vale in various meanderings, often ſhews itſelf; whilſt woods, rocks, and heathy eminences, in a happy manner, mingle their various beauties with the cultivated lands upon the landſkip.

Chipchaſe, according to Camden, once belonged to the Umfrevills. It was the poſſeſſion of Peter de Inſula in the reign of Edward I. Soon afterwards it became the inheritance of the Herons,* and continued in that family for ſeveral generations, till Sir Charles Heron ſold it to Mr George Allgood, from whom the family of Reeds purchaſed.

We advanced to

1.63. WARK,

a ſmall town on the river Tyne, which has nothing remarkable but an exploratory mount, called the Mote Hill, and the ruins of a houſe of the Ratcliffs. It was granted in the reign of King James I. to Howard Earl of Suffolk, and came by ſale to the Earl of Derwentwater, and is now part of the poſſeſſions appropriated to Greenwich Hoſpital.

We now prepared to leave the beauties of Tynedale; the cultivated vale narrowed, and we approached to thoſe wild and barren heights, [Page 180] which mark the Highlands of Northumberland with all the characteriſtics of a Scottiſh deſert. As we advanced to Riſingham, we paſſed within view of


a town ſeated on the eaſtern banks of North Tyne, the eſtate of the ancient family of Bellingham,* whoſe caſtle, now in ruins, is near adjoining to the village. At Hareſhaw Linn, a little way north of Bellingham, is a fine water-fall, breaking through a rugged channel, divided by ſeveral rocks, the whole tufted with graſs and ſhrubs: the land on each hand is lofty, and ſhews many ſhelving rocks and projecting cliffs, rendered highly pictureſque by impending trees, which give infinite beauties to the landſkip. On the oppoſite ſide of the river to Bellingham, lays


on an eminence cloathed with wood, the ſeat of the Charltons, commanding a view of the town of Bellingham, and a mountainous offſcape, varied with verdent ſheep-walks, rocks, and wood.

We entered Redeſdale, which by the Teſta de Neville, is ſaid to be the dominion of the Umfrevills, who held it by the ſervice of repelling thieves and robbers. Pleaſing proſpects were no longer the temptations to our progreſs; we were led only by the love of antiquity.


was the habitancum of the Romans, and lays upon the Watling-ſtreet. It is not mentioned in the Itinerary of Antonine, yet muſt have been a [Page 181] Roman Station about the time of Aurelius Antoninus, by the inſcriptions and coins found there. It is ſituate on the banks of Reed, and contains within the Vallum, three acres, three roods, and twenty-ſix perches of land. It is preſumed the Itinerary was compoſed in the time of Caracalla, before which this ſtation might have been deſerted. Near Riſingham was ſtanding ſome few years ago, a mile-ſtone, without any inſcription. Dr Hunter communicated a coin found here, the reverſe ſtruck with the figure of a wolf, the legends totally defaced, except the words Auguſtus Pius.*

Camden ſays Riſingham implies the Giants habitation. It is remarkable, that in the darkneſs of antiquity, we find innumerable traditions of powerful perſons, and mighty atchievements, under the characters of Giants; which at this time, according to Mr Bryant's moſt excellent work, denote ſome great temple, the character of ſome powerful people, ſome mighty Ruler, or miſerable Tyrant. Camden relates, that the inhabitants in his time had a traditional tale of the God Magon, who defended himſelf here, and maintained his fortreſs againſt a certain Soldain or Heathen Prince. This relation, he ſays, is authenticated, as to the reality of ſuch a perſonage as Magon, in the ages of antiquity, by two Roman inſcriptions found in the river there. From our utmoſt endeavours, we could not trace any remembrance, legendary tale, or heroic ſong, touching ſuch perſon as Magon, now remaining.

The inſcriptions given by Camden are as follow:

Deo Mogonti Cadenorum & Numini Domini Noſtri Auguſti Marcus Caius Secundinus Beneficiarius Conſulis Habitanci Primas, tam pro ſe et ſuis poſuit.—Mr Horſley reads the latter part of this inſcription "Prima Statione pro ſe et ſuis poſuit." The altar on which this inſcription is cut was taken out of the river Reed, which runs near this [Page 182] ſtation. He ſays, ‘this altar Camden juſtly ſuppoſes to have been erected to the topical God Magon, worſhipped by the Cadeni or Gadeni, a neighbouring people of the Otadini, and to the Deity of the Emperor, by one Secundinus, a Beneficiarius of the Conſul. Reading the two laſt words of the fifth line PRIMASTA for Prima Statione, makes the ſenſe natural and eaſy. Riſingham is an advanced ſtation beyond the wall, and for ought that appears to the contrary, might, at the time when this altar was erected, be the moſt northerly ſtation of any. The name Secundinus frequently occurs in Gruter.

V. S.

This altar was alſo taken out of the river. Mr Horſley ſays, ‘according to this copy, it appears to have been erected to another topical and tutelar God of the Cadeni. It is a queſtion whether Mounus may have been the ſame with Matunus, to whom an altar was erected at Elſdon, a few miles from this place; or, perhaps the ſame Deity is here deſigned as in the former. The third line in the inſcription has no doubt contained the name of the perſon who erected this votive altar. We find the name Inventus in Gruter.

I muſt leave the Roman line, and attend to more remote antiquity, to define, if poſſible, the name of Magon. I preſume Mr Bryant has thrown ſuch happy lights upon the ancient mythology, and has proved his principles by ſuch teſtimonies, that with implicit confidence I may adopt his maxims. I ſhall have ſeveral occaſions to reſort to his work, in the progreſs of my journey through the mountainous part of this county, for etymologies of thoſe ancient names, which without his directions I ſhould have paſſed over as incomprehenſible; and ſo loſt in the miſts of antiquity, as to remain without ſolution.—As it is little doubted, fire-worſhip was once the accepted religion of this iſland, introduced by eaſtern viſitants, and profeſſed and practiſed by the Druids; in theſe wild and uncultivated parts, it is moſt probable, the ſtrongeſt evidence thereof would remain to this age. I find in Mr Bryant's radicals, as he terms them, that the word Ω—ON, was one of the titles [Page 183] of the Sun among the Amonians,* and was often in combination with other epithets, uſed by the Syrians, Cretans, and Canaanites. He alſo therein ſpeaks of the word Macar, as a ſacred title given by the Amonians to their Deity, and was frequently compounded Macar—on: from whence a people were donominated [...], Macarones, and places were called [...], Macron. The corruption of a name, received from the pronunciation of unlettered and ignorant inhabitants, who had handed it down traditionally for ages, is not to be wondered at; from Macron to Magon is a ſimple and eaſy corruption. From the inaccuracy of theſe rude inſcriptions (as appears in the ſecond, even in the name of the invoked Deity) it is not to be wondered that G took place of CR; or from the obliterations in them through age and time, the tranſcriber might miſtake [...] for G, a ſmall letter being frequently introduced in the middle of a word. Take Mr Bryant's arguments on traditions of the like nature, and the whole relation given by Camden is reſolved into an hiſtoric fact—that the worſhippers and prieſts of On, who held here their religious rites, in the temple of the Sun, were a formidable ſociety, powerful in their numbers and their learning.

That the eaſtern religion and rites were introduced to this iſland is certain; that the Romans, in many inſtances, are known to have adopted the topical Gods; they alſo, from an error in etymology, gave to perſons, names which were relative to places; and when in Britain, they either introduced their own manner of worſhip, or otherwiſe adopted the Britiſh Deities, or rather the Amonian titles which they found there, and gave them perſons as Divinities. To prove this, I ſhall quote the inſcription before ſpoken of, in the Cottonian collection, found at Great Cheſters (page 35) Sur being a title of the Sun, ‘Syria being denominated from thence, is at this day called Souria, from Sur and Sehor, the Sun. That Suria was not merely a provincial title, is plain, from the Surya Dea being worſhipped at Eryx, in Sicily, and from an inſcription to her at Rome.’

The Romans had an averſion to the Druids, who ſuffered no idols to be ſet up: they took infinite pains to extirpate them, and deſtroy their monuments. Here then we find the remainder of Camden's tradition, that the prieſts of On, the worſhippers of the Sun at Riſingham, long withſtood the Roman arms: to pacify the people, and incite them to [Page 184] mix in their worſhip, the Romans erected their Altars on the ſacred mount, and inſcribed them with the Amonian titles.

If I may be allowed to make another conjecture, that the topical Deities to whom theſe altars were dedicated, prove the worſhippers of the Sun held here the Amonian Rites, and that from thence was derived the tradition mentioned by Camden, I would preſume this latter inſcription was either incorrectly copied, having in the original an A and M mixed thus [...], or the firſt letter in the name of the Deity was omitted by the Sculptor, or intentionally neglected by the Dedicator, as appears in many other inſtances; and that properly it ſhould have been AMOUNO: Amoun being a Grecian mode of expreſſing AMON. I have before ſhewn, from Mr Horſley's authorities, that the Grecian expreſſion is uſed in many Roman inſcriptions yet extant. This altar would then appear to be dedicated to Ammon, the topical Deity of Riſingham, at the time of the acceſſion of the Romans. For the ſake of impartiality, it it is neceſſary to admit, that the dedication to Ammon might be from Grecian auxiliaries; as Plutarch ſays, ‘that of all the Egyptian names which ſeemed to have correſpondence with the Zeus of Greece, Amoun or Ammon was the moſt peculiar and adequate.’ And from Herodotus we learn, that ‘almoſt all the names of the Gods in Greece were adventitious, having been brought thither from Egypt.’

Camden ſays, ſo much we may gather from theſe inſcriptions, as to aſcertain the name of the place Habitancum, and that he who made the firſt inſcription was Beneficiarius to a Conſul, and Primate of the place. The Beneficiarius was either by promotion, or ariſing from exemption of military ſervice by diſpenſation: they attended the chief officers of the army: they ſeem to have been ſomewhat like thoſe we now call Cadets: * and the Primaes, as appears by the Codex Theodoſii, were chief magiſtrates of cities, towns, or caſtles. Camden leaves us in the dark as to Magon, not even determining whether he was eſteemed the tutelar God of the Gadeni, whom Ptolomy placed next the Ottodini.

The following Inſcriptions found at Cheſter Hope, near Riſingham, have been communicated to me.

[Page 185]

The following is walled up, in a houſe upon the ſtation, and reverſed. It is cut on a ſtone about 18 inches ſquare.

V. S. L. M.

Mr Horſley gives the following reading and remarks upon it: ‘ Jovi Optimo Maximo. Dolocheno Julius Publius Pius Tribunus votum ſolvit libens merito. This was publiſhed ſome years ago by Dr Hunter, in the Philoſophical Tranſactions. I am of opinion it has been the body or plane of an altar, having met with ſeveral parallel inſtances, where the capital and baſes have been ſtruck off from altars, in order to fit them for walls, or ſuch other uſes. The appearance of the ſtone favours this conjecture, and upon this ſuppoſition, I believe the altar has been inſcribed to Jupiter Optimus Maximus Dolochenus, and that the letters I. O. M. have either been at the top of the plane, and ſtruck off with the capital, or elſe upon the capital itſelf. The word Dolocheno is very plain upon this inſcription; but in all other inſcriptions, and writers who mention this Deity, the name is ſpelt with an I or Y in the ſecond ſyllable; excepting one, which though it be ſo likewiſe in Gruter, yet in Petrus Apianus, who had publiſhed it before, it is writ, as Montfaucon obſerves, with an O, in the ſecond ſyllable, like this. Poſſibly the letters PVBL, in the ſecond line, may not be another name of the perſon, but ſtand for Publitia, the name of the tribe to which this Caius Julius belonged. This tribe is often mentioned in Gruter. ’ As to the Divinity Dolochenus, I ſhall have [Page 186] occaſion to quote Mr Horſley very fully on an inſcription which occurs at Benwell.*

[Page 187] In Camden we find the following inſcriptions:

Mr Horſley's reading and remarks on this inſcription are as follow: ‘ Aurelii Antonini Pii Auguſti Marcus Meſſorius Diligens Tribunus ſacrum. [Page 188] The original was removed by Sir Robert Cotton, for it ſtill continues at Con [...]gton: the upper part has been broken off, and the firſt line now remaining is partly covered, by being built up in the wall of the ſummer-houſe; the reſt is yet very plain. There is no doubt but Pro Salutae Imperatoris M. has gone before, and perhaps the altar has been to Jupiter Optimus Maximus, or to Jupiter and the Numina Auguſti. It is not eaſy to determine to which of the Antonines this inſcription belongs. If this ſtation was in ruins, as ſome think, in the reign of Caracalla, the ſuppoſed author of the Itinerary, then the inſcription could not be to him: beſides, the titles Felix, &c. are uſually added to him; and in our Britiſh inſcriptions he is often joined with Severus, after whoſe death he immediately left the iſland. M. Aurelius Antoninus, called Philoſophus, had wars here, and his Legate, Calpurnius Agricola, is named in an inſcription or two in theſe parts: and I am apt to think, that both this inſcription, and ſome others in the north, belong to that Emperor.’


Of this Mr Horſley gives the following reading and remarks: ‘ Numinibus Anguſtorum, Cohors Quarta Gallorum Equitum fecit. The original of this is alſo at Conington, and placed above the ſummer-houſe door. The ſculpture has ſuffered by the weather, but the inſcription is ſtill very legible. The Emperors, in honour of whom it has been erected, I take to be Severus and Caracalla, who were much hereabout, and, I believe, were poſſeſſed of this very ſtation. This Cohort ſeems to have been like a flying ſquadron, for by inſcriptions we find them in ſeveral places. The inſcription is included in a kind of corona, or rather an octagon, circumſcribed by a ſquare moulding. There are ornaments of eagles heads on each ſide, above which is the appearance of two faces, probably deſigned for thoſe of the Emperors referred to by the inſcription. Mars and Victory, in their uſual dreſs and appearance, are ſet in a nich, one at each end of the ſtone. The other ornaments ſeem only to be ſuch as pleaſed the fancy of the Sculptor. The Victory treads on a globe, and no doubt the general meaning is, that the Emperors had warred ſucceſsfully, and gained a victory over the whole world.’

[Page 189]
V. S. LL. M.

Of this inſcription Mr Horſley gives the following reading and remarks: ‘Camden has given us the name of another topical Goddeſs in an inſcription, the original of which is loſt; namely, Tertiana, which a learned friend conjectured to be the Tertian Ague: and it is well known the Goddeſs Febris was worſhipped among the Romans.’

LAE [...]L. SALV [...]NVS
TR [...]. COH. I. VANGI
V. S. P. M.

On this inſcription Mr Horſley gives the following reading and remarks: ‘ Deo invicto Herculi ſacrum. Lucius Aemilius Salvianus Tribunus Cohortis Primae Vaugionum votum ſolvens poſuit merito. The Cohors Prima Vaugionum, a people of Gallia Belgica on the Rhine, ſeem to have been in garriſon here the lateſt and longeſt, though neither this Station nor Cohort are mentioned in the Notitia. A Tribune of this Cohort is mentioned in a funeral inſcription at Walwick Cheſters. This is a very ſtately altar, erected to the invincible Hercules: it remains yet at Conington very entire, and is, I think, one of the largeſt altars I have ſeen, that are ſo beautiful. On one ſide is an ox in baſſo relievo; on the other, an ornament not unlike a curtain, for I could not ſay it was a feſtoon, and it is rather too large for a prieſt's veil: I imagined it to repreſent the aulaeum, that ſeparated the adytum, or ſome ſuch thing.’

COH. [...]. VANG

Mr Horſley's reading and remarks on the above are: ‘ Cohors Prima Vaugionum fecit curante Julio Paullo Tribuno. The original is alſo at Conington. Paullus is here with a double LL; and the F in fecit looks like the lower Empire.’

[Page 190]

Mr Horſley's reading and remarks on this are, ‘ Herculi Julius Paullus Tribunus votum ſolvit. This altar ſtands inſtead of a gate-poſt, in the ſide of what was once the ſouth gate of the ſtation, but is now uſed as a gate for the field. When I was informed of this altar, I was told that a great many more letters were formerly viſible upon it. It has been a fine altar, but is now turned up-ſide-down, ſo that the capital was hid in the ground. It is not improbable, that the inſcriptions and altars dedicated to Hercules, have been deſigned as a compliment to the Emperor Commodus, who, as it is well known, was called Hercules Romanus. Beſides this Julius Paullus, I find three other Tribunes, who commanded this Cohort of the Vangiones.

D. M.
AN. I. ET.

Mr Horſley ſays, ‘this inſcription has in its manner ſo much the appearance of the lower Empire, as to confirm that the Romans were late poſſeſſed of this ſtation. The original is now at Conington. The rudeneſs of the letters, the ſcattered poſition of them, and the ſtops on each ſide the I, in the laſt line but one, are very remarkable. Though DM be at the top, yet it is not an altar, of which there are other inſtances.’


This ſtation was certainly gone to decay before the reign of Caracalla, and afterwards was reſtored: and this opinion is favoured by the laſt [Page 191] imperfect inſcription, found at this place; from whence it appears, that ſomewhat had been repaired which had gone to ruin through age.

The remarkable effigy of Robin of Riſingham, as it is called by the country people, next claims my attention: I will in the firſt place give Mr Horſley's deſcription, and then offer ſome few remarks of my own. ‘The remarkable figure which uſually goes by the name of Robin of Riſinghom, or Robin of Redſdale, is cut upon the face of a huge piece of rock, that has fallen off from the main one. It is on the ſide of a hill or rock near the park head, and about half a mile from the ſtation at Riſingham. The image is in baſſo relievo, and both the ſculpture and ſtone very coarſe. I take it, by the drapery and ſymbols, to be certainly Roman, though ſome, from the rudeneſs of the ſculpture, have thought it Britiſh: and probably it is the Emperor Commodus, repreſented under the figure of Hercules. The ſquare ſtone beſide him, muſt I ſuppoſe be an altar, and what he carries in his left arm a club: on his left ſhoulder are diſtinctly ſeen a quiver and arrows, and in his right hand a bow, which agree with the character given him by Herodian, who celebrates him as a moſt excellent archer. What he wears on his head looks like a helmet. Every body knows that Commodus affected to be called the Roman Hercules, and to be worſhipped as ſuch. We have his coins with Herculi Romano Auguſto, Herculi Romano Conditori, &c. This figure then might repreſent the Roman Hercules triumphant and victorious, after things had been ſettled in Britain by Pertinax, and Commodus aſſumed the name of Brittanicus. The face of the whole piece of rock on which the image is cut, is an irregular figure of five ſides: the ſide which reſts in the ground is ſix feet and an half; the perpendicular from the vertex to this ſide, eight feet; the two ſides to the right of this perpendicular each of them five feet; the uppermoſt ſide to the left ſeven; and the lower four; and the ſtone is juſt about ſix feet thick. The figure ſtands upright.’

The doubts which I entertain that this is Roman work, are founded upon the following circumſtances: The veſt in which the figure is habited is open from the waiſt to the knee; round the waiſt is a belt buckled before: the looſe garment on the ſhoulders, leaving the right arm bare and at liberty, is put on in the manner of the Scotch plaid: the cap is not ſimilar to any one I remember to have ſeen in Roman ſculptures: the bow is in the right hand. But that the reader may paſs his own judgment upon this ſculpture, I have given an etching of it.

[Page 192] If we deſcend to modern times, we will find ſeveral perſonages diſtinguiſhed by the name of Robin of Redeſdale. One of the Umfranviles had that appellation; and in the time of Edward the Fourth, we find one Hilliard of the Lancaſtrian party thus denominated. ‘From Banbury the northern men under the conduct of Robbin of Riddeſdale* haſtened to the manor of Grafton, where the Queen's father then lay, whom with his ſon John they ſuddenly ſurprized, and at Northampton cut off their heads.’

Before I quit the neighbourhood of Bellingham, I muſt notice the remains of a caſtle ſituate near the confluence of the brook Tarſet and North Tyne. I did not view the place; the deſcription, together with a [Page 193] drawing, was communicated to me by my friend, at Newcaſtle. It ſtands within the Lordſhip of Tarſet, and has the name of Tarſet Caſtle. Camden ſays it was a caſtle of the Comins. The area is of an oblong ſquare, in length about 120 yards; defended by a deep foſs, near 10 yards in breadth, on the north, weſt, and ſouth ſides; the eaſt laying on a ſteep deſcent. At each corner of the area appear the remains of turrets or mounds. There ſeems to have been an outward wall, to defend the tower.

Near to Riſingham is

1.67. ELISHAW,

a ſmall village on the Watling-ſtreet, which croſſed the river at this place, the remains of the bridge appearing.

From Riſingham to Elſden, the traveller, in all the perplexities of a rainy and deſolate country, muſt be proved a patient chriſtian, if he forbears to execrate the want of guide-poſts, and the neglect of thoſe, whoſe duty it is to remedy the delay, fatigue, hazard, and anxiety of the ſtranger, whoſe ſtars infatuate him to engage in the labyrinths and wilds of ſuch a country.

1.68. ELSDEN

is a ſmall town of antiquity, ſuppoſed to have its date from the time of M. Aurelius Antoninus: two Roman altars were found, inſcribed to that Emperor, in a hill called the Mote Hill.*

[Page 194] This mount is intrenched round, the mote yet remaining of a great depth: to the north, which is the weakeſt part, a breaſtwork is caſt up. The bones of animals, remains of ſacrifice, have been diſcovered here, with urns, aſhes of the dead, and broken inſcriptions.

Elſden was the eſtate of the Clennels in the reign of Edward the Firſt; it afterwards came to the Greys and Howards; and now is part of the poſſeſſions of his Grace the Duke of Northumberland. Near the church is an old tower, which is occupied as the Rectory-houſe, on which remain the arms of Umfranvils, ancient Lords of Harbottle, Otterburn, and a large diſtrict here.

[Page 195] On the front of this tower is an inſcription, in the following form: R. D. de rede. Which may be read, Robertus or Rogerus Dom. de Rede, and referred to Umfranvil Lord of Pruddowe, who died about the year 1325.

The following inſcription (found at Riecheſter, and now preſerved in the church at Elſden) with its reading, was communicated to me: ‘GENIO EI SIGNIS COH I. [...] ARDUL OR. E Q [...] T [...]CINI VALERI ANVS TRIB. P.’ ‘Genio et ſignis Coh. primae Vardulorum Equitum. Titus Licinius Valerianus. Trib. P.’

Near to Elſden is a place called Berenes Knowl, where Mr Wallis ſays ‘is a Britiſh temple, the ſtones numerous, of various ſizes, in a circular order.’ I uſed great diligence to find this place, but in vain; neither was I able to gain any intelligence from people in the neighbourhood.*

On the Tod-Law, a mount on the adjoining moor, Mr Wallis alſo ſays are three ſtone columns, placed in a triangular order, 12 feet diſtant from each other, and each column near 12 feet in diameter. Theſe he preſumed are ſepulchral, or monuments of ſome memorable event. It was the cuſtom of the Danes, at the ſolemn inveſtiture of their Kings, or men of chief authority, to erect monuments of this nature; and to that people it is moſt reaſonable we ſhould attribute ſuch erections.

[Page 196] The remembrance of the battle of


ſo famous in ſtory, led us again towards the banks of Reed: the entrenchments are ſtill diſcernable, and the number of Tumuli * ſcattered over the adjoining ground, mark to future ages the ſlaughter made there.

The diſturbances in England in the time of King Richard II. induced the Scots to invade the borders, in the 12th year of that reign, with about 3000 men, under the command of Sir William Douglas, by ſome authors ſtiled Earl Douglas. They were attacked in their camp on the 5th of Auguſt. 1388, by a body of Engliſh forces, commanded by the Earl of Northumberland, and his two ſons, Henry Percy and Ralph Percy, young men of martial ſpirit, at Otterburn.

The armies engaged by moon light, a ſeaſon when battle would have redoubled horrors, eſpecially where the conflict was hand to hand; when each combatant met his opponent in trial of ſkill and ſtrength: this mode of fighting muſt render the buſineſs and confuſion of the conflict dreadful beyond deſcription. Douglas, ambitious of laurels, and deſiring ſome diſtinguiſhed atchievement, ſought for young Henry [Page 197] Percy, who for his intrepidity and martial proweſs was ſurnamed Hotſpur. He met him in the hotteſt of the battle, inſolently braved the young hero to engage, and Douglas fell beneath his valorous ſword. The rumour of their leader's overthrow ran through the Scottiſh lines; they were intimidated, and began to fly; but at the inſtant the panic was becoming general, and the Engliſh were advancing in hopes of victory, the Earl of Dunbar came up with a large reinforcement, and the Scots rallied. Now overpowered by numbers, and faint with the fatigues and bloodſhed of the fight, the Engliſh gave way, and the invaders were victorious: yet ſo powerfully, and with ſuch gallant reſolution, did the Engliſh maintain the battle againſt ſuperior force, that the loſs on each ſide was ſaid to be nearly equal. The Engliſh left 1800 dead upon the field. Among the priſoners were Lord Percy and his brother, Sir Robert Heron, Sir Robert Ogle, Sir John Lilburn, Sir John Colwell, and many other valiant men of Northumberland.

A circumſtance attended this day, as unfortunate to the Northumbrians, as ſhameful to their allies: the Durham militia was approaching, but did not come up in time to ſupport the Engliſh, before they had left the field to the victors: the Scottiſh leader not willing to hazard any more of his troops, thought it expedient to uſe ſtratagem, and accordingly aſſailed the reinforcement in a mode totally new, and happily prevalent: he cauſed all his ſoldiers to blow the horns which were uſed to ſound an alarm; the ſtilneſs of the night, the echo from the hills, and the terrors which the overthrow of the Northumbrians had impreſſed upon their minds, wrought ſo powerfully, that the militia were ſeized with a panic, and put to flight without ſeeing an enemy, vanquiſhed ſolely by the tremendous idea of thouſands approaching fluſhed with ſucceſs.

Replete with melancholy reflections, ariſing from ſuch a ſcene and retroſpection, eight miles to Riecheſter muſt neceſſarily paſs heavily; it is the buſineſs of a ſentimental writer to catch the momentary ideas and living ſentiments as they riſe; the illuſtrious names renewed to memory, by the place of Otterburn fight, the Percies, the Herons, Ogles, Lilburns, and many more, buſy on that famous night, brought upon my mind reflections on the honour of pedigree. Our ideas are apt to claſs themſelves into compariſons. Whilſt I ruminated on the ſubject of deſcent from Heroes and illuſtrious Perſonages, Men who had acquired Fame, Honour, and Title, by virtuous deeds and a ſervice of propriety, [Page 198] I determined that the Pride of Pedigree was laudable, ſo long as the deſcendant did not debaſe his blood by ignoble and impious actions. I admitted it as a maxim, that ſuch had a right to public place, pre-eminence, and diſtinction. Then it was, I took (as it were) the other hand into conſideration; a review of the modes of the world; and thence proceeded to compare my determined principles with characters well known to me. I remarked many who claimed place and diſtinction, and ſtand up as the givers of modes, and rulers of what ſhall be called propriety of manners; ſuch a groop of characters crowded upon me, (the muſhrooms of a morning) all ruſhing with ardour and avariciouſneſs of mind to the goal of pre-eminence, Wretches ſprung from the filth of a corrupted age, that their mimick importance created in my mind ſo ridiculous a picture, even amidſt the waſtes and wilds where I travelled, and in defiance of all the deformities which nature ſpread around me, I could not forbear laughter.

All this time were we climbing with infinite difficulty, and no ſmall hazard, to gain a ſight of the cataract called Chattlehope Spout, which, when attained, was a trifling recompence for our labour. The waterfall is 75 feet in height, not immediately perpendicular, the ſtream being interrupted near the middle by a projection of the rock, from whence ſliding gradually ſome feet, it falls a ſecond time. The precipices are naked, and there are no pictureſque beauties in the whole ſcene. All around you are rude and barren heights.

The Roman Station


or as Camden calls it, Bremenium, was the ne plus ultra of our wiſh in this part of Northumberland. It was eſteemed the ſtrongeſt ſtation the Romans had in the North, and was the capital or chief fortreſs of the Otadini. C. Caepio Charitenus and Lucius Caelius Optatus commanded here, the latter having a Cohort of the Varduli from Hiſpania Citerior, the former a detachment of Exploratores. Many Coins, Altars, and other Remains have been found at this ſtation, eſpecially the Coins of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus.* An Altar was found here, now in the poſſeſſion of the Rev. Dr Sharp, inſcribed by a Cohort of Varduli to the Emperor Caracalla. [Page 199] This ſtation is defended by a wall of aſhler-work, ſeven feet in thickneſs, with motes and treble rampiers, as outworks.* In the front [Page 200] of a new-built houſe, about a quarter of a mile to the ſouth of the ſtation, is a ſculpture (diſcovered here) having a tree in the center, a hart [Page 201] on one ſide, and a creſcent on the other, of but indifferent workmanſhip. The remains of an Hypocauſt has lately been opened, and three [Page 202] pillars obtained therefrom, which ſupported the upper floor. The altar before mentioned to be preſerved in Elſden church was found here.

[Page 203] This ſtation takes its name of Bremenium, as is preſumed, from being Caſtrum in Rupe, which is the true deſcription of its ſcite, it being placed [Page 204] on the brow of a ſteep and rocky hill, or rather, as Camden calls it, a rocky mountain, commanding the paſs of Reedſdale. On every hand [Page 205] the proſpect is horrible, except the narrow valley, watered by the Reed, which is looked down upon from this rugged eminence.—How little [Page 206] improvement this country has experienced ſince the union, notwithſtanding the great advances huſbandry hath made northward,* will appear [Page 207] by comparing the deſcription given of it by Camden two centuries ago, with its preſent ſtate. ‘There are hills hard by ſo boggy, and ſtanding [Page 208] with water on their ſummits, that no horſemen are able to ride through them. And again, Mountainous deſert and impoſſable, ſuch as this tract is.’

[Page 209] Camden preſerves this Inſcription:

D. R. S.
V. S. L. M.
Deae Romae ſacrum Duplares Numeri exploratorum Bremenii Aram inſtituerunt Numini ejus Caio Caepione Charitino Tribuno votum ſolverunt libenter merito.

Mr Horſley's remarks on this altar are as follow. ‘The original was removed to Connington. The plain and diſtinct mention of Bremenium upon this large altar does ſtrongly argue Riecheſter to be the place. The implication and proper cut of the letters, which is neglected in Camden, I have endeavoured to ſupply from the original. No body that I know of, has given a ſatisfactory explication of the D. R. S. at the top: I think it plain that they are to be read Deae Romae ſacrum. That they made a Goddeſs of Rome, and erected altars and temples to her, needs no proof to thoſe who have any acquaintance with medals and other Roman Antiquities. There is a curious altar at Elenborough, erected Genio Loci Fortunae Reduci Romae Aeterne, &c. I once thought of Diis Romanis ſacrum: but this ſuits not with Numini ejus in the body of the inſcription; for which reaſon the learned Dr Gales reading Deabus Rumabus Sacrum cannot be admitted. The altar then is ſacred to the Goddeſs Rome, erected by a Duplares of a detachment of Exploratores or ſcouts at Bremenium, under the command of Caius Caepio Charitinus the Tribune. Caepio is a conſular name, and we read in the Notitiae, of a Praefectus Numeri exploratorum Lavatris. Whether they were the ſame with theſe, I will not undertake to determine. The Duplares were ſoldiers, who had a double allowance of corn, of which a part of the Roman ſoldiers pay conſiſted. The Exploratores were, like our ſcouts, ſent out to diſcover the enemy or their country. When they were in garriſon, it is probable they were generally placed, in the more advanced ſtations, or ſuch as were moſt conveniently ſituated for proſpect and diſcovering the firſt approach of the enemy; as alſo for guarding the paſſes againſt their inroads.’

[Page 210] Camden adds, ‘that Ptolomy ſpeaking of Bremenium, places it in this very ſcite, and part of the country; and from thence Antonine begins his firſt journey in Britain, as from the utmoſt limit of the Roman province at that time. When the barbarous nations had broken through the wall of Antoninus Pius, and would in conſequence hurry over and lay waſte all the country before them, the wall of Hadrian laying neglected to the time of Severus, we may neceſſarily admit that this ſtation was regarded as the limit of the Empire, from whence the old Itinerary, which bears the title of Antonine's, began, viz. a Limitis. The conſtruction given it, to imply a Vallo, is only a gloſs put on it by the tranſcriber.’

Mr Collier communicated to me the drawing of the following Sculpture and Inſcription, lately found at this ſtation, and now in the poſſeſſion of the Rev. Mr Jolly. It never was publiſhed. He informed me it was found near the eaſtern entrance into the ſtation, is about four feet nine inches in length, and two feet three inches in breadth.

[Page 211] Mr Wallis ſays, ‘there is nothing more, worthy of remark, by the alpine ſtreams of Reed and North Tyne.’ I wiſh I could have been as readily tranſported from Riecheſter to Wark, as I tranſmit the reader on the feathers of the grey gooſe wing: we did not purſue the Reed any further northward, though informed, that near to Bridhope Crag, a little above Riecheſter, there are two large ſquare entrenchments, with two openings on every ſide, each defended by an outward mole of an oblong form, at the diſtance of ſix yards from the aperture: the deſcription given of them, ſhews they are ſimilar to the large entrenchment on Stainmore, at Roy Croſs, * which is attributed to the Engliſh under William the Conqueror, on the defection of Cumberland and Northumberland, who were ſupported by the Scotch Monarch.

1.71. NUNWICK,

the ſeat of Sir Lancelot Allgood, which appears ſo beautiful from Chipchaſe, is equally pleaſing upon a nearer approach: the houſe is modern, of a fair free-ſtone, ſheltered from the weſt by a fine grove, and ſeated near the confluence of Symondburn with the river Tyne; from the eaſtern terrace a delightful proſpect opens, commanding a fine view of Chipchaſe on the one hand, and the variegated vale of Symondburn on the other; the banks of the ſtream are romantic and wild, and the waſtes which terminate the proſpect are at an agreeable diſtance.

Near Nunwick, ſome years ago, were the remains of a monument, by moſt writers termed Britiſh, conſiſting of five natural ſtone pillars, placed in circular order, near eight feet in height, and twenty feet in girt; the area which they formed, was ninety feet in circumference. Whether the interſtices were heretofore filled up with ſtones of a ſmaller ſize, to compoſe a circle, which on the advance of cultivation were removed, we have no evidence: Biſhop Gibſon only ſpeaks of them as in the ſtate deſcribed. I have great doubt, whether this was a temple or place of convocation of the Druids, or not: I am rather inclined to believe, ſuch as are compoſed of a ſmall number of ſtones are Daniſh monuments, and memorials of ſome public act of that people. Where the [Page 212] circle is uniform, the column, to which it is conceived the victims were bound, is perfect, or to be diſtinguiſhed; and the receſs, forming the Sanctus, or place of the altar, is remaining, like thoſe in Cumberland and Angl [...]ſea: it is not to be doubted the Druids were their conſtructors; that they were their places of convocation; and as every public act of thoſe Lawgivers was preceded by holy rites and ſacrifice, it may with propriety be ſaid, they were places formed for a mixed appropriation, for acts civil and religious.


is placed on a fine eminence, but hath little that is remarkable to detain the traveller.* The Rectory is one of the moſt valuable in the North, is preſented to by the Crown, and was formerly the poſſeſſion of Lord Derwentwater. The church hath lately been repaired, and retains no other remarkable monuments than thoſe mentioned in the notes.

In March, 1735, as the workmen were pulling down the old kitchen of the Rectory-houſe, a ſquare ſtone was diſcovered, nine or ten inches [Page 213] each way, but the inſcription was obliterated at one end, occaſioned, as one may ſuppoſe, by the workmen's tools, either when they built or pulled down the kitchen. The letters are three inches long. It may poſſibly be in the poſſeſſion of Dr Scot, the preſent Rector, as it was in that of Mr Waſtell, the late Rector, in 1735. Mr Horſley takes notice of VLPIVS and SABINVS, two Roman Lieutenants, ſent againſt the Britains, but ſays, he never heard of any inſcriptions found relating either of them.

[Page 214] In the Monaſticon we are told, King Edward taking diſpleaſure at Anthony Beck, then Biſhop of Durham, diſmembered this church from that See. It was afterwards in the poſſeſſion of the D'Arcys in the reign of King Edward III. John D'Arcy, at his death, left it to Queen Philippa, who gave it to Windſor College.

Mr Wallis ſpeaks of a remarkable Scull dug up within the walls of the church: ‘On the back part of it was the figure of a large ſcallop ſhell: at one of the auditories, the figure of a torcular ſhell, like a ſcrew.’ It is ſurprizing no Naturaliſt has attended to this wonderful phaenomenon. Mr Wallis himſelf, I ſhould have apprehended, would not have left this great curioſity ſo ſlightly treated of. He doth not even ſay, whether theſe impreſſions were ſculptured, or adheſions of petrified matter. In either caſe, it would have gratified the virtuoſo to have had a perfect deſcription. We read of that degree of wantonneſs and inhumanity, that the ſculls of enemies, at public feſtivals, were uſed for drinking Cups. Was this ornamented with ſculpture, it would lead to an apprehenſion it was once employed in ſuch unhallowed rites. If theſe were petrifactions, it would ſtill be more wonderful.

This introduces to my mind a haſty idea, of petrifactions being eſteemed a teſtimony of an univerſal deluge. It has been inſiſted upon by many learned men, but the diſcoveries hitherto made in that branch are in no wiſe convincing. Moſes had his learning from the Egyptians; Mr Bryant has amply diſplayed their knowledge of that great event: I dare not make ſtrictures on that learned work; but opinion is fond of liberty. All the petrifactions I have ſeen in the various collections, do not prevail to fix my judgment in favour of ſuch teſtimony. In the firſt chapter of Geneſis, we ſee the grand work of creation claſſed in ſix progreſſive orders. In the figures of Eaſtern language, it is given under a diurnal arrangement. By ſuch expreſſion, I preſume, we are not to be confined in our idea of the work, to thoſe ſhort periods: the works of Providence are wonderful to the higheſt degree, in a courſe of nature; [Page 215] why ſhould we render them ſtill more miraculous, and leſs credible, by holding to the very letter of the book of Geneſis, without giving a latitude to the expreſſion. So much of miracle, and ſo little of reaſon, in modern diſſertations, occaſions much infidelity. We ſee plainly the work of the divine Architect was progreſſive: let us preſume each day means an age, in which, by a natural and progreſſive courſe, "the fruit tree yielding fruit after its kind, whoſe ſeed is in itſelf," might arrive to its maturity, from the original ſtamina the great Creator ordained in the beginning. It was not till the third aera, that the dry land appeared; all before was deluged. Here is a period then, in which all thoſe ſubſtances which we find have left their teſtimony in petrifaction, might reſt upon the higheſt hills, when at the command of their God, the mountains heaved themſelves up from the boſom of the deep. The ſhifting of vaſt ſands, the falling of mighty precipices rent by earthquakes, mining in various countries, and eruptions of volcanoes, have brought to light thoſe materials which are lodged very deep in the earth, and yet none of them have produced any evidence of the deſtruction of the human race, by petrifactions of parts peculiar to mankind, their implements or utenſils, of which gold would not decay, erections, or other memorials of their antediluvian exiſtence. To enter at large into this diſquiſition, would lead to a ſeparate work; it ſhall ſuffice at this time to ſay, that, if there were no other teſtimonies exiſting than petrifactions, to prove this great event, we ſhould ſtill depend upon implicit faith concerning it. To return:

The church of Symondburn has two dependant chapels, Bellingham and Falſton: the pariſh is between thirty and forty miles in length, extending to Liddeſdale, in Scotland. There is within this diſtrict, between Falſton and the extreme boundary, an extenſive tract of country where, till within the laſt century, converſion had ſcarce reached, or the benefits of religion and the rites of the Engliſh church been promulged, except in the collection of tithes.

Symondburn Caſtle was demoliſhed by the country people, in vain reſearches for treaſure: a ſmall part was lately repaired, with two angular turrets, as an ornamental object on the landſkip.

We now took the road to Rothbury: the firſt object that attracted our attention, after paſſing the ſeat of Mr Riddle, was a tower on a lofty eminence, commanding an extenſive proſpect, appertaining to Mr Delaval's eſtate of Bavington; the edifice ugly to a degree.

[Page 216] We approached


the ancient Family-houſe of the Shaftoes,* now the ſeat of George Shaftoe Delaval, Eſq ſituate on a riſing ground, and commanding a ſouthern proſpect, in which a fine canal, with riſing plantations, are the chief ornaments: Nature has given but few beauties to the landſkip.


was the next place we viſited, the ancient poſſeſſion of the Swinburns, and now the ſeat of Sir Edward Swinburn. This manſion was formerly of the caſtle form, and Leland ſays, was a fair building, moted round. The preſent houſe is built in the taſte which prevailed in the time of the Charles's; the pleaſure grounds are laid out in an agreeable manner; the tufts of trees which are ſcattered over the lands, give a ſingular beauty to the ſcene. Sir John, the anceſtor of the preſent Sir Edward, married the daughter of Sir Henry Lawſon, of Brough, in Yorkſhire, and had by her thirty children, of whom eighteen arrived at maturity.

[Page 217] Many Roman antiquities have been diſcovered here, of which Mr Wallis gives a particular account.* He ſays they were found about a mile from the Roman cauſeway, and ſeem by the workmanſhip to be as ancient as the time of Agricola.

Within view of Capheaton, are the cliffs of

1.75. HARNHAM.

This place takes its name from the Herman-ſtreet or military road. It was a ſtrong fortreſs, defended by nature on one hand with rocks of vaſt height, and on the other by a moraſs: there was no approach to it but by a narrow paſs, on the north, defended by an iron gate, eaſily maintained. Part of the preſent Manſion conſiſts of the remains of the old Caſtle, and ſtands on the brink of a vaſt precipice. This was the manſion of the Babingtons, (a family as ancient in Britain as the conqueſt) and of Colonel Babington, in the reign of Charles II. Governor of Berwick. His firſt wife, Catherine, was under excommunication, [Page 218] for contempt of an eccleſiaſtical ſentence; on which account, ſhe was not intitled to ſepulture in conſecrated ground. To prepare for her interment, a cave was hewn in the rocks of Harnham, below the foundations of the caſtle, where her remains now lay in a leaden coffin.—It is a diſgrace to a poliſhed and enlightened nation, that ſuch a Court has exiſtence; but to a ſtate profeſſing the rights and religious tenets, and enjoying the liberty of Britain, it is infamy! A Court where, in deſpight of the right of trial by Juries, property is diſpoſed by arbitrary ſentence, and where the groſſeſt acts of inquiſitorial Iniquity are daily practiſed; ſuch as private examination of witneſſes, and ſuppreſſion of evidence: and yet this ſcab upon the conſtitution remains uneradicated.

Sir John Babington, of the Harnham family, acquired the creſt and motto of his coat-armour by a deſperate ſervice under King Henry IV. in France; on his own petition, he was one of ſix young Knights ſent on this duty; and on his leaving the royal preſence, he brandiſhed his ſword, and exclaimed, "Foy eſt tous."*


the ſeat of Sir William Middleton, was next in view: it is built on an eminence, part of the old caſtle remaining. This was part of the family poſſeſſions in the time of King Edward II. The boaſt of pedigree and honourable connections appertains to the Middletons; but it is not pertinent to my work, as that of an Itinerant, to enter upon the field of the Herald, otherwiſe in this family, and that of the Babingtons, there is ſufficient matter to blazon an hundred pages.

[Page 219] On our gaining the ſummit of the eminence, the country opened upon us beautifully; we now looked down upon the rich vale where Wallington ſtands, extending towards the ſouth-eaſt to a great diſtance, terminated by a view of the ſea. The country, before we gained this ſituation, was for ſome miles unpleaſant, little planted, and ill cultivated; but this proſpect recompenſed all the fatigue the eye had endured in the ſameneſs of the preceding paſſage. On the left hand


the ſeat of Gawen Aynſley, Eſq preſented itſelf, ſurrounded with wood. This was one of the Manors of the Barony of Prudhoe, and appertained to the Fenwicks.* By the eſcheats of the 10th of Queen Elizabeth, it appears then to have become the poſſeſſion of the Aynſleys of Shaftoe. In the depth of the vale, we paſſed


the ſeat of Sir William Loraine, a pleaſant retirement. It was one of the Manors of the Barony of Bolbeck, and the poſſeſſion of Sir Robert de Harle, in the reign of Edward III. but ſoon after became the property of the family of Loraines. One of this houſe, Robert Loraine, [Page 220] was ſlain by the Moſs Troopers, near his own manſion; in memory of which a pillar was erected.

We advanced to


the ſeat of the late Sir Walter Calverley Blackett, Bart. and now of Sir John Trevelyan, his nephew and heir. This was one of the Manors of the Barony of Bolbeck, and the ancient poſſeſſion of the Greys. In the reign of Edward II. it was held by one of that family called John, uſually ſtiled John de Wallington: it afterwards became the inheritance of the Strothers, by marriage of the heireſs of Robert de Wallington: from the Strothers it came to the Fenwicks, by the marriage of John Fenwick, of Fenwick Tower, with Maria the third daughter and one of the coheireſſes of William Del Strother, and remained in [Page 221] that family from the reign of King Henry IV. till Sir John Fenwick ſold it to Sir William Blackett in the reign of King William III.*

Wallington Houſe is a handſome ſtone ſtructure, but from the mode of architecture, doth not ſeem to take its date in this century. Before the ſouth front is a pretty paſture ground, inclining to the brook of Wanſbeck: at the eaſt front is the grand approach, having a circular coach road, with a beautiful green plot, parterres, and flowering ſhrubs: plantations and covered walks cloſe it to the north, and conceal the offices: the gardens ſeem well diſpoſed, on a warm inclination, and the whole makes a pleaſing rural appearance, without any intruſion of coſtly ornaments and laboured works. In the whole compoſition, there is a degree of taſte mixed with a countenance of ruſticity, which characterizes an agreeable retirement. Nothing is ſo diſpleaſing to the eye, as temples, pagodas, columns, pyramids, Gothic banquetting-houſes, and modern ruins, jumbled into a few acres, with that confuſion and want of taſte, which over-loaded opulence often diſgorges round a modern villa. True taſte is attached to nature ſo intimately, that each diſpoſition by art muſt be made to heighten her beauties, not to diſtort her, and over-burthen the ſcene with a progeny adopted from all the quarters of the earth. A bad ſituation cannot be changed; nay it is not even improved by gorgeous works: a load of edifices is only like finery on a deformed object—but diſpoſe the works of art in a juſt adaption to the ſituation, and in the mode pointed out by nature, and they grow into elegance.

The nearer proſpect from Wallington over the vale is rich; to the ſouth-eaſt the view is extenſive, though not much variegated: in a clear atmoſphere the ſea is viſible from thence, at the extream of a level not leſs than twenty miles in length.

[Page 222] In entering theſe demeſnes, the benevolent character of the late owner inſtantly occurred to my mind. What dreadful inſtruments are greatneſs, riches, and power, in the hands of tyranny and malevolence; but what bleſſings do they not pour forth from the good and wiſe. How deteſtable is authority under ſome characters, which it would be invidious to name; but how lovely is power in the poſſeſſion of others. Such characteriſticks have marked the life of this man, as will immortalize his memory; and as he eminently poſſeſſed whilſt living, (ſo will Fame tranſmit to futurity his name and virtues accompanied with) THE UNIVERSAL LOVE OF MANKIND.*

The Inn beyond Wallington, on the Rothbury road at

1.80. CAMBO,

commands a fine view of the vale we had paſſed. The aſcent for more than a mile is gradual, and the road in a direct line from Wallington, ſo that the hedge rows form a viſta, terminated by the dome of the offices, which has an agreeable effect. The proſpect here is extenſive and noble; ſome coalworks to the right deform the nearer ground, but all beyond is of that happy compoſition, which cultivation, mixing with natural woods and fanciful plantations, give the landſkip; object decreaſing after object, and ſtretching from the eye till mingled in the azure of the atmoſphere, in which all the horizon lay ſoftened and blended.

Cambo was the ſeat of Sir Robert de Camhoe in the time of King Henry III.

The way from thence to Rothbury is very crooked, and by croſs roads rendered perplexed. About Wallington we ſaw ſome guide-poſts, but in few other places in the country, and ſeveral of thoſe having been painted, were obliterated, and only mocked our anxiety. Many bridges give eaſy paſſage over the brooks, but their flanks are ſuffered to be walled up or cloſed, ſo that the traveller is deprived of the neceſſary [Page 223] refreſhment for his cattle. The carts were paſſing unmarked, and their drivers inſolent to a high degree.

We had a view of Rothbury Caſtle at the diſtance of ſome miles; the ſituation appeared rugged and uncommon. On the ſide which then preſented itſelf, we could diſcern diſtinctly no more than the ſquare tower and part of its flankings, placed on a conſiderable eminence, of a rocky and barren aſpect. By not taking the proper road, we were led almoſt round this edifice, which we viewed with no ſmall degree of impatiency. When we came to look upon the northern front, our curioſity was ſomewhat ſlackened, but nevertheleſs we paſſed down the road about half a mile, and having climbed the fence, aſcended the ſteep to the building. The fatigue was but ill recompenſed, for we found this object of our anxious curioſity, no other than an ornamental ſtructure, compoſed of a ſquare tower, flanked with a curvated wall, embattled, and pierced with loop-holes, and each wing terminated with a baſtion: the ſituation romantick, on the brink of a broken precipice. The ſides of this hill, to the weſt and ſouth, preſent a ſhaken and tremendous rocky ſteep, rent into vaſt impending columns and maſſive tables; the ſtones of enormous bulk, in many places hang on each other in ſuch looſe poſitions, as if ready to fall into the vale; forming caverns and receſſes, and rude heaps of rocks of a moſt wild and groteſque appearance. To decorate (I preſume) this noble ſcene, the awkward images of a goat and a ſtaring ſtag, delight the paſſing children.—On reſorting to my book of notes, I find they carry the countenance of peeviſhneſs, but as they are juſt, I will tranſcribe them. The ſouthern front opens on a ſmall plain, naturally of a circular form, ſcattered over with huge heads of griffins, broken cornices, and enſigns of Calverly (the lamb and flag of Grace) ſculptured on white free-ſtone; in the midſt of which ſtand two prepoſterous effigies, repreſentative of no known dreſs, perſonage, or people. And to give the coup de grace to this compoſition, enormous ribs, jaw-bones, and members of a whale, are faſtened to the walls for decorations. We entered the tower, in which, by way of tables, are three large rude unhewed ſtones, one in the center, and one in each receſs at the ſides, benched with ſimilar ſtones: pretty enough for the reception of Thomas of Hick-a-thrift or Jack the Giant-killer.

We had from this plot one of the moſt extenſive views in Northumberland. Eaſtward we overlooked the vale which opened upon us at Wallington, on which many gentlemen's ſeats were ſcattered, mingled with [Page 224] woody plots—very remote objects give little pleaſure to the eye, except what it derives from the diverſity of colouring—the ſea formed the diſtant horizon. To the ſouthward we had a view of Cambo and the hills beyond Wallington, with Mr Delaval's tower, the deformity of which might now be forgot, for the agreeable obeliſk it gave to the proſpect from hence. The weſtern view was more confined, but wholly cultivated, and the north frowned in rocks, mountains, and barren heath. In deſcending the hill, a curvated canal preſented itſelf, margined with young plantations, on whoſe border a tent was pitched. This was one of Sir Walter's retreats. The family being there, we did not viſit Rothly Houſe.

We paſſed Codgey Crag, a ſtupendous cliff, crowned with another uncouth ornament, in the ſtile of the former.

It is remarkable in this paſſage to Rothbury, in many parts where we could view a tract country for the diſtance of three or four miles, all conſiſting of cultivated land, the farm-houſes were ſo very diſtant, and the inhabitants few, that for miles we did not perceive a human being in the whole circle. The fields did not engage people in tillage, and the roads were almoſt without paſſengers, ſo that a ſtranger at midday, might wander far from the way leading to the place of his deſtination, before he could correct his miſtake. Where tillage is neglected, and large farms are thrown into graſs, it muſt be the caſe; the country is depopulated, the induſtrious labourer cannot procure bread, and an engroſſing farmer, in a ſtate of indolence, grows opulent by his herds, &c. at the loſs to community, of thoſe members of the commonwealth in whom the ſtrength of the nation conſiſts, who are, by a deplorable neceſſity, driven to emigrate; an event which will at once ſap the ſtate, and impoveriſh the ſubject. Boys who would otherwiſe have been employed in huſbandry, are bound out to manufactories; our manufacturers are grown more numerous than trade can maintain; the huſbandman's labour is not wanted, his hands are ſhifted to a different employ; and the hardy race of Britons are ſunk into a ſtate of imbecillity, and reduced to the languid and meagre ſhadows of men, who hang upon the loom. The difficulty of recruiting the army and manning the navy will every day increaſe—the reſources are taken away. Not one-fourth part of the number of families are employed in huſbandry in the north, there was forty years ago. This was a nurſery for the army and the fleet. The enlarging farms, and [Page 225] reducing the tillage, is a capital error, which though ſlow in its conſequences, yet is as ſure as fate. Subſtituting the horſe for the ox in huſbandry, is a miſtaken maxim, which for a temporary profit has crept in upon us: the ox was advancing in value, and increaſing the ſupply of the market as he laboured: the horſe takes twice the maintenance, conſuming a vaſt portion of grain, and his price is ſinking yearly into nothing. Not expoſing the neceſſaries of life in open market, is another matter that prejudices the poor, by increaſing prices; an artificial ſcarcity is thereby much eaſier to be effected. I am bold to ſay, that if a law was made to oblige plowing by oxen, and to enforce every article of the farmer to be brought to open market to be ſold within a limitted time, we ſhould experience much greater plenty. Of my own knowledge, wheat, (when 6s. 6d. the Wincheſter buſhel) in immenſe quantities, has been kept up till ſpoiled, and made fit for nothing but hogs. I cannot avoid adopting Mr Pennant's ſentiments on a view of the like kind. Speaking of his entry into Northumberland at Cornhill, he ſays, ‘All this country is open, deſtitute of trees, and almoſt even of hedges; for hedges are in their infancy in theſe parts, as it is not above ſeven or eight years ſince they have been introduced —the land is fertile, ſwells into gentle riſings, and is rich in corn. It is miſerably depopulated; a few great farm-houſes and hamlets appear rarely ſcattered over the vaſt tracts. There are few farms of leſs value than 150l. a year. They are generally three, four, or five hundred; and I heard of one poſſeſſed by a ſingle family, that even reached twenty-five hundred: in this was a ſingle field of 3000 acres, and which took 600 bolls of ſeed wheat, of ſix Wincheſter buſhels each. A humour fatal to the commonwealth prevails over many parts of the north, of flinging numbers of ſmall tenements into a large one, in order to ſave the expence of building; or perhaps to avoid the multiplicity of receipts, lay a whole country into a ſheep walk. Theſe devour poor men's houſes, and expel the ancient inhabitants from their fire-ſides, to ſeek their bread in a ſtrange land. I have heard of a character (I forgot the ſpot it curſes) that is too barbarous and infamous to be overlooked; which has ſo little feeling, as to depopulate a village of 200 ſouls, and to level their houſes to the ground; to deſtroy eight or ten farm-houſes on an eſtate of 1000l. a year, for the ſake of turning almoſt the whole into a ſheep walk.— There he lives, and there he may long live his own tormentor! deteſting, deteſted by all mankind. Wark and Learmouth, once conſiderable [Page 226] places, are now ſcarcely inhabited. The laſt formerly a great market town, is now reduced to a ſingle farm-houſe. The inhabitants have long ſince been diſperſed, forced to exchange the wholſome, the vigorous, the innocent lives of the rural oeconomiſts, for the ſickly ſhort-lived employs of manufacturers in Birmingham and other great towns, where diſeaſe, and often corrupted morals, cauſe double the conſumption of people as would happen were they permitted to enjoy their ancient ſeats. The want of labourers begins to be ſenſibly felt. As a proof, they are retained by the year; and policy dictates to their employers the affording them good wages: each has his cottage, a a piece of land gratis, and a ſhilling a day in ſummer and ten-pence in winter. I call this good pay, in a country which ought to be very cheap; if not, what are the fine effects of the great improvements? The Spectator ſpeaks much of the deſerts of the man that raiſes two ears of corn where one grew before. But who will point out the man who has the ſoul to make his poor brethren feel the happy effects of his art? I believe, that at preſent there are numbers who have raiſed ten for one that were known a few years ago. It would be natural to ſuppoſe that plenty would introduce cheapneſs; but till the providential plenty of the preſent year, corn was exactly double the value of what it was 14 years paſt. Yet the plenty of money has not been found doubled by the poor manufacturer or labourer. The land owner in the north hath taken full care of himſelf. A farm of 75l. per annum 20 years ago, has been lately ſet for 365l. Another of 230l. will be ſoon ſet for 1000l. per annum. An eſtate was bought in 1759 for 6800l. it conſiſted of 1560 acres, of which 750 have been ſold for 8400l. and all theſe improvements reſult from the unprincipled and iniquitous notion, of making the buyer of the produce pay not only to ſatisfy the demand of the landlord, but to enable the farmer to make a princely fortune, and to live with a luxury the ſhame of the times. They have loſt the reſpectable character of the Old Engliſh Yeomanry, by too cloſe an imitation of the extravagant follies of their betters.’

‘The oxen of theſe parts are very fine; a pair has been ſold for 65l. the weight of one was 168 ſtone. The mountain ſheep are ſold for half a guinea a piece, the lowland ewes for a guinea; the weathers for a guinea and a half; the beſt wool from 16 to 18s. the ſtone of 23 pounds and a half.’

[Page 227] We now approached


the whole country in view, conſiſting of rocky ſteeps, lofty hills crowned with heath, and others compoſed of nothing but naked ſtones: a mountainous and rugged proſpect, dreary and deſolate. The breez which broke up the vale from the north-weſt, afforded us the true effect, which under the deſcriptive phraſe of "howling in the wilderneſs," had heretofore conveyed to my mind an image rather poetically extravagant than true: but here it was juſtly deſcriptive, for as it paſſed over the naked ſteeps and rugged cliffs, its ſound could not be deſcribed by any other expreſſion.

We deſcended into this deſolate vale, down a very ſteep and ſtony road, barrenneſs and rocks on every hand; but on paſſing a little projecting eminence, were agreeably ſurprized by the opening of the hills, and it was not long before we had a ſight of Whitton Tower, and ſoon after Rothbury preſented itſelf, ſeated in the neck of a narrow cultivated glen; a ſituation perfectly ſequeſtered, and ſecure from ſtorms: ſome pretty fields opening to the ſouth-weſt, where the valley is enlarged.

This is a ſmall irregular town on the river Coquet, without any thing remarkable but its ſituation:* it has a market on Thurſdays, and three annual fairs on Whit-Monday, 21ſt September, and Thurſday preceding All-hallows day. This was the Barony of Roger Fitz-Roger, Baron of Warkworth and Clavering, in the reign of King John, with which he held a free foreſt, with all its appendages, except the goods of felons, which at that time was ſo beneficial a perquiſite, as to merit a reſervation in the royal grant. It remained in that family till the [Page 228] laſt Lord Clavering granted it to the Crown in the reign of King Edward I. King Edward III. gave it to Henry Lord Percy, and it is now part of the poſſeſſions of his Grace the Duke of Northumberland.

We were led to view a natural curioſity, as it is termed, called the Thrumb, which is almoſt a mile from the town—a cut formed by nature in the rocks of the river's channel, where the ſtream for about 160 yards is pent in ſuch narrow bounds that a man may leap over—not at all curious, or worthy our attention; little preferable to a mill-race. But here we had the misfortune to meet with an impertinent drunken Innkeeper, whoſe over-officiouſneſs and loquacity led us out of the way.

Another remarkable circumſtance befel us here; on obtaining change for a piece of gold from a neighbouring ſhop, the money was ſo lately and ſo unſkilfully prepared, that on turning it over, the quickſilver ſtood in globules upon it: the metal was chiefly copper.—We ſet forward for Wooler, having our minds furniſhed with diſagreeable ideas, which our fellow-creatures too often excite. Vices and frauds have acceſs to the moſt ſequeſtered vales; for ſuch were firſt inhabited by outlaws and robbers.

In the neighbourhood of Rothbury, to the eaſt, is a circular entrenchment, called Old Rothbury, formed on an eminence, with a double trench and rampier of earth: one of thoſe ſtrongholds to which the inhabitants were obliged to retire on the incurſions of the Scots.*

About three miles up Coquet is

1.82. HEPPLE,

the Barony of Iva Tailbois in the reign of King Henry III. in whoſe family it continued till the reign of King Edward III. when it became the poſſeſſion of the Ogles of Ogle Caſtle. It is now the eſtate of his Grace the Duke of Portland.

To the north, about two miles, is


an old tower, once the poſſeſſion of the Ratcliffs, and after them of the Widdringtons: now the eſtate of Mr Alcock of Newcaſtle.

[Page 229] Further up the Coquet is


where Paulinus is ſaid to have converted and baptized many thouſands of the Saxons. A ſmall priory for about eight Benedictine Nuns ſtood here, founded by one of the Humfranvils of Harbottle Caſtle, by whom it was endowed.* Its revenues were increaſed by Roger Bertram, Baron of Mitford. The two livings of Carſonſide and Harbottle were conſolodated by Richard Kelloe, Biſhop of Durham, by his deed dated Nono die Februarii Anno Domini 1311, at the deſire of Lord Richard Unfranvill, who entering into holy orders, had the cure thereof. There are no remarkable remains of the priory: at the diſſolution the revenue of the houſe was valued at 11l. 5s. 6d. by Dugdale, and 15l. 10s. 8d. by Speed.


lays about a mile to the weſtward: in the year 1314 it was demoliſhed by the Scots, but aftewards reſtored. This was part of the poſſeſſions of the Unfranvills of Pruddowe. On the attainder of Sir William Tailbois, to whom the inheritance of Unfranvills deſcended, this caſtle came to the Crown, and now belongs Percival Clennel, Eſq It ſtands upon the banks of Coquet, and in the time of King Edward I. was a formidable fortreſs, ſuſtaining a deſperate attack from the whole body of Scots, on their incurſion in the year 1296; who after laying before it two days, were obliged to raiſe the ſiege. It was of ſome conſequence [Page 230] in the reign of King Henry VIII. being the place of retirement of Margaret* Queen Dowager of Scotland, his ſiſter, on her marriage with the Earl of Angus. Lady Mary Douglas, her daughter, was born here, 1518. This caſtle at preſent is totally in ruins.—We now returned to Rothbury, and took the road to Whittingham.

Four miles of our way lay through as barren a country as I have yet ſeen: in this tract there was neither human or brute animal to be obſerved: ſheep or goats, if ſuch there were, hid themſelves in the dells: which ever way the eye was caſt, mountains, bogs, rocks, and heath compoſed the proſpect; the road was rough and full of ſtones, the ground on each hand broken and grown with heath, and the waters which ran in a thouſand channels, were red with their metalick quality. A laſſitude and impatiency took poſſeſſion of the mind, and we travelled with diſpleaſure; but happily for us the vale of


lay in our way, an extenſive rich cultivated valley, where every object was highly pleaſing, after the ſad contraſt nature had caſt in our paſſage: the fields are well fenced with quickſets, the ſoil luxuriant, the crops of corn ſtanding in ſheafs, were rich to the higheſt degree, the meadows finely verdant, the houſes well built and roofed with tyle, the roads open, the ſheep and cattle of a large breed, and every object wore the countenance of opulence. On Inquiry, we were ſurprized to find 8s. an acre per annum was the average price for land there: the huſbandry we remarked was modern and improved. This happy vale was near four miles wide, in the part we croſſed it in our way to Wooler.

Before we deſcended to Whittingham, we viſited


the ancient houſe of the Claverings. In the reign of King Henry III. [Page 231] Gilbert de Callaley being ſeized of theſe demeſnes, granted them to Robert Fitz Roger, Baron of Warkworth and Clavering, from whom it has deſcended to the preſent owner, Ralph Clavering, Eſq How long it was the poſſeſſion of the Callaleys is not known.

The houſe ſtands on the ſouth ſide of the brook Callaley, in a low ſituation, and retains part of the old ſtructure. There is a pretty grove adjoining, in a whimſical figure called the Star, being octagonal. Near to Callaley is a high hill, called Caſtle Hill, with a circular intrenchment; one of thoſe exploratory mounts ſo frequently ſeen on the borders; from whence a very extenſive proſpect is had of the vales of Coquet, Whittingham, and Glendale.

About two miles to the eaſt of Whittingham road, near where we turned off to Callaley, is


the ſeat of the Fenwicks,* a handſome modern houſe, commanding a fine view of the valley of Whittingham. Around this manſion are thoſe agreeable ſcenes diſperſed which riſing plantations give. The preſent Mr Fenwick is a great promoter of that material improvement, planting; for which he lately received an honourable premium.

[Page 232] Near Lemington, to the ſouthward, lays


anciently the Caſtle of the family of Haſtings, and of Sir Roger Haſtings in the reign of King Henry VIII. it afterwards became the poſſeſſion of the Swinburns,* and is now the property of Sir Edward Swinburn, Bart. This place retains no ſingular marks of antiquity.

From the village of Whittingham, about a mile to the weſt, is


the ſeat of Henry Lord Ravenſworth, Baron of Ravenſworth in the county of Durham. It was formerly the poſſeſſion of Eſlingtons, and of Allan de Eſlington in the time of King Henry III. it paſſed to the Haſleriggs, and after them to the Collingwoods, in whoſe family it continued from the reign of King Henry VIII. to that of King George I.

It is a modern and elegant houſe, but placed in a low ſituation on the banks of the Aln. A pretty lawn hangs upon the brink of the river which forms a fine canal, the oppoſite riſings are ornamented with a ſhrubbery.

From the walk above the plantations, there is a moſt excellent proſpect of cultivated ſcenes, finely terminated: the vale of Whittingham, with all its rural richneſs, is extended in front, ſurmounted by the grove of Callaley, and its conic mount called Caſtle Hill: to the eaſtward, Lemington with its riſing plantations, Bolton Park, and Broom Park are in view: to the north, Glanton, Titlington, and the woods of Shawdon; the whole forming an extenſive circus, ſhut in on every ſide [Page 233] by heathy mountains and rocky ſteeps, diſpoſed at an agreeable diſtance, and contraſting in a beautiful manner with the nearer objects.


eſtates of the Collingwoods, lay within the diſtance of a mile, the Manſion-houſe at Ryle now totally in ruins. To the weſt is


the ancient ſeat of the Selbys, and of Sir Walter Selbye in the reign of King Edward III. who loſt his head for maintaining with great bravery the Caſtle of Lidell againſt David King of Scotland, who beſieged it with an immenſe army.* It is now the Manſion of Thomas Selby, Eſq has a romantic ſituation, and commands a view of the Coquet river. At

1.93. BOLTON,

about two miles from Whittingham, was an Hoſpital, founded by Robert de Roſs, who was Baron of Wark, before the year 1225, for a Maſter, three Chaplains, 13 Lepers, and other lay brethren, and was dedicated to St Thomas the Martyr or the Holy Trinity. It was ſubordinate to the abbey of Rival, and the priory of Kirkham, in Yorkſhire.

Soon after the diſſolution this Hoſpital became the property of the Collingwoods of Eſlington; it was afterwards the poſſeſſion of the family of Browns, and is now the eſtate of Matthew Forſter, Eſq

In Hollingſhead's Chronicle we find this place remarkable for a Congreſs on the 5th of September, 5 King Henry VIII. before the battle of Branxton; where were preſent, Thomas Howard Earl of Surry, Lords Clifford, Coniers, Ogle, Scroope, and Lumley, Sir William Percy, Lionel Percy, Sir George Darcy, Sir William Bulmer of Brancepeth Caſtle, in [Page 234] the county of Durham, and Richard Tempeſt, Eſq with their attendants and 26,000 troops.

Not far from Bolton is Glanton Pike, a mount of a conic form, formerly a beacon hill, commanding an extenſive proſpect.

Near this place ſeveral ſtone cheſts have been diſcovered, three feet in length and two feet in breadth, with urns of ordinary pottery, containing aſhes, charcoal, and remains of ſcorched human bones; and not far diſtant was lately found a Celt.* Theſe ſepultures are of the remoteſt antiquity.

At the village of


is a Seat of a branch of the Ogle family, now poſſeſſed by Ralph Ogle, Eſq in which neighbourhood lays

1.95. BEANLY,

formerly the Barony of the Earls of Dunbar. Patrick Earl of Dunbar loſt it by bearing arms in aid of the Scots againſt King Edward III. that King gave it to Henry Lord Percy, and it is now part of the poſſeſſions of his Grace the Duke of Northumberland. On Beanly Moor is a large circular intrenchment.

To the weſt of the road is

1.96. RODHAM,

poſſeſſed by the family of that name for many ages. We find them in the eſcheats of 49 King Henry III.* The Manſion-houſe is modern.

On Roſedean Edge, in this neighbourhood, is a large ſquare intrenchment, from whence, at the diſtance of three miles, you view Bewick Hill, a ſemicircular intrenchment, with a double Foſs and Vallum, defended to the weſt by a ſteep precipice. The entrance on the ſouth is formed by a hollow way, defended by large ſtones placed with their edges in the earth, ſo as to make a ſtrong breaſt-work.

In this neighbourhood is a Cataract, called


falling 56 perpendicular feet, which paſſing over ſeveral pointed rocks, makes a fine white ſheet of foam. The rock from which the ſtream precipitates is naked, and hath none of thoſe pictureſque beauties which grace the water-fall at Hareſhaw Linn, near Bellingham.

[Page 237] On a hill a mile weſt of Alnham, is a ſemicircular incampment, the points of the creſcent facing the eaſt, ſeem to have formed the entrance. It is defended by two high outward rampiers and a deep foſs, and an inner circle of ſtones, which appear uncemented. The interior area, about 100 yards diameter, ſhews many remains of buildings.

At the village of


on the weſt of the road, is the ancient Seat of the family of Ildertons: We find them poſſeſſors of this place in the reign of King Edward I. as appears by the eſcheats of that time. The preſent owner, Thomas Ilderton, Eſq *

Near the 28th mile ſtone, a road leads off to

1.99. LILBURN,

the ancient poſſeſſion of the Lilburns; after them it became the eſtate of the Clennels, and is now one of the ſeats of Henry Collingwood of Cornhill, Eſq The ancient Tower and Manſion of the Lilburns is in ruins.


in the next place engaged our attention, the Seat of the Earl of Tankerville. This was the ancient Seat and Manor of the heroic race of Greys of Wark; one of whom lays entombed in the church, under an elegant monument, ornamented richly, and having the recumbent effigies of a Knight and his Lady.

[Page 238] The Caſtle, ſituate on an eminence, is of the order of building uſed in the reign of Queen Elizabeth: it has an open area in the center, from whence you aſcend by many ſteps into a balluſtrade, ornamented with the effigies of Britiſh warriors armed, cut in ſtone. The apartments are awkward and ſmall, and the communications irregular. Here are ſeveral good portraits, a full length of Lord Chancellor Bacon, another of Lord Treaſurer Burleigh; a gaudy painting of Buckingham, in a white ſattin gilded veſt, gold and white ſtriped breeches, effeminate and fantaſtical; a good portrait of King Charles; a picture of James II. of the moſt unhappy countenance.

In one of the apartments Mr Wallis ſays is a marble chimney-piece; in ſawing which from the block, a live toad was diſcovered therein. The nidus where the animal lodged, as it was diſagreeable to the eye, by order of the late Earl, was filled with cement. We enquired after this curioſity, but the houſekeeper knew nothing of it. We ſaw a painting of this phaenomenon, ſubſcribed to which were the Latin ſtanzas given in the notes.* The toad, if as large as repreſented in the painting, was wonderful indeed, for ſize as well as its exiſtence, being near as big as a hat crown. It is not poſſible to look upon this object without giving paſſage to ſome reflections of the following order:—How wonderful are all the works of Providence; but how incomprehenſible is the exiſtence of this animal!—ſhut up in the boſom of a mountain, caſed in a rock of marble, perhaps an hundred feet from the ſurface; living without air, or ſuch only as ſhould pervade the veins of this ſtone; exiſting without other diet, than the dews which might paſs through the texture of marble; deprived of animal conſolations, without light, without liberty, without an aſſociate of its kind. It depoſited here, when the [Page 239] matter which incloſed it was ſoft, and before it gained its conſiſtency as marble, how many ages ought we to number in its life; for multitudes of years muſt have paſſed, to reduce any ſoft ſubſtance, in a courſe of nature, to the ſtate of this ſtone. One may aſk, why did it not periſh in the univerſal wreck of animal exiſtence? and at what age of the world were theſe mountains of marble firſt formed? The inquiry leads to a maze of perplexity; like the ingenious Mr Brydon's inſpection of the ſtratas of Etnaean Lava, all adopted chronology ſinks in the view; and years are extended on the age of creation beyond every thing but Chineſe calculation.

In Chillingham Park are ſtill preſerved a breed of wild cattle, called the White Scottiſh Biſon; it is ſaid they cannot be tamed, having ſo remarkable a fierceneſs in their nature. Mr Penant, in his Tour in Scotland and Voyage to the Hebrides, p. 109, under the title Drumlanrig, gives the following deſcription of them: "In my walks about the park, ſee the white breed of wild cattle, derived from the native race of the country, and ſtill retain the primaeval ſavageneſs and ferocity of their anceſtors; were more ſhy than any deer; ran away on the appearance of any of the human ſpecies, and even ſet off at full gallop on the leaſt noiſe; ſo that I was under the neceſſity of going very ſoftly under the ſhelter of trees or buſhes, to get a near view of them: during ſummer they keep apart from all other cattle, but in ſevere weather hunger will compel them to viſit the outhouſes in ſearch of food. The keepers are obliged to ſhoot them, if any are wanted: if the beaſt is not killed on the ſpot, it runs at the perſon who gave the wound, and who is forced, in order to ſave himſelf, to fly for ſafety to the intervention of ſome tree.

"Theſe cattle are of a middle ſize, have very long legs, and the cows are fine horned: the orbits of the eyes and the tips of the noſes are black; but the bulls have loſt the manes attributed to them by Boethius."

Near Chillingham are two circular intrenchments; and at New Town, a mile to the weſtward of Chillingham, is a ſtone croſs twelve feet high, called the Hurle Stone; of which I could procure no account.

A little northward from Chillingham is the village of

1.101. FOWBURY,

the poſſeſſion of the Fowburys in the reign of King Edward I. afterwards [Page 240] of the family of the Strothers, and now of Sir Francis Blake of Twizell. A mile from thence is


the eſtate of the Greys of Howick, formerly the Seat of a younger branch of the Greys of Heton.*

This is a deplorable part of the country for a ſtranger to be benighted in; the heavy vapours which frequently envelope the hills the whole day, as frequently attend the advance of night into the vale, as it happened to us, and brings on a darkneſs truly to be felt; whilſt there there is no houſe, inhabitant, or paſſenger, for miles, to direct your way.

We were thankful when we gained ſight of the Inn at Wooler Haugh; the court-yard, which we deſcended into from the road, was crowded indeed with waggons and carriages, and the lights in the ſtables ſhewed there were ſeveral gueſts in the houſe, but of what quality and denomination, we could not divine. When we alighted, the hoſtler looked to be in ſome confuſion; but we did not deviſe the reaſon, being willing not to premiſe any thing to our diſadvantage at that time of night, in the rain, and in a country not known to any of us. We were met by a jolly hoſteſs at the door, who deſired us, with all the courteſy of a civil publican, to walk in. We were introduced to the kitchen, and required to air our cloaths, till the people got lights and prepared a room. It was now time to conſider the ſcene; the kitchen ſmelled rank of cooking, for there was as much buſtle, as if they were preparing a hecatomb: the room was populous to a degree, for the miſtreſs and two jolly nymphs her daughters ſtickled in the cookery, whilſt there went backward and forward, in and out, hoſtlers, livery ſervants, carriers, and ſavages of various denominations, in the utmoſt confuſion; carrying, ſeeking, fetching, or calling for innumerable matters, like the confuſion of Babel, in the greateſt agitation and emergency. When [Page 241] we had leiſure to think, we were at a loſs to conceive what had occaſioned this hurricane, in which we had ſo awkwardly involved ourſelves, at this little houſe under a hill, in the wilds of Wooler; but outward objects embarraſſed all thinking to that degree, that our minds remained overwhelmed in what the eye communicated, or what diſtracted the ear; and like fellows that were faſcinated, we forbore to make our eſcape. The table was covered with mangled joints of victuals; above us, before us, on this hand and on that, was the noiſe of tumultuous companies, creating that diſcordance of ſounds; which diſtracts an Inn at a fair;—hallowing, laughing, ringing of bells, beating on tables, menaces, oaths, female titterations, and muſic were in the compoſition. My companion in a whiſper ſays, "Where the devil have we got to?" I would have told him, if it had been in my power: I found myſelf totally embarraſſed, till at length this horrid diſcordance rouzed me, and on expreſſing uneaſineſs at not being ſhewn to our apartment, we were told the room was clearing of its preſent poſſeſſors, who were going to bed. Startled at ſuch intelligence, we began to doubt what would be our accommodations, and that we might have occaſion to diſplace the ſame race of viſitants a ſecond time, before we could poſſeſs any beds: in defiance of the weather, a night as dark as Erebus, and a road unknown, we thought it more prudent to ſet forward for Wooler town, diſtant near two miles; and accordingly left this place to the ſportſmen who occupied it on their moor ſhooting parties, and to the carriers and horrid wretches who barricadoed it without.

At the Black Bull Inn, in Wooler, we ended the anxieties of the evening, in comfortable lodgings, and every accommodation a traveller could hope for.

1.103. WOOLER

is a conſiderable town, holding a weekly market on Thurſday, and two annual fairs on the 26th of April and 6th of October:* it was the ancient Barony of the Muſchamps, as appears by the eſcheats of King Henry III. afterwards it came to the Greys of Wark, and is now the property of the Earl of Tankerville. On a circular mount near the [Page 242] town, are the remains of a tower, apparently as ancient as the time of the Muſchamps. By the eſcheats of the reign of King Richard II. it appears there was an Hoſpital here dedicated to Mary Magdalen. In the neighbourhood of Wooler are ſeveral intrenchments and kairns; one at a place called Cattle Well, which has the name of Maiden Caſtle, and another, a very conſiderable one, at Trodden Gares.

Wooler is ſituate to the eaſt of Cheviots, in an ill cultivated country, under the influence of vaſt mountains, from whence it is ſubject to impetuous rains. It is a place of great reſort in the ſummer months, for invalids to drink goats milk or whey. The church is placed on a fine eminence, and having been lately rebuilt, is commodious. It is ſaid the mother church was at Fenton, on the eaſt ſide of the river Till, now totally in ruins.

Our amuſement in the ſucceeding morning was among ſuch hills, as have ſeldom been thought acceſſable by parties of pleaſure. By Humbledon Burn, on an eaſy inclination, is an intrenchment called Green Caſtle; and on Humbledon Hugh, about a mile to the northweſt of Wooler, is a circular intrenchment, with a large kairn. The ſide of the hill is cut in various terraces, riſing above each other. This ſeems to have been calculated for a temporary fort, and the mode generally practiſed in ancient times in this part of the country. Many of thoſe terraces are formed with great exactneſs, about 20 feet in breadth. In ſome places there are three of thoſe flights or terraces; in others I obſerved five, placed in regular gradations, one above the other. Theſe were outworks of an important nature, to defend a body of Chiefs, or a valuable booty, which occupied the crown of a hill. The original mode I preſume was Daniſh, though thoſe works are properly attributed to the Scotch and Engliſh before the battle in 1402. The ſummit of a hill being levelled, I conceive received the officers of higheſt rank and the moſt valuable effects of the camp; to which the platforms riſing above each other, and encircling the hill, when filled with troops would make a powerful defence.

In the plain beneath is a ſtone pillar, denoting the ground where 10,000 of the Scots, under Earl Douglas, in the reign of King Henry IV. on Holy-rood-day, 1402, had a great overthrow, by Henry Lord Percy and George Earl of March. Douglas's forces had poſſeſſed the eminence, but his paſſage into Scotland being intercepted by Earl Percy, [Page 243] he was obliged to engage on this plain: the battle was ſo bloody, that the lands gained the name of Redriggs, from the ſlaughter with which they were ſtained. According to Hollingſhead, among the priſoners were the Earls of Fife, Murray, Angus, Athol, Orkney, and Monteath, the Lords Montgomery and Erſkine, and about 80 Knights. Douglas received five wounds and loſt an eye. Being hotly purſued, in the flight 500 Scots were drowned in Tweed, the moſt of their army on this fatal day dying or being priſoners.

The diſpoſition of the Engliſh, was chiefly on an oppoſite mount to that occupied by the Scotch, except their archers, who were arranged on the plain. The Scots were ſo galled by the flights of arrows, to which we may preſume they were extremely expoſed, if marſhalled on thoſe terraces before deſcribed, that they grew impatient of reſtraint, and with their whole force deſcended into the plain, to come to cloſer battle. The Engliſh alſo advanced, their archers retiring in well compacted bodies, to admit the other troops into the line, at the ſame time diſcharging ſuch flights of arrows, as no armour could reſiſt, and thereby the Scots were ſoon broken and thrown into confuſion. Sir John Swinton and Adam Gordon ſeveral times rallied flying parties, and renewed the battle with the greateſt bravery, till they fell among the ſlain. Hiſtorians mention no perſon of note on the ſide of the Engliſh who was ſlain that day, the victory being entirely the work of the archers, the other troops being ſaid not to have engaged.

We arrived at

1.104. YEVERING,

now a mean village, and little regarded by travellers, though once a place of royal reſidence.

Near this place the Scots were defeated on Magdalen-day, in the third year of the reign of King Henry V. 1415, by Sir Robert Humfrevil, then Commander of Roxburgh Caſtle, and the Earl of Weſtmoreland, then Lord Warden of the Marches. The place of this action is denoted by a rude ſtone pillar 14 feet high.*

[Page 244] In Bede we have the following paſſage: "Paulinus coming with the King and Queen into a manor or houſe of the King's, called Ad-Gebrin, at this day Yevering, abode with them 36 days, employed wholly in catechiſing and baptiſing: during which time he did nothing from morning, but inſtruct the people reſorting to him in the ſaving word of Chriſt; and being thus inſtructed, he baptiſed them to the forgiveneſs of their ſins, in the river of Glen, which was hard by. This houſe was in the time of the ſucceeding Kings neglected, and another made for it, in a place called Melnim, now Melfold."

Thus it appears this was a Manor of the Saxon Kings, and was the reſidence of King Edwin and his Queen Ethelburga, after his converſion by Paulinus. This Edwin was afterwards ſlain by Penda and Cedwall, two Tributaries: Ethelburga eſcaped to her brother, Eadbald King of Kent, by whom Paulinus was made Biſhop of Rocheſter. There are not the leaſt remains of any conſiderable ſtructure here, or any thing to denote that a royal palace once exiſted on the ſpot.

The ancient name of Ad-Gebrin, through the aſſiſtance of Mr Bryant's etymologies, alſo leads me to determine this was a royal reſidence, and had one of thoſe high places conſecrated to the worſhip of the Sun. ‘ Ad being in uſe for a ſupreme title, with which both Deities and Kings were honoured, among all the eaſtern nations Ad was a peculiar title, and was originally conferred upon the Sun; and if we may credit Macrobius, it ſignified one, and was ſo interpreted by the Aſſyrians. In ſhort, Ad and Ada ſignified firſt [...], and in a more lax ſenſe, a Prince or Ruler.* From thence, and the evidence of Bede, it is clear the Saxon Kings reſided at this place during ſome part of the Heptarchy.

A reſearch into antiquity naturally produces this effect, that we obtain teſtimonies of the derivation of our cuſtoms, and an early viſitation by eaſtern nations; which latter circumſtance has rather been treated by authors as a fabulous matter, or ſo obſcured by tradition, that it was little credited.

[Page 245] In Mr Bryant's introductory preface, he ſays, ‘It has been obſerved by many of the learned, that ſome particular family betook themſelves very early to different parts of the world; in all which, they introduced their rights and religion, together with the cuſtoms of their country. They repreſent them as very knowing and enterprizing; and with good reaſon. They were the firſt who ventured upon the ſeas and took long voyages. They ſhewed their ſuperiority and addreſs in the numberleſs expeditions which they made, and the difficulties which they ſurmounted. Many have thought that they were colonies from Egypt or from Phoenicia; having a regard only to the ſettlements which they made in the weſt. But I ſhall ſhew hereafter, that colonies of the ſame people are to be found in the moſt extreme parts of the eaſt; where we may obſerve the ſame rites and ceremonies, and the ſame traditional hiſtories, as are to be met with in their other ſettlements. The country called Phoenicia could not have ſufficed for the effecting all that is attributed to theſe mighty adventurers. It is neceſſary for me to acquaint the reader, that the wonderful people to whom I allude, were the the deſcendants of Chus, and called Cuthites and Cuſeans. They ſtood their ground at the general migration of families; but were at laſt ſcattered over the face of the earth. They were the firſt apoſtates from the truth: yet great in worldly wiſdom. They introduced where ever they came many uſeful arts, and were looked up to as a ſuperior order of beings: hence they were ſtiled Heroes, Daemons, Heliadae, Macarians. They were joined in their expeditions by other nations, eſpecially by the colateral branches of their family, the Mizraim, Caphtorim, and the ſons of Canaan. Theſe were all of the line of Ham, who was held by his poſterity in the higheſt veneration. They called him Amon, and having in proceſs of time raiſed him to a divinity, they worſhipped him as the Sun: and from this worſhip they were ſtyled Amonians. This therefore will be the title, by which I ſhall chooſe to diſtinguiſh the people of whom I treat, when I ſpeak of them collectively; for under this denomination are included all of this family, whether they were Egyptians or Syrians, of Phoenicia or of Canaan. ’ To this I will add, what a celebrated French author (treating of the riſe and progreſs of arts and ſciences) ſays, touching the migrations of theſe Eaſterns, to attempt at leaſt a colourable propoſition, touching the time Britain received thoſe viſitants, if not a concluſive one. ‘When we ſpeak of the Phoenicians, we muſt diſtinguiſh the times with accuracy. Theſe people poſſeſſed originally a large extent of countries, compriſed under [Page 246] the name of the land of Canaan. They loſt the greateſt part of it, by the conqueſts of the Iſraelites under Joſhua. The lands which fell in diviſion to the tribe of Aſher, extended to Sidon; that city notwithſtanding was not ſubdued. If the conqueſts of Joſhua took from the Phaenicians a great part of their dominion, they were well paid by the conſequences of that event. In effect the greateſt part of the ancient inhabitants of Paleſtine, ſeeing themſelves threatened with entire deſtruction, had recourſe to flight to ſave themſelves. Sidon offered them an aſylum. By this eruption of the Hebrew people, the Sidonians were enabled to ſend colonies where ever they thought proper. Sidon lent them ſhips, and made good uſe of theſe new inhabitants, to extend their trade and form ſettlements. From hence that great number of colonies, which went from Phoenicia, to ſpread themſelves in all the countries of Africa and Europe. We may date this event, about the year of the world 2553, and 1451 years before Chriſt. Spain was not the only country beyond the pillars of Hercules, which the Phaenicians penetrated. Being familiarized with the navigation of the ocean, they extended themſelves to the left of the Straits of Cadiz, as well as to the right. Strabo aſſures us, that theſe people had gone over a part of the weſtern coaſt of Africa, a little time after the war of Troy. We might perhaps determine their paſſage into England, by a reflection which the reading of the writers of antiquity furniſhes us with: they are perſuaded that all the Tin that was conſumed in the known world came from the Iſles of Caſſitorides; and there is no doubt thoſe Iſles were the Sorlingues and a part of Cornwall. We ſee by the books of Moſes, that in his time Tin was known in Paleſtine. Homer teaches us alſo that they made uſe of this metal in the heroic ages. It ſhould follow then, that the Phaenicians had traded in Britain in very remote antiquity.’—After giving the reader theſe opinions of two authors highly diſtinguiſhed in the literary world, I muſt proceed to the application.

In this wild and mountainous country, the names and marks of antiquity have eſcaped thoſe changes which naturally follow cultivation; and it is in ſuch parts we are to ſearch for the evidences of the moſt remote antiquity exiſting in this kingdom. It is certain the Druids, though they built temples and paid their adoration towards the Sun, always retained ſuch diſtinction in their worſhip, that they looked up to the great Luminary as the Throne, or as the ſymbol and archetype only of the Divinity; which they confeſſed, created and governed the univerſe, and was the ſole ſpirit of exiſtence. It will not follow, that this purity was retained by all the inhabitants of the ſame land, or the ſame mode of worſhip gained an univerſal acceptation among them; many appointed for themſelves places for private adoration, and theſe eminences were moſt aſſuredly the choſen ſpots for devotees, who paying their worſhip to the Sun, might loſs the ſymbolical character, and confounded with ignorance and ſuperſtition, forget the archetype for the object. The name of Bel authorizes me to preſume this place was ſacred to the Sun, it being derived from the Chaldean language, and ſignifying the Sun. Mr Bryant ſays, ‘many worſhipped upon hills, and on the tops of high mountains, imagining that they thereby obtained a nearer communication with heaven. This practice in early times was almoſt univerſal, and every mountain was eſteemed holy. The people who retired to eminences, fancied that they were brought into the vicinity of the powers of the air, and the Deity who reſided in the higher regions. But the chief excellence for which they were frequented, was the Omphi, the Vox divina, being eſteemed a particular revelation from heaven. In ſhort, they looked upon them as the peculiar places, where God delivered his oracles. The word Omphi, ſignifying the Oracle of Ham, who, according to the Egygtian theology, was the ſame as the Sun or Oſiris, he was likewiſe revered as the chief Deity of the Chaldeans, and by moſt of the nations of the Eaſt:’—Having thus ſhewn the choice made by the Ancients of high places, for their adoration, I will next conſider the name of this place, according to the etymologies laid down by Mr Bryant.

[Page 250] Bel, Bal, or Baal, is a Babyloniſh title, appropriated to the Sun; and made uſe of by the Amonians in other countries: particularly in Syria and Canaan. It ſignified [...] or Lord, and is often found compounded with other terms; as Bel-Hamon, and alſo Bel-Shamaim, the great Lord of the heavens. This was a title given by the Syrians to the Sun. By Gib is meant an hill. Gibeon was the hill of the Sun. Nadab the ſon of Jereboam was ſlain at Gib-Ethon of the Philiſtines.* So that Bel-Gebrin is no forced reduction of the preſent name of Yevering Bel, or according to the more ancient name, Bel-ad-Gebron; and denominates the mount of the Sun.

As to the kairn, which I mentioned to be ſituate on the eaſtern point of the area, on the crown of the mount, which is a conical pile, terminating obtuſely, and baſoned as before deſcribed, I preſume its name to be derived from ‘ Keren, which (according to Mr Bryant) ſignifies in its original ſenſe a Horn; but it was a title of the Sun himſelf: for Apollo was named Carneus; which was no other than Cereneus, the ſupreme Deity, the Lord of Light. The Prieſt of Cybele, in Phrygia, was ſtiled Carnas, which was a title of the Deity whom he ſerved.’ Whence it is deducible, that our kairn on the ſummit of this mount, was the place of the altar, where religious rites were performed in the fire worſhip. And the like may be conceived of all thoſe conical mounts called kairns, they being a corruption of "Kir-on, the place of the Sun." In forming theſe kairns, as well the preſent one as others we viſited in this neighbourhood, and one in particular on the crown of one of the higheſt mountains above Newton, called Newton Weſt Tor, the ſtones muſt have been carried up by a multitude of hands, with immenſe labour. Suppoſe by the dimenſions of one of theſe kairns, which meaſured near 40 paces in circumference, that there was contained therein 300 carriage loads of pebbles; we will find the computation of labour and hands to be immenſe, for the conſtruction thereof, when all the materials muſt be borne two miles of ſteep aſcent to this amazing accumulation. I was induced to believe I ſhould diſcover ſome hearth ſtone or altar on the crown of ſome of the kairns, but was diſappointed. Perhaps time and the abhorrence which grew up with Converſion againſt the rites of the heathen, had removed the ſuperſtructure, if any ſuch there had been. There was not one of the kairns I viſited had the regular [Page 251] hollow baſon, but that on the Bell, which was exactly circular, but compoſed of ſtones of a ſmall ſize, as far as I ſearched. On my view, I was immediately perſuaded that all theſe accumulations called kairns, ſituated on mountains and high places, had not proceeded from a paſſion of honouring the dead, but were formed by zealots, who attending their worſhip, carried with them progreſſively a burthen, to add to the grandeur, loftineſs, and immenſity of the ſacred place, where they paid their adoration. The kairn on Yevering is to the eaſt, an object regarded in the ſtructures of the ancient Britons, in the remoteſt antiquity, and by the Eaſterns, in erections of the like uſe. Theſe places have retained their ancient forms, and their firſt names uncorrupted, by reaſon of the mountainous nature of the country. Where cultivation cannot advance, things of this ſort muſt reſt for ages unchanged: it has been the caſe here. Beſides, the inhabitants are few, and thoſe ſubſiſting on the extreme verge of poverty, hourly employed in procuring a ſcanty ſubſiſtence. Add to this the depopulations which war for many ages occaſioned, would prevent thoſe alterations which take place in times of peace. Mr Bryant ſays, ‘The people of Cappadocia and Pontus obſerved the like method of worſhip: and of all ſacrifices whatever, exhibited upon high places, none perhaps ever equalled in magnificence, that which was offered by Mithridates, upon his war with the Romans. He followed the Perſic modes of worſhip, as well as the mixed rites of the Chaldeans and Syrians. Hence he choſe one of the higheſt mountains in his dominions; upon the top of which he reared an immenſe pile, equal in ſize to the ſummit on which it ſtood; and there he ſacrificed to the God of Armies. The pile was raiſed by his vaſſal Princes: and the offerings, beſides thoſe cuſtomary, were wine, honey, oil, and every ſpecies of aromatics. The fire is ſaid to have been perceived at the diſtance of near a thouſand ſtadia.’ So much muſt ſuffice, on this point, and in this place, from innumerable inſtances produced by this learned author.

My next enquiry will be, touching the circumvallation which appears on Yevering Bell; to ſhew that this was a practice with the Ancients, on their conſecrated hills. Mr Bryant ſays, ‘The Helladians and the Perſians were of the ſame family: hence we find many ſimilar rites ſubſiſting among the two nations. The latter adhered to the purer Zabaiſm, which they maintained a long time. They erected the ſame ſacred Tupha (or Tumulus) as the Grecians: and we may be aſſured of the original purpoſe for which theſe hills were raiſed, from the uſe to [Page 252] which they put them. They were dedicated to the great Fountain of Light, called by the Perſians, Anait; and were ſet apart as puratheia, for the celebration of the rites of fire. This people, after they had defeated the Sacae in Cappadocia, raiſed an immenſe Comah, in memorial of their victory. Strabo, * who deſcribes it very minutely, tells us, that they choſe a convenient ſpot, where they reared a Petra, or high place, by heaping up a vaſt mound of earth. This they faſhioned to a conical figure, and then ſurrounded it with a wall of ſtone. In this manner they founded a temple, in honour of Anait. I have mentioned that the Egyptians had hills of this nature, and from them the cuſtom was tranſmitted to Greece.

The circular buildings mentioned to appear on the ſides of the mount, will be the laſt objects which require my attention, before I draw my general concluſion. I confeſs they did not appear to me ſo remarkable as to require taking any admeaſurement; but they are ſpoken of by Mr Wallis, as being very ſingular, and as I did not traverſe all the ſides of the mountain, perhaps thoſe of greater conſequence eſcaped my obſervation; but conceiving that they may be marks of antiquity, among other matters, I will treſpaſs upon the reader with deſcriptions of thoſe circular buildings in the northern parts of this iſland, which have been viſited by learned travellers; and perhaps ſome future viſitor of the Cheviots may be induced to make a narrower ſearch, and more correct inveſtigation. But before I proceed thereto, I will conſider ſome others of Mr Bryant's opinions, which relate generally to my ſubject of Yevering Bell, and particularly to the circular remains.

Mr Bryant informs, ‘that theſe mounts were not only in Greece, but in Egypt, Syria, and moſt parts of the world. They were generally formed by art, being compoſed of earth raiſed very high; which was ſloped gradually, and with great exactneſs: and the top of all was crowned with a fair tower. The ſituation of theſe buildings made them be looked upon as places of great ſafety: and the reverence in which they were held, added to the ſecurity. On theſe accounts they were the repoſitories of much wealth and treaſure: in times of peril they were crowded with things of value. In Aſſyria was a temple named Azara, which the Parthian plundered, and is [Page 253] ſaid to have carried off ten thouſand talents. To ſuch as theſe Solomon alludes, when he makes his beloved ſay, 'I am a wall, and my breaſts like towers.' Though the word Cumah or Comah, be generally rendered a wall; yet I ſhould think, that in this place it ſignified the ground, which the wall ſurrounded: an incloſure ſacred to Cham, the Sun, who was particularly worſhipped in ſuch places. Another paſſage in Solomon: 'We have a little ſiſter, and ſhe hath no breaſts. If ſhe be a Comah, we will build upon her a palace of ſilver.' What is then termed a wall, was a Comah or high place, which had been of old erected to the Sun, by the Jebuſites. The ground ſet apart for ſuch uſe was generally oval; and towards one extremity of the long diameter, as it were in the focus, were theſe mounds and towers erected. For there were many of theſe towers, where they taught aſtronomy, muſic, and other ſciences. Theſe places were likewiſe courts of judicature, where juſtice was adminiſtred.’

In Mr Pennant's Voyage to the Hebrides, we have the following accounts of erections of this kind, near Inverneſs. ‘Viſit the celebrated edifices attributed to the Danes: the firſt is placed about two miles from the mouth of the valley of Glen Elg. The more entire ſide appears of a moſt elegant taper form: the preſent height is thirty feet ſix inches; but in 1722, ſome Goth purloined from the top ſeven feet and a half, under pretence of applying the materials to certain public buildings. By the appearance of ſome ruins that now lie at the baſe, and which have fallen off ſince that time, I believe three feet more may be added to the height, which will make the whole about forty-one feet.’

‘The whole is built with dry walls, but the courſes moſt beautifully diſpoſed. On one ſide is a breach of at leaſt one quarter of the circumference. The diameter within is thirty-three feet and a half, taken at the diſtance of ten feet from the bottom: the wall in that part is ſeven feet four inches thick, but is formed thinner and thinner till it reaches the top, whoſe breadth I forgot to cauſe to be meaſured. The inſide wall is quite perpendicular, ſo that the inner diameter muſt have been equal from top to bottom: but the exterior wall ſlopes, increaſing in thickneſs till it reaches the ground.’

‘In the thickneſs of the wall were two galleries, one at the lower part; about ſix feet two inches high, and two feet five wide at the bottom, [Page 254] narrowing to the top, flagged and alſo covered over with great flat ſtones. This gallery ran quite round, and that horizontally, but was divided into apartments: in one place with ſix flags placed equidiſtant from each other, and were acceſſible above by means of a hole from another gallery. Into the lower were two entrances, (before the ruin of the other ſide there had been two others) above each of theſe entrances were a row of holes, running up to the top, divided by flags, appearing like ſhelves: near the top was a circle of projecting ſtones, which probably were intended to hold the beams that formed the roof: above is another hole like the former. None of theſe openings paſs through, for there is not the leaſt appearance of window or opening on the outſide wall. All theſe holes are ſquare; are too ſmall to admit the human body, ſo were probably deſigned to lodge arms, and different other matters, ſecure from wet or harm.’

‘Over the firſt gallery was another, divided from it only by flags. This alſo went round, but was free from any ſeparation; the height was five feet ſix; only twenty inches wide at bottom. This was alſo covered with flags at top.’

‘At a diſtance above, in the broken ſides of the wall, was another hole, but it ſeemed too ſmall for a gallery. The aſcent was not ſafe, ſo could not venture up. The height was taken by a little boy who ſcrambled to the top.’

‘The entrance was a ſquare hole on the weſt ſide: before it were the remains of ſome building, with a narrow opening that led to the door. Almoſt contiguous to this entrance or portico, was a ſmall circle formed of rude ſtones, which was called the foundation of the Druids houſes. It probably was formed for ſome religious purpoſe. I was told there were many others of this kind ſcattered over the valley.’

‘At leſs than a quarter of a mile diſtant from this, ſtands the ſecond tower on a little flat on the ſide of the hill. The form is ſimilar, but the number of galleries differs: here are three; the loweſt goes entirely round; but at the eaſt end is an aperture now of ſmall depth, but once of ſuch extent, that the goats which ſheltered in it were often loſt: on that account the entrance was filled with ſtones. This is ſix feet high, four feet two inches broad, and flagged above and below.’

[Page 255] ‘A ſecond gallery was of the ſame height, but the breadth of the floor only three feet five.’

‘The third gallery was of ſuch difficult acceſs, that I did not attempt to get up: it was ſo narrow and ſo low, that it was with difficulty, that the child who climbed to it could creep through.’

‘The preſent height of this tower is only twenty-four feet five inches, the diameter thirty: the thickneſs of the lower part of the wall, twelve feet four.’

‘I could not perceive any traces of the winding ſtairs mentioned by Mr Gordon: but theſe buildings have ſuffered greatly ſince that gentleman ſaw them: I have no doubt of his accuracy.’

‘Theſe were in all probability places of defence, but it is difficult to ſay any thing on the ſubject of their origin, or by what nation they were erected. They are called here, Caiſteal Teilbali, or the Caſtle of Teilba, built by a mother for her four ſons, as tradition, delivered in this tranſlation of four Erſe lines, informs:

"My four ſons a fair clan
"I left in the ſtraith of one Glen.
"My Malcomb my lovely Conil
"My Telve my Troddan.
There had been two others, now totally demoliſhed, and each named after her children. Mr Gordon mentions others of this kind, one of which is called the Dune of Dornadilla, from an imaginary Prince, who reigned 260 years before the chriſtian aera.’—By a paragraph ſome time ago in Lloyd's Evening Poſt, and from a note given by Mr Pennant, which he ſays he had from the Edinburgh Magazine, this place is deſcribed; part of which I will tranſcribe, as pertinent to my preſent object.

‘The entrance is a very low and narrow door, to paſs through which one is obliged to ſtoop much: but perhaps the ground may have been raiſed ſince the firſt erection. When one is got in and placed in the center, it is open over head. All round the ſides of the walls are ranged ſtone ſhelves, one above another, like the ſhelves in a circular [Page 256] beaufet, reaching from near the bottom to the top. There is ſome remains of an awkward ſtair-caſe. Some years ſince I happened, at an auction of books in London, to look into a French book containing Gauliſh Antiquities, and there I ſaw a print of the remains of a Druidic temple in France, which greatly reſembles the tower I am ſpeaking of, having like ſhelves in it. And reading a late pamphlet on the antiquity of the Iriſh language, I think I can partly trace the origin of the name Dornadilla.—Dorn means a round ſtone; ſo that Abdorn would mean the round ſtone of the prieſts; na is of, and Di is God; ulla means a place of devotion: ſo that Dor-na-di-ulla will ſignify the round ſtone place of the worſhip of God; or perhaps it might allude to ſome round ſtone preſerved within, as a ſacred emblem of Divinity.’

From the whole of theſe quotations I would determine, that by the name of Yevering Bell, or Bel-ad-Gebrin, is implied a ſacred mount conſecrated to the adoration of the Sun, and uſed in fire worſhip. Of this the kairn is a corroborating proof. The circumvallation ſhews, by its ſimilarity to thoſe ſpoken of, that the perſons who uſed this mount for their religious rites, derived thoſe rites from the ſame ſource as thoſe quoted, and fixes the antiquity of Yevering Bell to very remote ages. It is a point not to be doubted, that Yevering for ſome time was the reſidence of the Saxon Kings in the Heptarchy. If we ſhould carry the antiquity of Yevering Bell no further, we will find its appropriation then to religious offices, as probable as in a more diſtant antiquity. The Saxons brought with them many Eaſtern cuſtoms: they worſhipped the Sun, had their high places, and rites of fire worſhip and ſacrifice. As to my own judgment, I ſhould be inclined to fix the antiquity of this place to their aera. The Druid tribes have left us ſuch imperfect evidence of their cuſtoms, that it is impoſſible to fix any thing poſitively there. It is even moſt probable this was of Saxon origin, from its vicinity to the royal reſidence, and the greatneſs of the work. The circular buildings have never been fixed to any particular people: their conſtructors ſtill remain undiſcovered. The circles of ruins on the ſides of Yevering Bell, may have been ſimilar to thoſe viſited by Mr Pennant; it is probable theſe circular erections were the towers of the prieſts, who there taught the principles of their religion and the elements of natural philoſophy; and that there they ſtored up the treaſures of the country in times of public danger, which from the veneration paid by all people to thoſe ſacred places were inviolable. Beſides, they were well calculated [Page 257] for defence, upon aſſault. The circles formed by rude and unhewn ſtones, found in many parts of the North, have been regarded by all Antiquaries as places of public convocation, where juſtice was diſpenſed. The number of ſtones might denote the tribes or diſtricts under the care of each Druid, as the Iſraelites numbered their tribes by ſuch columns at the paſſage of Jordan.

At a little diſtance from the Bell, to the ſouthward is a large kairn of ſtones, called Tom Tallon's Grave: but who this perſonage was, no hiſtory informs us.

Some mountains near Yevering, have the names of Newton Eaſt and Weſt Tor. On one of them is a kairn of ſtones, alſo on the weſtern point of Cheviot, and on a mount called Whitlau, all in view of each other. Theſe Tors are ſaid by ſeveral authors, to be held by the Saxons ſacred to Jupiter. Mr Bryant's remarks are, ‘ Tor is an hill or tower. They were called by the Amonians, who firſt erected them, Tar and Tor; the ſame as the [...] of the Chaldeans, which ſignified both a hill and tower. The words Tar, Tor, and Tarit, ſhew that they implied temples, and dedications to the Sun. ’—He inſtances many facts to prove this poſition, among which are, ‘ Tor-on, a place in Macedonia, literally ſignifying the tower of the Sun. Alſo Tir-it, of the ſame ſignification, and Tor-ambi, the oracular tower of Ham. ’—He has in another place this ſentence, ‘I will therefore ſay ſo much in furtherance of the Britiſh Antiquarian, as to inform him, that names of places, eſpecially of hills, promontories, and rivers, are of long duration, and ſuffer little change. The ſame may be ſaid of every thing which was eſteemed at all ſacred; ſuch as temples, towers, and high mounds of earth, which in early times were uſed for altars.’—And in another place, ‘There was another name current among the Amonians, by which they called their [...] or high places. This was Taph, which at times was rendered Tuph, Toph, and Taphos. The Amonians, when they ſettled in Greece, raiſed many Tupha in different parts; but as it was uſual in ancient times, to bury perſons of diſtinction under heaps of earth formed in this faſhion, theſe Tapha came to ſignify tombs; and almoſt all the ſacred mounds built for religious purpoſes, were looked upon as monuments of deceaſed heroes;’ of which he gives many inſtances.

I have dwelt too long on this ſubject, though an intereſting one to thoſe who may hereafter viſit theſe places.

[Page 258] I muſt not quit this country without remarking, that as we advanced towards the boundary of the kingdoms, the hills were cloathed with a ſingular verdure, affording fine ſheep walks; and the flocks and herds were numerous. The cottages of the lower claſs of people are deplorable, compoſed of upright timbers fixed in the ground, the interſtices wattled and plaiſtered with mud: the roofs, ſome thatched, and others covered with turf; one little piece of glaſs to admit the beams of day; and a hearth ſtone on the ground, for the peat and turf fire. Within, there was exhibited a ſcene, to touch the feelings of the heart: deſcription ſickens on the ſubject, and a tear of pity blots out the moving line, which ſtrives to depict. I wiſhed for ſome of the diſcontented great ones, who, palled with luxury, deſpiſe their palaces, to change the ſcene for a little, juſt time ſufficient to gain conviction, that the cottager and crowned head are both of one ſpecie of animals, and of one race. The damp earth, the naked rafters, the breeze-diſturbed embers, and diſtracted ſmoke that iſſues from the hearth, moved by contrary blaſts, breaking through a thouſand crannies; the mid-day gloom, the wretched couch, the wooden utenſils that ſcarce retain the name of convenience, the domeſtic beaſt that ſtalls with its maſter, the diſconſolate poultry that mourn on the rafters, form a group of objects for a great man's contemplation.

The inhabitants are of abject countenance, and miſerably cloathed, ſeeming to confeſs the loweſt degree of poverty. The employment of the men is in the field; moſt of them are ſhepherds or herdſmen. The corn land, which is very little in quantity compared with the meadows and grazing grounds, lays mingled with the other over the open faces of the vales, without any fences; to protect which, many an indolent herdſman ſtands for hours wrapped up in his plaid, hanging over a ſtaff, half animated; or otherwiſe laying proſtrate upon the ground. During the time he is engaged in this duty, if he had a ſpade put in his hand, and was broke into the rules of induſtry, he might be moſt uſefully employed: he could fence the ground which he tends, in the time he ſpends in herding it: but evil cuſtoms, when they correſpond with habitual indolence, are as hard to be eradicated, as to move a mountain—a long ſeries of applications and labour, and the redoubled effects of example and experience, muſt effect it. In conſequence of this ſtupid cuſtom, the farmer is neceſſarily obliged to keep a multitude of ſervants. Their wages are paid in the products of the land—grain, [Page 259] wool, maintenance of ſheep and cattle; very few money payments being uſed.

From the openneſs of the country, the traveller is conſequently perplexed with croſs roads, where not a guide-poſt has been known ſince the creation: to remedy this evil, intelligence muſt be gained from one of theſe herds; and it is remarkable, that there is a ferocity and uncultivated fullenneſs of mind in thoſe two-legged animals, which ſcarce confeſſes civilization enough to direct a ſtranger on his way. When you obtain inſtructions, it is in a manner as he would chace a beaſt from treſpaſs. I cannot forbear comparing the countenance of the lower claſs of Engliſh, in the northern counties, with that of the Scotch—I do not draw my remarks ſolely from my preſent tour, but through obſervations made in many little pleaſure jaunts in Scotland—Though you perceive the moſt abject poverty in the loweſt rank of the Scotch people, yet even under thoſe weeds of diſtreſs, there is ſeen a ſingular openneſs and benevolence of countenance. By ſome it may be objected, that this ariſes from their ſervility, and theſe are no other than feigned looks of ſubmiſſion. Ariſe from what it will, ſuch countenance carries more of the character of humanity, than the proud ſternneſs, and brutal inſolence, which mark thoſe who boaſt a ſavage liberty. But it is to be obſerved, that ſervility ſtamps the countenance with abject timidity, which is not written on the Scotch features—a generous nature, and the liberality of a mind enlarged with education, are rather the givers of ſuch openneſs and benevolence of look. Almoſt every Scotch village is bleſſed with a free ſchool. You will find ſhepherds on the Scotch hills, familiar with the poets and hiſtorians of Rome and Greece: ſuch familiarity introduces an adoption of principles and ſentiments; and from thence we ſee in theſe poor people, the maxims of mind which graced the illuſtrious names of old. Can we wonder then at the deſparity there appears in the lower claſs of the two nations?—But there is another ſource from whence a part of this complaiſancy and hoſpitality of the lower Scotch may be deduced: they are ſtrict in their religious principles; they are punctual attendants on public worſhip; they hold with great ſacredneſs their obſervance of the Sabbath day; moſt of their paſtors are not only rigid in their example, but arduous in their duty and adminiſtration: amongſt the people there is a juſt ſenſe conceived, even in the loweſt minds, of man's duty to his God. The reverſe is ſo conſpicuous in the Engliſh, that the compariſon is ſcarce required. So far from perceiving a religious principle in the lower claſſes, ſome of them [Page 260] have not even been informed of their Redeemer; thouſands have never entered a place of worſhip; the Sabbath is diſtinguiſhed only as a day of idleneſs, in which gaming and drinking are purſued; many of the teachers of the goſpel, with an indolence and averſion apparent in their whole carriage, perform as a ſtale and ſtupid taſk the offices of the church. Men are influenced by example; evil example contaminates the moſt where the minds are moſt illiterate; weak men take many of their vices by adoption: if it were not for our new ſectaries, our rambling preachers, the name of God would not be promulged to one-tenth part of England's inhabitants. It is true they teach his laws, as the laws of the God of terrors: it is better they ſhould adminiſter to him with the horrors of hell, than there be no miniſtry. We have reformed the church, till we have expelled the ſpirit of prayer: we have refined the pulpit, till nothing but the grace of declamation remains: and our church manners are poliſhed into that exquiſite inſipidity, that if it were not for tithes, the major part of the pariſh would forget the holy men of God.


lay next in our way, a ſmall village, one of the Manors of the Barony of Wark, the ancient reſidence of the Strothers,* now the property of John Strother Ker, Eſq

Oppoſite to Kirk Newton is

1.106. The CASTLE of COPELAND,

now the poſſeſſion of the Rev. Dr Newton Ogle. It was the ancient reſidence of the Wallaces, and was poſſeſſed by Edward Wallace in the reign of King Edward II. in whoſe family it continued till of late years.

Within a little diſtance of Copeland, three remarkable battles were fought: the one on the plains of Milfield, where a body of the Scotch [Page 261] were defeated before the battle of Branxton by Sir William Bulmer of Brancepeth, who commanded the forces of the Biſhoprick of Durham. The Scots lay in ambuſh among the broom which then covered the plain.

Milfield, now a little village, was the reſidence of the Saxon Kings of Bernicia, after the death of Edwin.

Another battle was fought at a place called Haltwell Sweire, where Sir Henry Percy, brother to the ſixth Earl of Northumberland, was defeated in the fifth year of the reign of Queen Mary, 1558, by a troop of the Scots under the command of the Earl of Bothwell, conſiſting of 1000 horſe. Percy's cavalry were thrown into confuſion by a diſcharge of fire arms, to which they were not well trained.

The third battle was at Broomridge,* where a confuſion of lines and intrenchments are yet to be ſeen. Here Athelſtan engaged the united forces of Conſtantine King of Scotland, Eugenius Oweine or Ewaine King of Cumberland, and Anlap the Dane, in the year 928, and gained a compleat victory, though with the loſs of Elwin and Athalſtan, his kinſmen, men of great valour. Conſtantine eſcaped into Scotland, Anlaf took refuge in Dublin, but what became of Ewaine is not mentioned. It is preſumed this Ewaine is interred in Penrith church-yard; his ſepulchre denoted by a very ſingular monument there. This victory was greatly celebrated by Henry of Huntington, William of Malmſbury, and Ingulph.

Mailroſs being the ſeminary from whence ſprang the firſt Biſhop of the See of Lindisfarn, which conſtitutes ſo material a part of the church antiquities of this county; and as the great patron, ſaint, the holy St Cuthbert, was educated there, and from thence brought to Lindisfarn, it ſeemed of conſequence, that I ſhould view the ſeat, from whence iſſued ſo much to exerciſe my attention, in the remaining part of the tour, I had thus far proſecuted. I determined to viſit Mailroſs, and paſſed the village of Paſton, formerly belonging to the family of Selbys. On an adjoining hill, called the Harelaw, (the name implying the ſtation of an army) is a circular intrenchment with a double rampier and [Page 262] foſs. From thence there is a fine proſpect of the vale, where it gave us great pleaſure to obſerve the new modes of huſbandry taking place— turnips cultivated in drill ſowing, with horſe and hand hoeing practiſed. There is a very great want of fences in this part of the country: habit and cuſtom are only to be ſubdued by time and example.


We conſtantly regretted the want of fences in this tour; they would give a great grace to the banks of Tweed, by interſecting the rich ſcene. The advantage they would be of to the country is obvious; they would check the ſeverities of winter, and reſiſt that raking blaſt, which, when unoppoſed, ſhears the extenſive grounds wherever it paſſes in the ſpring of the year; conſequently they would forward the progreſs of ſummer.

We deſcended to the town of

1.107. KELSO,

which lays on the northern banks of Tweed; and to which we had acceſs by a fine ſtone bridge of ſix arches.

From the ſouthern banks of the river, the town with its invirons has the moſt pictureſque appearance: where I ſtood to obſerve its beauties, I had the bridge on my right; an excellent though plain ſtructure of modern work, ſtretching acroſs a fine river of tranſparent water, gently curling over a pebbly channel. On the oppoſite ſhore, which is banked in, ſtands the modern and elegant Manſion of Mrs Dixon, a widow Lady; a ſquare hewn-ſtone ſtructure, placed in the midſt of a garden, opening to the river; ornamented with a ſmall Gothic temple, a greenhouſe and ſtove; with ſtatues diſpoſed on the graſs plots, which were interſected with gravel walks and flower knots. Over this modern and faſhionable ſcene, an auguſt pile, in all the ſolemnity of ruin, frowns majeſtically—an old abbey ſtands near this manſion, a lofty ſtructure, built in the heavieſt of the Gothic order—two round towers of the ſouth limb of the croſs, ſurmounted by a part of the center tower, formed the aſpect on which we looked: the windows are ſmall, and the whole edifice gloomy.

It is ſtrange what diſſimilar ideas ſometimes ſtrike the imagination: as I gazed upon this ſcene, I ſaid to myſelf, Thus Charactacus, in the great reverſe of his fortune, looked with contempt on the pageantry and pomp of his Roman conquerors: There could not be a finer contraſt [Page 264] than in theſe two ſtructures. The town of Kelſo crowded the back ground of our proſpect. To the left the view opened upon the vale, terminated by the noble woods which adjoin the ſeat of the Duke of Roxburgh: to the right, through the arches of the bridge, were ſeen fine perpendicular rocks, crowned with ſtately trees on the river's brink.

We entered Kelſo, which is clean and well built: Mr Pennant ſays it is much after the manner of a Flemiſh town. It hath a ſpacious ſquare market-place, with a town-houſe piazza'd beneath, for the convenience of the market; the number of inhabitants about 3000; the weekly market conſiderable, vaſt quantities of corn being ſold here, though chiefly by ſample. The Inn was elegant, the people obliging, and the attendants particularly alert and condeſcending.

Kelſo is a borough of the Duke of Roxburgh, and is governed by his Bailiff. It is not remarkable for any great manufactory or trade, but appears to be the place of reſidence of many people of eaſy fortune. Some part of the great ſtocks of wool furniſhed by this country, is manufactured here into cloths called plains, but dreſſed in England. There is alſo a manufacture of white leather for the Edinburgh market.

The monaſtery here was founded by King David. During his brother Alexander's reign, he had brought over from Tyrone, in France, certain Monks of a reformed order, founded by Bernard d'Abbeville, a man of high reputation for ſanctity and ſeverity of life; theſe he ſettled firſt at Selkirk with an ample revenue: afterwards making Roxburgh his reſidence, he removed his favourite Monks thither; and when he came to the Crown, built for them the abbey and monaſtery of Kelſo, and fixed them there on the 2d of May, 1128, having dedicated the church to the Virgin Mary and St John the Evangeliſt. Bernard the founder of this order, was a diſciple of Robert d'Arbriſſer, founder of the order of Fontevraud, which by a conſtitution almoſt peculiar to itſelf, conſiſted of both Monks and Nuns, and had an Abbeſs to govern the ſociety. Bernard founded the monaſtery of Tyrone in the year 1109, from which place his diſciples derived their name. The habit of the Tyronenſian Monks, was a light grey, but was afterwards changed to black. Fordun poſitively ſays, theſe Monks ſettled at Selkirk in 1109; but Symeon of Durham, that they were not placed there till 1113, and remained fifteen years. According to Fordun, the ſucceſſion of Abbots was as follows: Ralph, one of the Monks brought over from France, [Page 265] was the firſt Abbot, but on the death of Bernard, returned to ſucceed him in the Abbacy of Tyrone; William ſucceeded to Selkirk, and on the death of Ralph, alſo returned to Tyrone, as ſucceſſor to that Abbacy; Herbert ſucceeded William, and was the firſt Abbot of Kelſo. It is preſumed that David, who was a lover of the fine arts, as well as a patron of every national improvement, had in view, on his importing this colony from France, not only the advancement of religion, but alſo that of arts and ſciences, of which his ſubjects were in great need of cultivation, their only occupations, from the remoteſt ages, having been the duty of ſhepherds and the ſervice of the ſword. In the Hiſtory of the Monaſtic Orders, we find, that Bernard the founder of the Tyronenſians would have all ſorts of handicrafts practiſed in his monaſtery, as well to prevent the growth of idleneſs, which he eſteemed the mother of vice, as to procure neceſſaries for the ſupport of life. Accordingly in this body were painters, carvers, joiners, ſmiths, maſons, vine-dreſſers, and huſbandmen, who were under the command of an Elder: and what they earned was put into a common ſtock, for the maintenance of the houſe. Kelſo afterwards ſent forth colonies to the foundations of Liſmahago, Kilwinning, Aberbrothick, and Lindores.

This abbey was demoliſhed in 1569,* in conſequence of that enthuſiaſtic reformation, which in its violence was a greater diſgrace to religion, than all the errors it was intended to ſubvert. Reformation has hitherto always appeared in the form of a zealot full of fanatic fury; with violence ſubduing, but through madneſs creating almoſt as many miſchiefs in its overſights, as it overthrew errors in its purſuit. Religion has received a greater ſhock by the preſent ſtruggle to repreſs ſome formularies, and ſave ſome ſcruples, than it ever did by the growth of ſuperſtition. She now bleeds inwardly; thinking men are driven into confuſion, and the unthinking turn infidels:—theſe are the glorious works of modern fanaticiſm.

[Page 267] The revenues of this religious houſe amounted to 2000l. per annum Scots, and aroſe in money payments: the Abbot was allowed to wear a mitre and pontifical robes, to be exempt from epiſcopal juriſdiction, and permitted to be preſent in all general councils. It was at firſt under the Biſhoprick of St Andrews, but afterwards made a member of the See of Glaſgow: it had ſeveral immunities, and the Abbot and Monks had liberty to receive ordination, and the other ſacraments of the church, from any Biſhop they pleaſed in Scotia or Cumbria.* King Malcolm, in 1159, granted a confirmatory charter to this abbey, the witneſſes to which are remarkable.

"The three Biſhops of Glaſcow, Murray, and Dunkeld; William and David the King's brothers, and Ada his mother; the Abbots of Dunfermling, Jedwood, Newbottle, and Sterling; Walter the Chancellor; the Prior and Archdeacon of St Andrews; the Archdeacon of Loadonia for Herbert the Chamberlain; Nicholas, Clerk; Richard the Chaplain; Godred King of the Iſles; Earls Goſpatrick, Fertech, Duncan, and Gellebride, Earl of Angus, Uctred ſon of Fergus, Gilbert de Unframville, William de Summerville, Richard de Moreville, Ranulph de Sulas, David Olifard, Richard Cuming, Robert Avenal, William de Moreville, William Finemund, Walter Corbet, Aſket de Ridala, Henry de Perci, Liolph, ſon of Maccus, Orm ſon of Hialaph."—Anderſon's Diplom.

The inhabitants of Kelſo have made a good change in their place of worſhip, a new church being built in great ſimplicity of architecture, of an octagonal form, 82 feet in diameter, ornamented with a glazed cupola or lanthorn in the center, ſupported by a circle of pillars; the whole commodious, cleanly, and decent.

The lands adjoining upon Kelſo are very fine; the proſpects delightful. From the Chalkheugh you look upon the confluence of the rivers Tiviot and Tweed, commanding a view of the borders of each river for a conſiderable diſtance above: the landſkip is filled by the remains of the Caſtle of Roxburgh, the elegant Seat of Sir John Douglas, with Fleurus on the offſcape: theſe objects mingle with much wood and fine meads. From an eminence called Pinnacle Hill, you command a long [Page 268] courſe of the Tweed, whoſe ſilver ſtream glides through a highly cultivated country.* The ſheep are of an improved breed, and bear good fleeces, carrying a price of 20s. per ſtone, 24lb. The Aberdeen manufacture of Stockings, or that of Linlithgow, takes the fineſt; the reſt is chiefly ſold into Yorkſhire, except what ſupplies the ſmall manufactory of Kelſo.

I am partial to the ſentiments of the celebrated traveller Mr Pennant; my adopting them is a confeſſion of vanity, as it acknowledges a coincidence of mind: the reader will find them here, I doubt not, of a price ſufficient to purchaſe my pardon.

‘I cannot leave Kelſo, without regretting my not arriving there in time to ſee the races, which had been the preceding week. Theſe are founded not on the ſordid principles of gaming, or diſſipation, or fraud, but on the beautiful baſis of benevolence, and with the amiable view of conciliating the affections of two nations, where the good and the bad, common to every place, are only divided by a rill ſcarcely to be diſtinguiſhed: but prejudice for a time could find no merit but within its own narrow bourn. Some enlarged minds however, determined to break the faſcination of erroneous opinion, to mix with their fellow ſubjects, and to inſtruct both the great vulgar and the ſmall, that the northern and ſouthern bounders of the Tweed, created in their inhabitants but a mere difference, without a diſtinction, and that virtue and good ſenſe were equally common to both. At theſe races the Stewards are ſelected from each nation: a Percy and a Douglas may now be ſeen hand in hand; the example of charity ſpreads, and may it ſpread with all its ſweet influences, to the remoteſt corner of our iſland.’

‘What pleaſing times, to thoſe that may be brought in contraſt! when every houſe was made defenſible, and each owner garriſoned againſt his neighbour; when revenge at one time dictated an inroad, and neceſſity at another; when the miſtreſs of a caſtle has preſented her ſons with their ſpurs, to remind them that their larder was [Page 269] empty, and that by a forray they muſt ſupply it at the expence of the borderers; when every evening the ſheep were taken from the hills, and the cattle from their paſture, to be ſecured in the lower floor from robbers prowling like wolves of prey, and the diſappointed thief found all in ſafety, from the fears of the cautious owner. The following ſimple lines give a true picture of the times:

"Then Johnie Armſtrong to Willie gan ſay,
"Billie a riding then will we:
"England and us have been long at feud,
"Perhaps we may hit on ſome bootie.
"Then they're come on to Hutton-ha,
"They rade that proper place about;
"But the Laird he was the wiſer man,
"For he had left nae geir without.
Theſe were the exploits of petty Robbers: but when Princes dictated an inroad, the conſequences bore a proportion to their rank. An Armſtrong might drive away a few ſheep, but when an Henry directs an invaſion, 192 towns, towers, ſteads, barnekyns, churches, and baſtelhouſes are burnt, 403 Scots ſlain, 816 taken priſoners, 10316 cattle, 12492 ſheep, 1296 nags and geldings, 200 goats, 200 bolls of corn, and inſight geare without meaſure carried off. Such were the ſucceſſes during four months of the year 1544.’

In Kelſo abbey many illuſtrious perſons were interred, among the firſt of whom was the ſon of King David the founder.

Here Henry III. of England with his Queen, met with Alexander III. of Scotland and his Queen, when great cordiality and friendſhip was experienced between the nobles of both realms who attended their Sovereigns.

In the reign of King Henry IV. of England, and King Robert III. of Scotland, A. D. 1401, a truce was concluded here, which was of conſiderable duration, by the Commiſſioners of both realms.

In 1460, King James III. of Scotland was crowned at Kelſo, when the nobles paid their homage and ſwore fealty to the new Sovereign.

In 1522, the Engliſh in a ſudden incurſion pillaged and burnt Kelſo, but were ſoon repelled by the forces of Mers and Tiviotdale. This [Page 270] ſpoil is attributed to Lord Dacres; and ſome authors ſay he burnt 80 villages in that expedition, and overthrew 18 ſtone built towers, with all their bulwarks.

In the reign of King Henry VIII. A. D. 1542, the Duke of Norfolk advancing to the Scotch borders, burnt and levelled with the ground 28 places of conſiderable note in Scotland; among which was Kelſo, with its abbey.

In 1544, Sir Ralph Eure carried fire and ſword to the banks of Tweed, and deſtroyed the tenements in Kelſo which had been re-edified ſince the former devaſtation.

The detail of mutual cruelties and ſavage ſpoil is horrible—they were a diſgrace to human nature.

There was a convent of Red Friars at the mouth of Tiviot, near Kelſo; but who was its founder, or what was its revenue, is not known.*

As I have had occaſion to ſpeak of the Scotch church, and as church tyranny ſouth of the Tweed is exclaimed againſt with violence and indignation, it may not be diſagreeable to the reader, to ſee how our neighbours the Scotch are in that matter, amidſt all their boaſted puritaniſm. In my notes I ſhall give a ſhort ſtate of facts, which came to a ſolemn hearing before the Preſbytery, this preſent year.

[Page 271] We now purſued our journey, croſſed the river Tiviot at the Mill Ford, and travelled up the ſouthern banks of Tweed to Mailroſs, the three Helton Mountains being our point of direction; Mailroſs laying behind them, and they a land-mark conſtantly in view.

We paſſed Sir John Douglas's on our left, an elegant little manſion of hewn ſtone; the walks and pleaſure grounds around it, neat to a degree of exactneſs; the lands rich, and the woods diſpoſed at a proper diſtance. On the oppoſite ſide of Tweed, the Palace of the Duke of Roxburgh preſented its extenſive front, flanked with immenſe woods. For three miles, the banks of the river as we paſſed were cloathed with a fine foreſt. In ſome places, the road leading along the ſummit of lofty cliffs, from whence we looked down upon the river and oppoſite rocks, whoſe brows were crowned with noble trees.

We arrived at


at preſent conſiſting of little more than a lofty eminence, of an oblong figure, elevated above the plain about 40 perpendicular feet; chiefly natural: on the brink of which are the remains of a wall, the outward defence of the ancient caſtle; the interior part is now planted with trees. This mount is defended at the foot on the north and weſt ſides, by a deep moat and outward rampier of earth, a fine plain intervening between theſe outworks of the caſtle and the river. The dimenſions within the walls, where the interior fortreſs ſtood, we could not obtain [Page 272] for the trees and thickets. The weſtern point is guarded by an outwork and mound of earth, which is ſevered from the chief part of the caſtle by a moat, but included in the outward works the foſs and rampier before deſcribed. The foſs or moat was ſupplied with water by a dam which croſſed the river Tiviot in an oblique direction, the remains of which ſtill appear. The ſouth and eaſt ſides are defended by an inacceſſible precipice; at whoſe foot the river runs with a rapid current.

Camden ſays, ‘this caſtle was anciently called Marchidun, from its ſtanding on the Marches; and for natural ſituation and towered fortifications, was in times paſt exceeding ſtrong. The fortreſs having been ſurprized by the Engliſh, James II. of Scotland, whilſt he laid ſiege to it with a vaſt army to recover it, was ſlain by the burſting of a large piece of ordnance. As for the caſtle, it was ſurrendered, and then raiſed. It is now in a manner quite vaniſhed, and its ancient grandeur totally defaced.’

Mr Pennant ſays, ‘the firſt mention I find of it is in 1132, when a treaty was concluded here on the part of King Stephen, by Thurſtan Archbiſhop of York, between him and King David I.’—But in Symeon Dunelm, we are informed, that John Cardinal of Crima, Legate* of Pope Honorius, came to the Scottiſh King at Roxburgh, in the year 1125, to determine the controverſy touching the Primacy of York over the Scottiſh church. In 1126, King David returning from the Court of England, was attended to Roxburgh by Thurſtan Archbiſhop of York, Ralph Biſhop of Durham, and Algar Prior of St Cuthbert's convent in Durham.

King David I. made this the place of his reſidence, during the reign of his brother Alexander. Hither he brought his favourite Monks of Tyrone, from Selkirk, before he placed them at Kelſo, and built the abbey there. He added to the ſtrength of the place, increaſed its fortifications, and made it one of the chief bulwarks of his kingdom.

Malcolm Macbeth, who pretended to be the ſon of Earl Angus, and was in arms againſt his Sovereign King David in 1234, was impriſoned in the Tower of Roxburgh.

[Page 273] By the Chronicle of Mailroſs it appears, that the church of St James, at Roxburgh, was dedicated the 17th of April, 1234.

King David was the great patron of every national improvement: he obſerved the example of Lewis le Gros, in civil and commercial eſtabliſhments, and granted many charters of incorporation to his cities and burghs. The burgh laws he cauſed to be framed from the remarks made by learned men, ſent by him for the purpoſe into foreign ſtates, to reap the ſpirit and efficacy of each conſtitution. It is probable that Roxburgh was one of the firſt of thoſe communities in Scotland; for in an ancient manuſcript copy of the burgh laws, of which David was the undoubted author, the title prefixed declares them to be the laws and cuſtoms of the four burghs, viz. Berwick, Roxburgh, Edinburgh, and Sterling. A further evidence that theſe were the firſt royal burghs, is in the court kept by the King's Chamberlain, where his office appears to give him juriſdiction over all the King's burghs; the court being called the court of the four burghs, and conſiſted of Delegates from the burghs above mentioned, three or four from each burgh, who by virtue of the Chamberlain's ſummons, aſſembled annually at Haddington, where all appeals from the peculiar courts of each ſingle burgh were heard and finally determined.

The confirmatory charter of King Malcolm to Kelſo, dated 1159, was given at Roxburgh. It appears by this charter, that the King made Roxburgh his reſidence, as he frequently attended divine ſervice at the church at Kelſo; for he confirms to that church all the offerings made by himſelf and his attendants, whenſoever on ſolemnities or other days he heard the ſervice of God in that church. The populouſneſs of Roxburgh and the country in the neighbourhood, may be inferred from the mention of churches in that place, granted to the Kelſo convent, as freely as they had been held by Acceline the Archdeacon, and which churches ſeem diſtinct from the then lately erected church of St James. The ſame appears from the grant of 20 chalders, partly corn and partly meal, (inter farinam & frumentum) to be paid out of the Roxburgh mills, which probably was the eſtimate of the amount of the ſeventh part of the mills granted in David's charter to the abbey of Selkirk. Mention is alſo made of a new town of Roxburgh.

In 1197, the rebellious Harold Earl of Caithneſs was confined in Roxburgh. This perfidious Earl having delivered Torphin his ſon as [Page 274] an hoſtage for his future fidelity, by his repeated treaſons, occaſioned him to become a ſacrifice to the reſentment of his King, who in his wrath being devoid of humanity, gave the innocent youth up to the moſt dreadful tortures and excruciating death.*

In 1209, William the Lion aſſembled a great army at Roxburgh to oppoſe King John, who had approached the borders, and lay at Norham; but hoſtilities were prevented by a timely convention and a truce.

In 1215, King John, incenſed againſt the northern Barons for their doing homage to King Alexander II. at Felton, marched northward in the middle of winter, and laid the country waſte with fire and ſword, exerciſing the greateſt cruelties on the diſtracted inhabitants. He burnt the towns of Milford, Morpeth, Alnwick, Wark, and Roxburgh, in this horrid expedition.

In 1239, Roxburgh appears to have been reſtored; for here King Alexander II. celebrated his marriage, on the 4th of March in that year, with the daughter of Ingelram de Conci, and on the 4th of September, 1241, the Queen brought forth a ſon here, Alexander, who ſucceeded to the Crown of Scotland.

In 1255, Roxburgh was the place of refuge for King Alexander III. and his young Queen, who had been prohibited conſummation of their marriage by the guardians of the kingdom: of which complaint had been ſent to King Henry III. her father, wherein ſhe ſet forth the hardſhips ſhe underwent from the guardians, who held her in ſtrict confinement, refuſed her the attendants and maids ſhe choſe, and debarred her from the embraces of her huſband. The Earl of Glouceſter, with others ſent by King Henry, aſſiſted by the Earl of Dunbar and his adherents, ſurprized the Caſtle of Edinburgh, and taking poſſeſſion of the perſons of the King and Queen, conveyed them under a ſtrong guard to Roxburgh, where the Queen's diſtreſſes were relieved, although her royal ſpouſe was then only 14 years of age.

Prince Edward, ſon to Henry III. when on an expedition againſt the northern rebels who were in combination with John de Veſcy, after his forfeiture of Alnwick, proceeded to Roxburgh in the year 1266, where he was received with the greateſt demonſtrations of joy by the King [Page 275] and Queen of Scotland, attended on that occaſion by a numerous body of the Scotch nobility.

The marriage of Alexander Prince of Scotland to the daughter of the Earl of Flanders, was celebrated here on the 9th of April, 1283, the nuptial feaſt being continued for 15 days with the greateſt magnificence.

King Edward I. in 1296, reduced the Caſtle of Roxburgh, where he continued ſeveral days with his army; during which time he was reinforced with 15,000 freſh troops from Wales.

In the ſucceeding year Edward having muſtered his forces at Newcaſtle, with an army of 2000 heavy armed horſe, 1200 light horſe, and 100,000 foot, proceeded to the Scotch border. The Scotch army, which for a conſiderable time had laid before Roxburgh, in hopes of reſtoring to his liberty the Biſhop of Glaſgow, who was priſoner there, hearing of ſo great an army advancing, raiſed the ſiege. The relief brought by the Engliſh to the garriſon of Roxburgh Caſtle was highly ſeaſonable, for they were already reduced to great hardſhips; and the inhabitants of the town, from the circumvallation formed by the Scotch, were brought to great diſtreſs for want of proviſions.

On Shrove Tueſday, in the year 1313, the garriſon of Roxburgh indulging themſelves on that feſtival in an impolitick ſecurity, were given up to riot and diſſipation, when they were ſurprized by Sir James Douglas, with a reſolute band, who having approached in diſguiſe, mounted the walls by ladders of ropes. The name of Douglas echoed through the place, and rouſed the Engliſh from their feſtivity and drunkenneſs, many of them falling under the ſword of the aſſailants. The Governor retired into the great tower with a few of his men, where after two days reſiſtance, having received a wound in his face by an arrow, he ſurrendered the fortreſs. King Robert Bruce, on receiving intelligence of this exploit, ſent his brother Edward to demoliſh the fortifications, which he effected with great labour.

King Edward III. in 1334, having come to Newcaſtle in quality of Supreme of Scotland, received the homage of Edward Baliol in a public and ſolemn manner: at which time Baliol, as a recompence for the expences King Edward had ſuſtained in recovering and reſtoring to him his inheritance, by letters patent alienated to him, amongſt other things, [Page 276] the town, caſtle, and county of Roxburgh, to be annexed to and incorporated with the Crown of England for ever.

In 1341, we find Roxburgh again in the poſſeſſion of the Scotch, hav-been recovered by Sir Alexander Ramſay for King David Bruce.

King Edward III. in 1356, received from Baliol a formal ſurrender of his right to the Crown of Scotland. This he performed by the ceremony of delivering his Crown, with ſome of the ſoil of Scotland, at Roxburgh, where Edward reſided ſome days. This King twice celebrated his birth-day in this caſtle.

In 1372, George Dunbar Earl of March, accompanied by his brother the Earl of Murray, with a large body of their dependants, entered Roxburgh at the time of the annual fair, and in revenge of the death of one of their followers, who was ſlain the preceding year in an affray, ſlew all the Engliſh they found in the town, plundered it of the great quantities of merchandize and goods which were collected there on the above occaſion, and reduced the town to aſhes.

King James II. of Scotland, availing himſelf of a neglect in the Engliſh of attending a propoſed convention for continuing the truce in 1460, raiſed an army with great expedition, with which he advanced againſt Roxburgh. At the firſt aſſault he took the town, and levelled it to the ground. A regular ſiege was laid to the caſtle. Here the Scotch King was joined by great reinforcements, among which was the Earl of Huntley with his followers. The King, for former ſervices, deſirous of honouring Huntley, ſhewed him every mark of eſteem and royal favour; he conducted him to the trenches, to obſerve the diſcharge of his artillery, one of which was remarkable for its ſize, and had the name of the Lion. The King took delight in attending theſe operations, in which he ſhewed a diſtinguiſhed intrepidity, but in the end loſt his life thereby, one of his pieces of ordnance in this ſiege, to which he had approached too near, burſt in diſcharging, whereby the Earl of Angus, who ſtood near the King, was much wounded, at the inſtant that a ſplinter broke the King's thigh and ſtruck him dead. This is the tragical circumſtance before quoted from Camden. The Queen with her eldeſt ſon, then a boy about ſeven years of age, is ſaid to have been in the camp at the time of this dreadful cataſtrophe. She ſuſtained the ſhock with heroic firmneſs, exhorted the Chiefs to deſiſt from unavailing [Page 277] lamentations, and to teſtify their reverence for their King's memory, by carrying on the ſiege with redoubled vigour. Her exhortations had the deſired effect, the beſiegers exerted their utmoſt efforts. The garriſon finding themſelves reduced to extremities, ſurrendered the fortreſs; and, as Redpath in his Border Hiſtory ſays, ‘that the place which the Engliſh had held for more than 100 years, might thenceforth ceaſe to be a center of rapine and violence, or a cauſe of future ſtrife between the nations, the victors reduced it to a heap of ruins.’

We do not find that the fortreſs was reſtored, or that any repairs were made to it to render it tenable until 1547, when the Engliſh army led by the Protector, paſſing the Tweed after the battle of Muſſelbrough, encamped on the plain over-againſt Kelſo, between the ruins of the ancient Caſtle of Roxburgh and the confluence of Tweed and Tiviot. The Protector obſerving the ſtrong and convenient ſituation of this ruined fortreſs, determined to make it tenable. The breaches in part of the ancient walls were filled with bankings of turf, he having reduced the fortreſs in ſize, by caſting up deep trenches on the eaſt and weſt ends within, and fortified them with a wall. Patten's account of theſe repairs is in the following terms: ‘That one great ditch of 20 feet broad, with depth accordingly, and a wall of like breadth, depth, and height, ſhould be made croſs within the caſtle, from the one ſide wall to the other, and 40 foot from the weſt end; and that a like trench and wall ſhould alſo be caſt a-traverſe within, about a coit's caſt from the eaſt end; and hereto that the caſtle walls on either ſide, where need was, ſhould be mended with turf, and made with loopholes, as well for ſhooting directly forwards as for flanking at hand.’ So intent was the Protector on this work, that he laboured at it with his own hands two hours every day whilſt it was going on, and his example was followed by moſt of the principal men of his army. The place was made defenſible in ſix days, and there was left in it a garriſon of 300 ſoldiers and 200 pioneers, under Sir Ralph Bulmer.

Mr Pennant ſays, ‘a large holly, ſurrounded by a wall, marks the ſpot where James II. fell;’ but it was not noted to me when I viſited the place.

Near to the ſcite of Roxburgh are the confuſed foundations of buildings and one gate-way of excellent workmanſhip, which denote the place where ſtood a houſe of Franciſcans.

[Page 278] It is not poſſible to tread this ground without the moſt ſerious reflections: the viciſſitudes of human life, here ſo remarkably experienced, furniſh the traveller with a crowd of ideas, producing melancholy determinations. Here, where this turf, now painted with flowers, is browſed by the flocks, once ſtood a town flouriſhing in trade; where feſtivity and mirth often engaged the wealthy inhabitants; where the royal preſence was encircled with the nobility of the land; where the ſplendour of a court was diſplayed; where the royal nuptials and the birth of Princes made a kingdom joyful; where peace brought her olives to crown felicity:—and in reverſe of circumſtances, where theſe cattle graze, armed troops have held their deadly conflicts, the ſoil has drank in the blood of heroes and nobles; even royalty has bled upon theſe plains; the ſhoots of victory or the cries of diſtreſs have often diſtracted theſe now peaceful echoes which make reſponſes to the bleating ſheep; cannon have rent the confuſed atmoſphere, and the clangour of marſhal inſtruments hath filled the gale, which now breathes muſic in the murmuring groves; revenge, rapine, and innumerable crimes have curſed the ground I tread with every human ſin. Avenging Providence at length hath razed the walls, conſcious of ſuch iniquity; the haughty towers are levelled with the earth, the ploughſhare hath gone over the paths of wicked ages, and all but the name of Roxburgh is clean done out.

As Roxburgh fell, ſo have empires fallen; and though it is a reflection which brings with it the acuteſt ſorrow, yet it muſt be admitted, that when the accompliſhment of time is come, other empires muſt ſink into oblivion. Power and magnificence are periodical, we know not which will be the next that yields in the ſucceſſion. Heaven grant that Britain by her virtues may merit the divine protection, and that her empire may ſurvive to the lateſt ages full of honour.

It is very remarkable, that not the leaſt traces remain to mark the place where ſo large a town once ſtood; a place ſo eminent, and of ſo great reſort for trade, the reſidence of Kings, and the ſeat of ſuch conventions.

The adjoining territory from the old caſtle and town is called the Sheriffdom of Roxburgh, of which the Douglas's are Hereditary Sheriffs, and uſually denominated Sheriffs of Tiviotdale.

[Page 279] Our road on the banks of Tweed led through a cultivated country, but ill fenced, and the modes of huſbandry gradually growing worſe as we proceeded. We paſſed the houſe of Colonel Mac Dougle, ſituate on the north banks of Tweed; a handſome Manſion, on the brink of a ſteep deſcent; in the front a terrace, and graſs ſlopes laid out with taſte, and well kept; the houſe ſheltered by plantations to the north and weſt.

Further up the river the houſe of Mr Scot is ſeen; a pretty ſquare building, ſurrounded with trees. On that ſide of the river which we paſſed, ſtood a large exploratory mount, which ſeemed to have been originally encircled by three or four ſeveral bankings or terraces, aſcending above each other. The crown is now planted with young trees, and forms a pretty object from the gentlemen's ſeats on the oppoſite ſide of Tweed.

Within ſome little diſtance, further up the river, we viewed a circular fort, which, as it remains the moſt entire of any we ſaw on this tour, and will give a full idea of thoſe which we paſſed, ſimilar in form, though leſs perfect, I have given a kind of bird-eye view of it.

[Page 280] This camp, or rather fort, hath been formed from a natural eminence; the crown is exactly circular, and level with a rampier of earth on the verge, having an aperture or entrance towards the eaſt, of the width of 12 paces: the rampier riſes about ſix perpendicular feet from the level of the interior plain, from the foot of which rampier the plain is near 62 paces diameter. I paced the top of this rampier, and found the whole circle to be near 200 paces. In the interior plain, not exactly in the center, but inclining to the ſouth-weſt, is the foundation of a ſtone wall, forming a ſquare of equal ſides, 14 paces each. This probably was the apartment of the General or other officers, or a ſtore-houſe for arms and valuable effects. The height from the top of the upper rampier to the next level, is nearly 18 perpendicular feet, and as ſteep as ſoil or turf can poſſibly be ſuppoſed to lay. The level here, for it can ſcarce be termed a foſs, the rampier on its edge only forming a breaſtwork, is nine paces wide. This ſecond rampier only makes a part of a circle, its points terminating on the brink of a very high precipice overhanging the river: the top of this rampier extends 140 paces. The height from the top of the ſecond rampier to the next level, is about 15 perpendicular feet, of as ſteep an aſcent as the former. This level or foſs is only ſix paces wide, the loweſt or third rampier only forming a breaſtwork to the interior level; but from the common plain is ſix feet in height, compoſed of ſtones without any mortar; its points alſo terminate on the edge of the precipice, and its top meaſures 140 paces: ſo that the whole mount appears about 34 perpendicular feet high. The form of this fortification renders it probable, that the chief perſons of the army who lay here, with their valuables, were placed on the crown of the eminence, and that the lower trenches were occupied by the troops, according to the nature of their arms; the heavy-armed ſoldiers in the lower intrenchment; thoſe armed with miſſile weapons on the ſecond and third levels: by which poſition, on an attack, the garriſon could fight as from a theatre, ſtage above ſtage, and when forced from the lower trenches, could ſtill retreat to a ſtation of ſuperiority. Theſe are improperly called camps: they ſeem not calculated for encampment, but as forts for a ſecure reſort.

I preſume this fortification was originally Daniſh, but to what part of the dark hiſtory of thoſe times it may belong, I am totally ignorant.

[Page 281] When we had arrived within about four miles of Mailroſs, we had a proſpect of the ruins of


ſeated on a promontory on the banks of Tweed, under a lofty hill which defends it from the north. We did not approach nearer to it than the oppoſite ſhore, from whence it made a good appearance, emerging from a thick wood. The principal part now ſtanding is ſupported by fine cluſtered pillars. Mr Pennant, who croſſed the ferry to view it, ſays, ‘On the northern ſide (of Tweed) in the deep gloom of a wood, are the remains of the Abbey of Dryburgh, founded by Hugh Morvill, Conſtable of Scotland in the time of King David I. and Beatrix de Campo Bello his wife. There are ſcarce any reliques of the church, but much of the convent, the refectory ſupported by [Page 282] two pillars, ſeveral vaults and other offices, part of the cloiſter walls, and a fine radiated window of ſtone-work. Theſe remains are not inelegant, but unadorned. This was inhabited by Praemonſtratentian Monks; who ſtiled the Iriſh Abbies of Druin le Crox and Woodburn their daughters. At the reformation King James VI. beſtowed Dryburgh on Henry Erſkine, ſecond ſon of the Earl of Mar, whoſe houſe, as Commendator, is ſtill inhabited.’

In the reign of Edward II. 1322, the Engliſh, on their return from an incurſion, in which they had penetrated the country as far as Edinburgh, burnt Dryburgh, having firſt pillaged it of its wealth.

The country as we approached Mailroſs ſhewed a gradual decreaſe of proper huſbandry, as well as an inferior quality of ſoil. We arrived at the town of

1.110. MAILROSS,

ſeated in a deep valley, in which the abbey was concealed from the eye till we were juſt upon it; but when through the trees we gained a view of its eaſt window, the elegance of the ſtructure aſtoniſhed us.


It will ſuffice to remark in this place, that the pedeſtals for ſtatues in general, are compoſed of five members of cornice, ſupported by palm boughs, or ſome other rich wrought foliage, and terminating at the foot in a point with a triple roll. The caps or canopies of the niches are compoſed of delicate tabernacle-work, the ſpires ornamented with mouldings and a fillet of roſe-work, and the ſuſpended ſkirts graced with flowers: the interior of the canopy is of ribbed-work, terminating in a ſuſpended knot in the center. This deſcription will do to carry the reader's idea to every particular nich, without my running into the tediouſneſs of repetition.

[Page 285] At the junction of the ſouth and weſt members of the croſs, a hexagon tower ariſes, terminating in a pinnacle roofed with ſtone, highly ornamented: from thence the aile is extended ſo as to receive three large windows, whoſe arches are pointed, each divided by three upright bars or mullions, the tracery various and light; ſome in wheels, and others in the windings of foliage. Theſe windows are ſeparated by buttreſſes ornamented with niches. Here are ſculptured the arms of ſeveral of the Abbots, and that alſo of the Abbacy "a Mail & roſe." Theſe buttreſſes ſupport pinnacles of the fineſt tabernacle-work. From the feet of theſe laſt pinnacles, are extended bows or open arches, compoſed of the quarter diviſion of a circle, abutting to the bottoms of another race of buttreſſes which ariſe on the ſide wall of the nave; each of theſe laſt buttreſſes alſo ſupporting an elegant pinnacle of tabernacle-work, are ornamented with niches, in two of which ſtatues remain; one of St Andrew, the other of the Holy Virgin: the ſide ailes are ſlated, but the nave is covered with an arched roof of hewn ſtone. From the weſt end of the church is continued a row of buildings, containing five windows, divided by the like buttreſſes, the tracery of two of the windows remaining, the reſt open. Each of theſe windows appertained to a ſeparate chapel, appropriated and dedicated to diſtinct perſonages and ſervices; the places of the altars, and the fonts or holy-water baſons ſtill remaining. At the weſtern extremity of this ſtructure, on the laſt buttreſs, are the arms of Scotland, ſupported by Unicorns collared and chained; the motto above broken, the letters EGIS only remaining. On one ſide is the letter I, on the other Q, and a date 1505, which was the ſecond year of the marriage of King James IV. a marriage concerted at this abbey, between the King in perſon, and Richard Fox, then Biſhop of Durham.

In 1649, the fury of reformation ſtill exiſting, the elegant ſtatues which ornamented this place were moſt ſacrilegiouſly demoliſhed. A tradition prevails here, that one of the perſons ſo employed, on ſtriking at the babe in the Virgin's arms, received a contuſion, which diſabled him for ever from ſuch uſeleſs occupation, and ſtruck ſuch a panic on his aſſociates, that they fled and left the miſchievous buſineſs unperfected.

In Spotſwood's Hiſtory of the Church of Scotland,* we find theſe works of fanatical fury thus mentioned: ‘An act was paſſed for demoliſhing [Page 286] cloiſters and abbey churches, ſuch as were not as yet pulled down; the execution whereof was for the weſt parts committed to the Earls of Arrane, Argile, and Glencarn, for the north to Lord James, and for the in-countries to ſome Barons that were held moſt zealous.’

‘Thereupon iſſued a pitiful vaſtation of churches and church buildings throughout all the parts of the realm; for every one made bold to put to their hands, the meaner ſort imitating the enſample of the greater and thoſe who were in authority. No difference was made, but all the churches either defaced or pulled to the ground. The holy veſſels, and whatſoever elſe men could make gain of, as timber, lead, and bells were put to ſale. The very ſepulchres of the dead were not ſpared. The regiſters of the church and bibliothekes caſt into the fire. I award all was ruined, and what eſcaped in the time of the firſt tumult, did now undergo the common calamity; which was ſo much the worſe, that the violences committed at this time were coloured with the warrant of public authority. Some ill-adviſed preachers did likewiſe animate people, in theſe their barbarous proceedings, crying out, "that the places where idols had been worſhipped ought by the law of God to be deſtroyed, and that the ſparing of them was the reſerving of things execrable: as if the commandment given to Iſrael, for deſtroying the place where the Canaanites did worſhip their falſe Gods, had been a warrant for them to do the like. The report alſo went, that John Knox, whoſe ſayings were by many eſteemed as oracles, ſhould in one of his ſermons ſay, that the ſure way to baniſh the Rooks was to pull down their neſts: which words (if any ſuch did eſcape him) were to be underſtood of the cloiſters of Monks and Friars only, according to the act paſſed in the council. But popular fury once armed can keep no meaſure, nor do any thing with advice and judgment.’

The eaſt end of the church is compoſed of the choir, with a ſmall aile on each ſide, which appear to have been open to the high altar. This part is lighted by three windows towards the eaſt, and two ſide windows in the aile: the center window is divided by four upright bars or mullions, the traceries are of various figures, but chiefly croſſes, which ſupport a large complicated croſs that forms the center; the arching is pointed, and part of the tracery here is broken: the ſide lights are near as high as the center, but very narrow, divided by three [Page 287] upright bars or mullions: the mouldings of the window arches are ſmall and delicate, yet ornamented with a fillet of foliage. On each ſide of the great window are niches for ſtatues; and at the top there appear the effigies of an old man ſitting, with a globe in his left hand reſted on his knee, with a young man on his right: over their heads an open crown is ſuſpended. Theſe figures, I preſume, repreſent the divine perſonages. The buttreſſes at this end terminate in pinnacles of tabernacle-work: the mouldings and ſculptures are elegantly wrought.

The north end of the croſs aile of this abbey is not much ornamented without, it having adjoined to the cloiſter and other buildings. The door which leads to the ſcite of the cloiſter (the building being demoliſhed) is a ſemicircular arch of many members; the fillet of foliage and flowers, is of the higheſt finiſhing that can be conceived to be executed in free-ſtone; the ſame being pierced, the flowers and leaves ſeparated from the ſtone behind, and ſuſpended in a twiſted garland. In the mouldings, pinnacle-work, and foliage of the ſeats which remain of the cloiſter, I may be bold to ſay, there is as great excellence to be found, as in any ſtone-work in Europe, for lightneſs, eaſe, and diſpoſition. Nature is ſtudied through the whole, and the flowers and plants are repreſented as accurately as under the pencil. In this fabric there are the fineſt leſſons, and the greateſt variety of Gothic ornaments, that the iſland affords, take all the religious ſtructures together.

The weſt ſide of the center tower is yet ſtanding: it appears to have ſupported a ſpire; a loſs to the dignity and beauty of the preſent remains, to be regretted by every viſitant: the balcony-work is beautiful, being formed of open roſe-work: the preſent height of the tower wall is 75 feet.

The length of this edifice from eaſt to weſt is 258 feet, the croſs aile 137 feet, and the whole contents of its Ichnography 943 feet.

We entered at the ſouth door, and no expreſſion can convey an idea of the ſolemn magnificence which ſtruck the eye: the roof of the north and ſouth ends of the tranſept remains, ſupported by interſecting groins, in various directions, of the lighteſt order; the joinings ornamented with knots, ſome ſculptured with figures, and others of pierced-work in flowers and foliage; the arching of the interſtices conſtructed of thin [Page 288] ſtones, cloſely jointed; over the choir, part of the roof of like workmanſhip ſtill remains. The ſide ailes are formed by light cluſtered pillars, richly capitalled, with garlands of flowers and foliage diſpoſed delicately in the mouldings; in ſome the figures of animals are interſperſed. The pillars which ſupported the tower towards the eaſt are gone, ſo that three ſides of it are down, leaving a chaſm, through which you look up towards the remaining quarter.

The north aile is lighted by a circular window, repreſenting a crown of thorns, which makes an uncommon appearance. Here are the effigies of Peter and Paul, one on each ſide the tower, but of inferior ſculpture.

It is ſaid Alexander II. King of Scotland, lays buried at the high altar, and that an inſcription denoted his tomb;* but no ſuch inſcription is now to be found. There is a marble tomb, the form of a coffin, on the ſouth ſide of the high altar; but it bears no inſcription, and is ſuppoſed to be that of Waldevus the ſecond Abbot, who was canonized. The Chronicle of Mailroſs contains this anecdote: ‘That Ingerim Biſhop of Glaſgow and four Abbots came to Mailroſs to open the grave, after 12 years interment, when they found the body of Waldevus uncorrupted: on which, with religious rapſody, they exclaimed, Vere hic homo Dei eſt. ’ They afterwards placed a marble monument over the remains.

Many of the noble line of Douglas lay here; among whom is James the ſon of William Earl of Douglas, who was ſlain at the battle of Otterburn, and interred with all military honours. Lord Liddiſdale, who was ſtiled the flower of chivalry, de Valoniis, Vauxs, Somervils, Balfours, and many other men of note, lay in the chapter-houſe.

[Page 289] Upon the wall on the left, as you enter the ſouth aile, two inſcriptions ſtrike the eye, cut in the old Engliſh letter; over one of which a compaſs is extended. They are as follow:

So gayes the compaſs ev'n about,
So truth and laute do but doubt,
Behald to the end—Iohn Murdo.
Iohn Murdo ſum tym callit was I,
And born in Paryſse certainly,
And had in kepying all maſom werk
Of Santandroys, [Note: St Andrews.] the hye kyrk
Of Glaſgu, Melros, and Paſlay,
Of Nyddysdayl and of Galway,
Pray to God and Mari baith,
And ſweet St Iohn keey this haly kirk from skaith.

Whilſt my companion was drawing his view, I wandered in this hallowed ſpot till decline of day; the evening advanced with an unuſual ſolemnity; the clouds, which were ſtruck with crimſon, reflected the beams of the ſetting ſun into the interior parts of the building, and made the whole glow with a purple ray: the idea ſtruck me, that celeſtial miniſters, apparelled ſuitable to the weakneſs of the human eye, accompanied me to walk the ruined aile; the thought was ſufficient to inſpire a contemplative traveller with meditations as ſerious as the human mind is ſuſceptible of. To add to this diſpoſition, the wind blew a briſk gale, and gave a mournful melody; every object was ſolemn, and every thought devout; who could forbear exclaiming, ‘Thy miniſters inceſſantly accompany us, they involve us as with this ray of light, they penetrate the eye, and read the images of the mind before they have utterance; they bear witneſs of our frailties, and rejoice in our virtues; perhaps by ſo exquiſite a touch that human ſenſe cannot diſtinguiſh it, they carry on their operations by thoſe propenſities for which we are unable to account, and influence our reſolves, and ſtruggle with our proneneſs to evil, that we may not deviate from thy laws.

"Millions of ſpiritual creatures walk the earth
"Unſeen, both when we wake, and when we ſleep.
"—How often from the ſteep
"Of echoing hill or thicket have we heard
"Celeſtial voices to the midnight air
"Sole—or reſponſive each to other's note
[Page 290] "Singing their great Creator? Oft in bands
"While they keep watch or nightly rounding walk
"With heav'nly touch of inſtrumental ſounds
"In full harmonic number join'd, their ſongs
"Divide the night, and lift our thoughts to heaven."
Theſe ſad remains of human glory! how are their beauties defaced! thus paſs away the mighty things of the earth! To the eye of him to whom ten thouſand years are as one day, what vanity is the magnificence of men; here, forgotten of the world, lay in the duſt princes and nobles, whoſe titles, authority, and power, are vaniſhed as the baſeleſs fabric of a viſion. If ſpirits viſit their terreſtrial abodes, for it is not the will of our father which is in heaven that one of theſe ſhould periſh, here perhaps wander heroes, who languiſh over their unexpiated crimes; men of religious orders, who mourn the depravity of the human race, and the deſolation of their temple, where once all human energy was breathed in prayer. If ſpirits viſit their terreſtrial walks, and leave for a time that ineffable beatitude proclaimed to us, that in heaven their angels do always behold the face of our father which is in heaven—perhaps—alas, it is too true! I loſt a friend! perhaps his expanded eſſence fills this ray, that penetrates the gloom, rejoices in the thoughts which riſe upon my mind, conveys my prayer to the divine propitiatory, prompts each virtuous fervour, and ſubverts all riſing impropriety: perhaps, with that pure affection which he poſſeſſed when living on earth, he looks upon my countenance, commiſerates the darkneſs of my faculties, that here are labouring for pleaſure or for knowledge!’

My eyes grew full of tears, my heart heaved in tumult, my hands were graſped through energy of thought, and I ſtood as a ſtatue, when the approaching foot of my companion rouſed me, preſerving my mind from a growing extravagance of imagination, which was already replete with the moſt affecting images.

In the morning, at ſun-riſe, we again returned to theſe ſplendid ruins, which had even occupied the viſions of our ſleep; we yet had to take a ſurvey of the nave of the church, which is now uſed for worſhip. On opening the door, it is not to be expreſſed, the diſagreeable ſcene which preſented itſelf; this place is filled with ſtalls, in the diſpoſition of which, irregularity alone ſeems to have been ſtudied: ſome [Page 291] are raiſed on upright beams, as ſcaffolds, tier above tier; others ſupported againſt the walls and pillars: no two are alike in form, height, or magnitude; the ſame confuſion of little and great, high and low, covers the floor with pews: the lights are ſo obſtructed, that the place is as dark as a vault; the floor is nothing but the damp earth; naſtineſs and irregularity poſſeſs the whole ſcene. The fine workmanſhip of the pillars, whoſe capitals, for flowers and foliage, exceed all the reſt of the building, the ribs of the arches, and the ornaments of their interſections, are ſcarce to be ſeen in the horrid gloom which poſſeſſes the place.

What idea, concomitant to religion, can dictate filthineſs and confuſion in a houſe of worſhip, I know not: by magnificence and ſplendour the eye may be diverted; but in that elegant ſimplicity, in which cleanneſs and plainneſs are aſſociates, the mind abſtracted from attention to worldly things, will be yielded to uninterrupted devotion. All reformation has been attended with extravagance; bigotry grows up into paſſion, and from one extreme the zealot ruſhes into another. When the pomp of Romiſh worſhip was to be corrected, the Scotch ſunk into the deepeſt reverſe. Many of the old churches in Scotland, which I have ſeen, are filthy and foul; one of the allotments of the Cathedral of St Andrews, in the city of Glaſgow, appropriated to parochial duty, is even in the burial vaults, in the foundation of the ſtructure, without light, but what iſſues through little loop-holes near to the pulpit, where the miniſter ſits to teach his pariſhioners, who are lodged in outer darkneſs; but for uncleanneſs and irregularity this place exceeds them all. I have had dreams of confuſion in my youth, but never formed even a diſeaſed idea like this. It looks like the houſe of lunatics, it is unparallelled, and defies all language to give it a deſcription; ſuperior to every thing but the incongruities of a Bedlamite's diſordered fancy.

But to more moderate matters: Here are ſeveral tombs of eminent perſonages; on the north wall is inſcribed, under a coat armour, ‘Here lies the race of the houſe of Zair.’ Many altars, baſons for holy water, and other remains of ſeparate chapels appear in the ailes, among which are thoſe of St Mary and St Waldave.

The ſentiments which aroſe to me, whilſt I walked or rather ſtaggered about in this ſtrange ſcene, were much to this effect: I premiſed that true Religion conſiſted of that devout fervour of mind, which gives its [Page 292] ideas to the Divinity, full of gratitude for his benevolence and long-ſufferings, full of admiration of that majeſty and mightineſs which are diſplayed through all his works; and from a true conſciouſneſs of man's demerits and the imperfections of his judgment, full of patience, humility, and reſignation. When a man who is poſſeſſed of ſuch diſpoſition of mind puts up a prayer, it is only for mercy and protection. In whatever claſs of religious men we find theſe premiſed principles beſt preſerved, we may determine with juſtice, that there the true devotee is diſtinguiſhed. Modes of religion are its corruption; the acceptations of a country, or the preſcriptions of a peculiar ſet of men, may be ſalutary to the community in general, but in no wiſe conducive to the devotion of the individual. Religion has its eſſence from the liberty of the mind; formularies, maxims, modes, or dictions, are diſguiſes which in the robe confound the ſpirit; are fetters that bind down the fervour of the mind. If the truly devout heart breathe out, "Lord have mercy on me a ſinner," there is more religion in that ſhort ſentence ſo uttered, than in ten thouſand Ave Marys, a million of liturgies, and the frippery of eſtabliſhment. Charity is as unbounded as the regions of heaven, and beſet with as many gems as the galaxy. Charity ſays, the truly religious of every age, nation, cuſtom, profeſſion, and mode, are acceptable to the Divinity; for it is not the mode, but the ſpirit that approacheth the regions of life. When I tread the walk of antiquity, I venerate the pious works of the heathen: the ſervant of the Deity is to be revered, let his ſervice differ never ſo wide from the eſtabliſhment of which I am a member: it is the eſſence of the act, that I ſever from the defilements of cuſtom: we judge, and may be judged; we think we are right; ſo did the Ancients: the Druid, the Amonian, in his acts of piety, is to be regarded without the errors of his ſunſhine ſervices; he worſhipped the Deity, under the ſymbol of the ſun; an object in nature the moſt reaſonably adopted as the image of the Creator, or as the throne of his majeſty.

The Roman ſcattering ſalt and meal on the crackling coals, and making his libations to the Divinity under the type of ſome of his attributes, is alſo worthy of our reverence: the errors his modes admitted, through charity are exempt from judgment, and his real piety is eſtimated, diveſted of defilements which were contracted from the errors of the age.

[Page 293] The Jewiſh pomp and ceremony, the tumultuous and noiſy ſacrifice, the greaſy ſervices, and blood-beſpattered altars, are all forgotten, when we trace the religion of the mind, and the piety of the devotee.

The magnificent rites of modern Rome looſe their pageantry, and ſink upon our eſtimate, when we compare them to the cell of humiliation; where piety, leaving the eye of men, retires to ſolitudes, and the Recluſe confeſſing the frailties of nature, with purity of ſoul avows all the religious confidence of faith; we at once turn from the echoing dome, and the acclamations of a choir of eunuchs, to ſeek this holy devotee, the man who communes ſecretly with his own ſoul; who puts off the formulary, and preſents, in his ſolitary cell, a genuine confeſſion and the ſpirit of prayer before his God, whoſe preſence is univerſal.

The Reformiſt, proteſting againſt the errors of others, like the ſcriptural image of imperfection, plucks not the beam from his own eye; though leſs pompous in his ſervice, yet he remains as ceremonious;* all attitudes are admitted to his devotion by intervals, except the original one, the eaſtern attitude, that proſtration which expreſſes the utmoſt humiliation; his liturgy is filled with repetition, whilſt there is ſurely no want of ſubject for ſupplication. When many ſuppoſed Mediators were to be addreſſed, repetition was attended with ſome reaſon: theſe are taken away, but the reiteration continues. When the reformiſt breathes the ſighing of a contrite heart, he gains with the devotee of every denomination an acceptation which depends not upon modes.

The Preſbyterian avoids much form, but admits much ſlovenlineſs, much indolence, and more negligence; yet the inward ſpirit, which would have been devout in any other claſs of religious, is the ſame worthy devotee in this apparel.

The ſilent Quaker ſits meditative; his mind, unoccupied by faſhion or form, is open to nature's dictates in all their ſimplicity; he perceives the glow of devotion, the moving ſpirit warms his ſoul, and the heart [Page 294] conceives what the Divinity accepts, though unuttered by the lips. The Fanatic would in the utmoſt agitation be in action, the Bramin be in torture, but this Religious brings offerings of peace; his God is the God of tranquillity. It is the ſervice of the ſpirit is acceptable; the offices of the body are appropriated to corruption, to faſhion, and the follies of the world.

The canting Hypocrite, who goes about announcing wretchedneſs, and breathing anathemas on mankind, is to be treated with pity and an apothecary.

Religion is replete with pleaſures, and not burthened with terrors; ſhe bringeth forth the moſt placid hope, and her hope is accompanied with inexhauſtible images of joy. Pope's diſtich, as to modes of faith, is infallibly true: ‘"His ſure is beſt whoſe life is in the right."’ Religion is in the manners, and not in modes of prayer.

But to return to my ſubject:—In one of the ailes of this part of the church, is an inſcription cut in a fair letter, but of what import I cannot diſcover:


The ancient monaſtery of Mailroſs is ſaid to have ſtood originally a mile from the preſent ruins, but by whom founded is uncertain.—One houſe marks the place, ‘on a lofty promontory, peninſulated by the Tweed: a moſt beautiful ſcene; the banks lofty and wooded, varied with perpendicular rocks, jutting like buttreſſes from top to bottom. This was the ſcite of the ancient abbey of Culdees, mentioned by Bede to have exiſted in 664, in the reign of the Saxon Oſwy. This place was as celebrated for the auſterities of Diricthelmus,* as ever [Page 295] Finchal was for thoſe of St Godric. The firſt was reſtored to life after being dead for an entire night. During that ſpace he paſſed through purgatory and hell, had the beatific viſion, and got very near to the confines of heaven. His angelic guide gave him an uſeful leſſon on the efficacy of prayer, alms, faſting, and particularly maſſes of holy men, infallible means to relieve the ſouls of friends and relations from the place of torment.’

The Scotch who are ambitious of antiquity, attribute it to Columbus; ſome more moderate, ſay its original patron was Aidan. Bede ſays it was ſeated on the banks of Tweed; that the churches at that time were built of oak, thatched with reeds; and that the religious of this houſe maintained themſelves a long time againſt the canons and ordinances of the Romiſh councils. On a peninſula formed by the river, you are ſhewn the ſcite of old Mailroſs, with the foundations of the wall, the porter's lodge, the chapel know, and many other places appertaining to that houſe; together with the remains of a bridge over Tweed. Nennius, who lived as ſome authors aſſert in 620, but according to others in 853, ſpeaks of this monaſtery as a place of great note; and probably it was deſtroyed by the Danes when they ravaged this country. Bede gives the names of ſome Abbots here; Eata the firſt: he was ſucceeded by Boiſil, who according to Dempſter died in 643: St Cuthbert ſucceeded Boiſil, but afterwards quitted this monaſtery, and went to Lindisfarne: he was ſucceeded by Etholwold. This is all I can collect of old Mailroſs. The houſe of which theſe celebrated ruins are the remains, was founded by David King of Scotland in the year 1136: it was endowed with large revenues and many immunities, as appears by the charters granted to the Abbot and Convent by the Kings of Scotland. In a manuſcript ſaid to be depoſited in the Colbertine Library, giving an account of the ſeveral religious houſes founded by King David, it is mentioned, Sed Melroſſenſum praecipue inter omnes eccleſias & fideliter defenſabat & dulciter diligebat & ſuis opibus exornabat. Mr Hay ſays it is recorded in the book of taxes of the Apoſtolic Chamber, that King David beſtowed thereon 1880 florins. The original charter of foundation was [Page 296] confirmed by his ſon Prince Henry, and intimates that he gave to this abbey the whole lands of Mailroſs, Eldun of Dernewie, Galtownſide, Galtownſide Haugh, and Galtownſide Wood, and many privileges in the foreſts of Selkirk and Traquair; particularly betwixt Galla and Leeder. The charter alſo expreſſes, that theſe lands had been perambulated by the King in perſon, accompanied by Prince Henry, with Richard the firſt Abbot. The date of this charter is the ſecond year after Stephen of Boloign, King of England, was taken priſoner, which muſt be in the year 1143. The witneſſes are Hogo de Moreville, William de Somerville, Gervaſus Riddel, &c.

The date of the foundation appears in this monkiſh diſtich:

"Anno Milleno centeno terquoque deno
"Et ſexto Chriſti, Melroſe fundita fuiſti."
By the foundation charter the dedication appears to be Deo & ſanctae Mariae de Mailroſs & Monachis ibidem deo ſervientibus de Riavallis, &c. of the Ciſtercian order; yet the church was not dedicated till the year 1146.

Richard the firſt Abbot was inſtalled in the year 1136, the year of foundation: he was ſucceeded by Walterus or Waldevus, a ſon of King David, who was afterwards elected Biſhop of St Andrews, but refuſed Epiſcopacy. To him many miracles were attributed; to relate one will ſuffice:—‘In a great famine, about 4000 poor people came to the convent of Mailroſs for relief, whom Waldeve the Abbot pitying, he went with his cellarer or butler Tyna to his grange at Heldwii, and then to Gattonſide, and having put in the ſtaff which he carried in his hand among the corn, it was increaſed through the ſign of the croſs, both for the ſupply of the convent and all theſe numerous poor.’ He received canonization, and many rich offerings were made at his tomb.

Joceline, a man of great learning, was Abbot here; he was afterwards made Biſhop of Glaſgow, but choſe Mailroſs for the place of his interment. One Laurentius was a ſucceeding Abbot; alſo Ranulph, in 1194, who by the Legate of Pope Innocent III. was made Biſhop of Down, in Ireland.

We find this monaſtery, like all others, very buſy and warm in ſecular matters. The pious Legate was at Mailroſs to determine a diſpute between this Abbey and Calehow, and to his diſhonour, it is ſaid, he [Page 297] took the fee of office, and left the caſe undetermined: and in 1268 the Abbot and a great many of the ſociety and dependents of this monaſtery, were excommunicated by a Council held at Perth, for an affray with the men of Wedale, in which a Clergyman was ſlain, and many perſons wounded.

In 1206, William the 9th Abbot of Mailroſs died. This was the 48th year after the death of St Waldeve. William was equally eſteemed for his ſanctity, and on his death it was reſolved that their bodies ſhould be laid together. As the workmen were preparing William's grave, brother Robert, who was a Maſon,* by the incitement of ſome of his aſſociates, but not without reluctance and much religious horror, raiſed the cover of Waldeve's tomb, when there iſſued a fragrance, as if the grave had been filled with ſpices. Being in the gloom of the evening, he brought a candle to the aperture; all who were preſent beheld the ſacred body entire, and all the veſtments as freſh and beautiful as when firſt put on. There were ſix Monks and as many Lay-brothers, who had the happineſs of gratifying their pious though preſumptuous curioſity.

In the year 1240, the bones of the Abbots of Mailroſs, that lay in the entrance of the chapter-houſe, were taken up, and more decently buried in the eaſtern part of the ſame chapter-houſe, all excepting the bones of St Waldeve, whoſe ſepulchre was opened, and his body found at laſt crumbled into duſt. Thoſe who were preſent carried off ſome of the ſmall bones, leaving the reſt to repoſe in peace. One of the company was William ſon to the Earl of Dunbar, and nephew to the King, a Knight of great fame. He begged and obtained a tooth of the ſaint, by which he is ſaid to have wrought many cures.

In 1296, one Patrick, then Abbot, ſwore fealty to King Edward I.

Robert of Kindalach, a Monk and Abbot of Dunfermline, and Chancellor of Scotland, was Abbot here. Alſo

John Foggo, Confeſſor to King James I. of Scotland, and

Andrew Hunter, Lord High Treaſurer and Confeſſor to King James II. of Scotland.

[Page 298] Duroys and Foggos appear in the ſame liſt, and alſo James Stuart, eldeſt natural ſon to King James I. he was Abbot of Kelſo and alſo of Mailroſs, and died about the year 1559. After him Cardinal de Guiſe was nominated, but never inſtalled.

This monaſtery ſuffered many injuries in the wars between Scotland and England. In the year 1322, it was pillaged by the troops of King Edward II. whoſe inglorious expedition was marked with diſgrace, by the burning this and Dryburgh Abbey, and murdering a company of Monks. King Robert Bruce, for its reſtoration, gave, in the year 1326, 2000l. ſterling, with many forfeited eſtates. King Richard II. again burnt this monaſtery, and in the reign of King Henry VIII. it was pillaged and laid waſte. Sir Ralph Ivers and Sir Bryan Layton having obtained a grant of Merſe and Tiviotdale, on their coming to take poſſeſſion, were oppoſed by Archibald the 7th Earl of Angus, at Ancrum Moor, and ſuffered a ſhameful defeat. The ground where this battle was fought is called Lilliards Edge, from the ſingular valour of a woman who was on the ſide of the Scotch. Over her place of interment was erected a monument, with this inſcription:

Fair maiden Lilliard lies under this ſtane,
Little was her ſtature, but great her fame;
On the Engliſh lads ſhe laid many thumps,
And when her legs were off ſhe fought upon her ſtumps.

Mailroſs was a mother church to all of the Ciſtercian order in Scotland. The Monks wrote a chronicle of this houſe, beginning at 735, and continued down to 1270. It had many endowments beſides thoſe of King David, particularly by King Alexander II. the family of Stuarts, and others. In the year 1561, the revenue appeared, by the account then taken, to be as follows:
  • In Money — 1758l. per annum.
  • Wheat — 14 chalders, 9 bolls.
  • Bear — 56 chalders, 5 bolls.
  • Meal — 78 chalders, 13 bolls, 1 firlot.
  • Aittes — 44 chalders, 10 bolls.
  • Capons — 84.
  • Poultry — 620.
  • Butter — 105 ſtone.
  • Salt — 8 chalders paid out of Preſton Pans.
  • Peats — 340 loads.
  • Carriages 500.

[Page 299] Mr Hay, in his Scotia Sacra, gives the following account: ‘In charta viſitationis 1542, invenio Monachos ibi fuiſſe 100; anno 1520, 80; anno 1540, 70 & 60 converſos, quibus dabantur modia frumenti annuatim 60, cerviſiae dolia 300, ad miſſarum ſolemnia vini dolia 18, ad hoſpites ſuſpiciendos dolia vini 20, cerviſiae 40 frumenti modia 30, infirmis nutriendis 4000lb. Turon, tonſori lib. 400. Pono monaſterium omnium erat in Scotia pulcherimum & opulentiſſimum.’

After the reformation, the abbey of Mailroſs was granted by Queen Mary to James Earl of Bothwell, who forfeited the ſame. It then came to the family of Douglas, one of whom was created Earl of Mortan, under whoſe hands all the evidences of this abbey's poſſeſſions were preſerved, and are now in the cuſtody of that family. A grant was made of it to John Ramſay by King James VI. and confirmed by parliament, as a reward for preſerving the King againſt a traiterous attempt by Lord Gowry. He was created Lord Haddington, and afterwards made a peer of England, by the title of Earl of Holderneſſe. It came afterwards to Sir Thomas Hamilton, who was created Earl of Mailroſs in 1619, and aſſumed on that occaſion three roſes in his coat armour: he afterwards took the title of Haddington. The abbey with its demeſnes were lately purchaſed by the family of Buccleugh.

Many large buildings have ſtood within the walls of the monaſtery, whoſe remains yet appear.

In returning from Mailroſs, we paſſed

1.111. NEWSTEAD,

a little village at the diſtance of about a mile from the abbey, noted for a lodge of Free Maſons, whoſe antiquity is believed to be cotemporary with the monaſtery at leaſt; but ſome preſume to trace it to a much greater diſtance, from its vicinity to the Helton Mountains, which entertained a Druid tribe, whoſe traces are evident to this day. Here are the foundations and remains of a houſe belonging to the Knights Templars, called Red Abbey Stead.

The name of a peculiar ſpot on the middle Helton Mountain, with a traditional account that it was ſacred to Jupiter, and was a poſſeſſion of the Druids, induced us to viſit theſe lofty hills. We advanced to the [Page 300] ſummit of the center hill, a riſe of about a mile and half: the place called Abor-jo, of which there is ſuch tradition, engaged us ſome time; our guide ſaid, that in former times it was girt with a grove of oaks, and fenced with a trench and vallum of earth. The veſtiges of the trench remain, but the grove is no more. Abor was a name given by the Amonians to the great luminary, and ſignifies the parent of light. In Mr Bryant's work we have the following definition:—‘This luminary was alſo called Abor, the parent of light, and his temple Cho-abor. Of this name both a city and river were to be found in Gauzaintis, as well as in Suſiaria and other parts.’—Abor-jo is an eaſy corruption of Abor-cho, being a mere tranſpoſition of the titles.

On the top of the north-eaſt mountain are the traces of a large encampment. Mr Pennant ſays, on one of theſe hills ‘is a Roman camp, and that he had been informed of others, with military ways to be traced in various places.’ I am apt to conjecture Mr Pennant took this account from a little pamphlet ſold at Mailroſs, deſcribing that place and its environs, and did not viſit it himſelf. The place hath not the form or appearance of a Roman camp; it has been an occaſional fortification, not a permanent one: the climate and expoſure of the ſituation will not allow a conjecture that it was deſigned for a continued ſtrong-hold. The breaſtworks are of earth, defended by moles at irregular diſtances, a mode not practiſed by the Romans. In the beginning of Ethelwold's reign, Oſwin, who claimed the crown as his right of inheritance, levied forces to recover it. This was the ſcene of a deciſive engagement; Oſwin having fortified himſelf ſtrongly, at length determined to put his claim to the iſſue of battle: the fight continued for three ſucceſſive days, beginning on the 6th of Auguſt, 761; but the event was fatal to Oſwin and his adherents, Oſwin dying in the field. It is moſt probable theſe fortifications were of the above date, when the diſpoſition of the crown of Northumberland was determined by the event I have mentioned.

King Alexander III. levied a great army in 1258, which rendezvouſed at Mailroſs, where the King continued ſome time. There is ſcarce an eminence on theſe borders, but what bears the marks of warfare. From the north-eaſt eminence there is a moſt extenſive and beautiful proſpect, commanding all the vale of Tweed down to Berwick, a fine though diſtant view of Tiviotdale; the northern and weſtern views are rugged and mountainous.

[Page 301] After repaſſing Kelſo, we arrived at


having kept the northern ſide of Tweed. The views on this ride were open and beautiful: we paſſed the ſeat of Dr Johnſton, finely covered with wood; alſo the ſeat of Lord Hume, around which extenſive plantations of young firs are ariſing, and already have an excellent effect upon the landſkip. The elegant houſe of Mr Majoribanks, by Coldſtream, loſes half its beauty in want of wood.

End of the Firſt Part.

APPENDIX. Anno decimo quarto Elizabethae cap. 13. An Act for annexing Exam and Examſhire to the County of Northumberland.


WHereas for the ſpace of diverſe years laſt paſt, the Queen her Highneſs and her moſt dearly and beloved father King Henry the Eighth, King Edward the Sixth her Highneſs's brother, Queen Mary her ſiſter, as in right of the Imperial Crown of this realm of England by reaſon of an exchange had and paſſed between the ſaid late King Henry the Eighth and the late Reverend Father Robert Archbiſhop of York, in the eighth year of the moſt noble reign of the ſaid late King Henry, have been, and her Majeſty yet is ſeized of and in the franchiſe and liberty of Exam and Examſhire, lying within the body and middle of the county of Northumberland, which ſaid liberty and territories, when it was in the hands of the ſaid Archbiſhop, was commonly termed and called a county palatine, where in right or proof there was none ſuch; yet by reaſon of that error ever ſince and yet there hath been and are diverſe opinions, beſides ſome queſtion and doubt, whether the liberty and territory of Exam and Examſhire ſhould and ought to be part of the ſaid county of Northumberland or otherwiſe exempted, and whether the dwellers and inhabitants there ſhould and ought to be juſtifiable and anſwer to juſtice as others of the ſaid county of Northumberland are and ought or not, and the like queſtion and doubt yet is and remaineth; by reaſon whereof not only pleas of the crown and ſuits betwixt party and party ſuffer continues, ſtays, letts, and alſo have no end of tryal; and beſides the moſt and greateſt offenders to the crown and their country have and daily run thither, as to a Sanctuary, upon hope and truſt of refuge thereby, to the great comfort and encouragement of many the vileſt and worſt ſubjects and offenders in all the north parts, and to the great offence of the Almighty and moſt manifeſt hinderance of good execution of law and juſtice:—In and for the due remedy and redreſs of ſuch great enormities and apparent miſchiefs, may it pleaſe the Queen her Majeſty, That by her Highneſs, the Lords Spiritual and [Page] Temporal, and the Commons in this high court of Parliament aſſembled, it may be enacted, manifeſted, and declared by the authority of the ſame, the ſaid territories, franchiſes, and liberties of Exam and Examſhire, with the liberty of the ſame, may be, is, and ſhall be from henceforth taken to be within and part, parcel, and member of the ſaid county of Northumberland; and that as well all ſuits of the crown as alſo all ſuits betwixt party and party, may proceed and have their due tryal within the ſaid county of Northumberland by and before the Sheriffs and Coroners of the ſaid ſhire, and alſo before the Juſtices of the Peace, Juſtices of Gaol Delivery, Juſtices of Aſſize, Niſi Prius, Oyer and Terminer, and other officers, and each and every of them as the caſe ſhall require, and take effect as any of the like have been or ought to be, which have happened or ſhall hereafter happen within the ſaid county of Northumberland; and that from henceforth the Sheriff and other officers of the county of Northumberland for the time being may have full power and authority to execute his and their office, and all proceſs to him and them directed within Exam or Examſhire, and the liberties of the ſame, in as large and ample manner as he or they may, ſhould, or ought to do within any other part of the ſaid county of Northumberland, (any grant, privilege, cuſtom, uſage, liberty, or any thing elſe whatſoever heretofore made, claimed, uſed, had, put in uſe or execution, or enjoyed, to the contrary notwithſtanding) ſaving to the Bailiff of the liberty, or other officer of the ſaid town of Exam and Examſhire, or the liberties thereof, all ſuch liberties and privileges for executing of proceſs, return of writs, and otherwiſe, as they or any of them of right ought to have before the making of this act.


  • Genealogical Table of the Kings of Northumberland.
  • A State of Northumberland under the Romans, and the Succeſſion of Kings under the Saxon Heptarchy.
  • A Chronological Table of the Kings of Northumberland.
  • A Table of Coins.
  • ALDSTON in Cumberland Page 3
  • WHITLEY CASTLE, the Alione of the Romans —
  • KIRKHAUGH Page 7
  • KNARESDALE, with a deſcription of the Roman Maiden Way Page 8
  • FEATHERSTON CASTLE, with a Plate Page 10
  • HALTWEZELL Page 12
  • CARR-VORAN, the Magna of the Romans Page 14
    • with a Plate of Inſcriptions Page 18
  • THE PICTS WALL deſcribed Page 19
    • Part of the Manuſcripts of Roger Gale, Eſq —Two letters from Mr John Horſley, notes Page 40
  • THIRLWALL CASTLE, with a large Plate Page 42
  • WARDREW Page 43
  • WALL TOWN Page 44
  • GREAT CHESTERS, the Aeſica of the Romans —
    • Plate of monumental Effigies Page 46
  • LITTLE CHESTERS, the Vindolona of the Romans —
    • A ſketch of the mode of ſacrificing Page 54
  • HOUSE STEADS, the Borcovicus of the Romans Page 61
  • MANUSCRIPTS of R. Gale. Eſq—Letter from J. WARBURTON, with Mr Gale's Notes thereon, notes
  • SHEWING SHEELS, called by Camden the Hunnum of the Romans Page 64
  • CARROWBROUGH, the Procolitia of the Romans Page 65
  • WALWICK Page 71
  • WALWICK CHESTERS, the Cilurnum of the Romans Page 72
    • Plate of the Roman manner of encamping, according to POLYBIUS Page 73
    • Plate of an ideal drawing of a ROMAN CAMP Page 79
    • Plate of a monumental Effigy and Inſcription Page 81
    • Plate of another monumental Effigy Page 82
    • Plate of another monumental Effigy and Inſcription Page 83
  • HEXHAM Page 86
    • Plate of an elegant Inſcription in the CHURCH OF HEXHAM.
    • Plate of a Tomb in the Church.
    • Plate of an Effigy of Silenus in the Church.
    • Large Plate of Antiquities in the Church.
    • Plate of an Inſcription in the Old Tower.
    • [Page] Manuſcripts of R. Gale, Eſq—Letter from Sir John Clerk, notes Page 101
  • HAYDEN BRIDGE Page 109
  • RIDLEY HALL Page 110
    • Manuſcripts of R Gale, Eſq notes Page 112
    • Letters from R. Gale, Eſq to Mr John Warburton notes Page 112
    • — from Mr J. Warburton to Mr Gale notes Page 112
    • — from Mr Gale to Mr Warburton notes Page 112
  • BLANCHLAND Page 118
  • BOLBECK Page 119
  • MINSTER ACRES Page 120
  • PRUDHOE Page 121
    • A Plate of the Caſtle.
  • OVINGHAM Page 127
  • WYLAM —
  • CLOSE HOUSE Page 128
  • RUTCHESTER, the Vindoiata of the Romans —
  • BYWELL Page 131
  • STAMFORDHAM Page 135
  • WELTON TOWER Page 138
  • HALTON CHESTERS, the Hunnum of the Romans Page 140
  • AYDEN CASTLE Page 142
  • CORBRIDGE Page 144
    • AN ELEGANT LARGE PLATE of the Roman Laux found at Corbridge, now in the cuſtody of his Grace the Duke of Northumberland.
    • Manuſcripts of R. Gale, Eſq—Letters on this Piece of Antiquity, from Mr Robert Cay, Sir John Clerk, Mr Maurice Johnſon, Dr Stukeley, and Mr Gale Page 146
    • Manuſcripts, &c. notes Page 162
    • Letter from Mr Horſley to Mr Gale on the Roman Altars found at Corbridge notes Page 162
    • — from Mr Gale to Mr Horſley notes Page 162
    • A LARGE PLATE, an Etching of the Altar inſcribed to Aſtarte, now in the cuſtody of the Rev. Dr Graham of Netherby.
  • CORCHESTER, the Corſtopidum of the Romans Page 168
  • DILSTON Page 170
  • NUNSBROUGH Page 172
  • BEAUFRONT Page 173
    • Manuſcripts, &c.—Letter from Mr Robert Cay to Roger Gale, Eſq
  • PORTGATE Page 174
  • ST. OSWALDS Page 175
  • HANGING SHAWS Page 177
  • WARK Page 179
  • BELLINGHAM Page 180
  • [Page] RISINGHAM, the Habitancum of the Romans. —
    • ETCHING of the Effigy on a Rock called Robin of Riſingham.
    • Inſcriptions found at CHESTER HOPE Page 184
  • ELISHAW Page 193
  • ELSDEN —
    • Manuſcripts, &c.—Letter from the Rev. Mr Robert Patten to R. Gale, Eſq notes.
  • OTTERBURN Page 196
    • An Account of the Battle of OTTERBURN.
    • Manuſcripts, &c.—Letter from Mr J. Horſley to R. Gale, Eſq notes.
  • RIECHESTER, the Bremenium of the Romans Page 198

    Manuſcripts, &c.

    • Letter from Mr Robert Cay to R. Gale, Eſq
    • — Mr Gale's Anſwer.
    • — from Sir John Clerk to R. Gale, Eſq
    • — from Mr J. Horſley to R. Gale, Eſq
    • — from the ſame.
    • — from the ſame.
    • — Mr Gale's Anſwer.
    • — from Mr J. Horſley to R. Gale, Eſq
    • — Mr Gale's Anſwer.
    • — from Mr J. Horſley to R. Gale, Eſq
    • — from the ſame.
  • PLATE of a Sculpture and Inſcription lately found at this Station, not publiſhed before.
  • NUNWICK Page 211
  • SYMONDBURN Page 212
  • BAVINGTON Page 216
  • HARNHAM Page 217
  • BELSEY CASTLE Page 218
  • LITTLE HARLE Page 219
  • WALLINGTON Page 220
  • ROTHLY CASTLE Page 223
  • ROTHBURY Page 227
  • HEPPLE Page 228
  • HALYSTONE Page 229
  • WHITTINGHAM Page 230
  • LEMINGTON Page 231
  • EDLINGHAM Page 232
  • BOLTON —
  • EGLINGHAM Page 234
  • BEANLY —
    • A Plate of Percy's Croſs.
  • RODHAM Page 235
    • A Plate of the Druids Monument at Three-ſtone Burn Page 236
  • ILDERTON Page 237
  • [Page] HORTON CASTLE Page 240
  • WOOLER Page 241
    • The Battle at Redrigs Page 242
  • YEVERING Page 243
  • YEVERING BELL, a Saxon Monument Page 246
    • With a large Plate of the Monument on the Crown of the Mountain called Yevering Bell.
    • Remarks on the Country and Inhabitants Page 258
  • KIRK NEWTON Page 260
    • The Battles of Milfield, Haltwell-Sweir, and Broonridge Page 261
  • KELSO Page 263
    • A large Plate of the North-eaſt Aſpect of KELSO ABBEY.
    • A ſmall Plate of the South-eaſt Aſpect of KELSO ABBEY Page 266
    • A Plate of a fine Daniſh Fort on the Banks of Tweed Page 279
    • A Deſcription of the Fort Page 280
    • A ſmall Plate of the Ruins of the Abbey
  • MAILROSS Page 282

    Manuſcripts, &c.

    • Letter from Mr Francis Drake, of York, to Roger Gale, Eſq —notes.
    • A large Plate of the South-eaſt Aſpect of MAILROSS ABBEY.
  • NEW STEAD Page 299
  • COLDSTREAM Page 301
  • End of the Firſt Part.
  • APPENDIX. Act of Parliament for annexing Exam and Examſhire to the county of Northumberland.


  • Page 22 line 22 for Praetentatura read Praetentura.
  • — 34 for Praetentatura read Praetentura.
  • 93 10 for TRIDSTOL read FRIDSTOL.
  • 97 — for Fig. III. under the plate, read Fig. IIII.
  • 183 27 for page 38 read page 48.
  • 223 — for Rothbury read Rothly.
  • 229 — for Unfranvil read Umfrevill.
  • 276 — for hav- read having
  • 286 33 for high altar read choir.
  • 34 for this part read high altar.
  • — for three windows towards the Eaſt and two ſide windows in the aile, read by three windows, one towards the Eaſt and two ſide windows.
  • 37 for center read other.

Order of the Plates.

  • Genealogical Table of the Kings of Northumberland to face the 1ſt page of the Introduction.
  • A Plate of Thirlwall Caſtle Page 42
  • Inſcription in the Church at Hexham Page 91
  • The Effigies in the Church of Hexham, &c. Page 97
  • Inſcription in the great Tower at Hexham Page 107
  • The Roman Lanx found at Corbridge, now in the Cuſtody of his Grace the Duke of Northumberland Page 145
  • The Altar found at Corbridge Page 166
  • The Monument on Yevering Bell Page 246
  • — The North-eaſt Aſpect of Kelſo Abbey Page 263
  • — The South-eaſt Aſpect of Mailroſs Abbey Page 282

BOOKS printed by T. SAINT, and ſold by the Bookſellers in Town and Country.

  • Price 6s. An EXCURSION to the LAKES in Weſtmoreland and Cumberland, by W. HUTCHINSON.
  • Price 4s. The SPIRIT of MASONRY, in Moral and Elucidatory LECTURES. By W. HUTCHINSON, Maſter of the Barnardcaſtle Lodge of Concord.
  • Price 5s. OBSERVATIONS ON POPULAR ANTIQUITIES; Including the whole of Mr BOURNE'S Antiquitates Vulgares, with Addenda to every Chapter of that Work: As alſo, an APPENDIX containing ſuch Articles on that Subject, as have been ommitted by that Author. By J. BRAND, A. B. and F.S.A.
  • Price 1s. 6d. ILLICIT LOVE, a POEM. By J. BRAND, A. B. of Lincoln College, Oxford, F. S. A.
Mr John Horſley, Mr John Warburton, Sir John Clerk, Mr Robert Cay, Mr Maurice Johnſon, Dr Stukeley, the Rev. Mr Robert Patten, Dr Hunter, the Rev. Mr Robert Place, and others.

Et regiones omnes quae trans Humbrum aeſtuarium ad ſeptentriones jacent, Saxonico nomine Norƿan Humbra ric, i. e. Nordanhumbrorum regnum vocari caeperunt.

Camden Brit. p. 6 [...].

Inde cum regnum Berniciorum, quas Brittanni Guir-a-Brinaich ed eſt quaſi Montanos dicunt.

Camden Brit. p. 623.
Horſley Brit. Rom. lib. I. cha. 3.

Witichindus Geſt. Sax. lib. I.

Some authors ſay the Saxons were not invited over by the Britons, but being exiled from their own country, landed here. But Mannius, in particular, does not ſhew any proof for this aſſertion, from the ſituation of the German ſtates in that aera.

Verſtigan, from the authority of Pomarius, ſays 9000 Saxons came over. Hector Boethius ſays they were 10,000 in number, and were tranſported in 30 ſhips.

The Scotch writers ſay this reinforcement conſiſted of 5000 men.
Bede and Ethelwerd are ſilent, as to any promiſes of ſubmiſſion made by the natives. Gildas ſays their firſt pretence of quarrelling was for a greater allowance. The expreſſion in Gildas is epimenia, a Roman team for the pay of a ſoldier. In Bede it is a [...]ionae, which is conſtrued the produce of lands, proviſions of corn, &c. From thence the editor of Camden determines they were merely mercenaries.
Chron. Sax.—Ethelward, Malmſ. &c.

Inde cum regnum Berniciorum, conſtutum eſſet, quod a teſi ad Scoticum fretum pertigit; pars ejus optima fuit paruitque Nordanhumbrorum regib [...]s, quidum fuam periodum confeciſſent, quicquid ultra Tuedam erat in Scoticum nomen ceſſit, &c.

Camden Brit.
Scha. Caron lib. 2.
Now called Bambrough.
Chron. Sax. Ethelwerd, Malmſ. Huntington, &c.

Duodecem namque filios habuit Ida, ex quibus Reges Northanhimbrorum exorti ſunt; Addas, Ethelricum, Theodericum, Edricum, Theunedheri, Oſmer, Alricum, Decam, Oſbaldum, Scor, Sceotheri, Ocga.

Symeon Dunelm.
Theſe Saxons with their adherants came over in 12 ſhips.—Math. Weſt.
Math. Weſtm.
Chron. Sax. Malmſ. Hunt. &c.
Qui vocatus ferus. H. Hunt. lib. II.
Bede, lib. I. H. Hunt. lib. II.
Bede, Chron. Sax.
Ma [...]. W [...]m.
Bede's Eccleſ. Hiſt. lib. II. Malmſ. lib. I.
Bede, lib. I.—She was the firſt Chriſtian baptized in Northumberland.
Bede, Chron. Sax.
The Kingdom of Mercia comprehended Glouceſterſhire, Herefordſhire, Cheſhire, Staffordſhire, Worceſterſhire, Oxfordſh [...]re, Shropſhire, Warwickſhire, Derbyſhire, Leiceſterſhire, Buckinghamſhire, Northamptonſhi [...]e, Nothinghamſhire, Lincolnſhire, Bedfordſhire, Rutlandſhire, Huntingtonſhire, and pa [...] of Herfordſhire.
In Caſe Edwine's firſt wife was the grand-daughter of Crida, as Malmſ. Hunt. and others alledge, [...] P [...]nda was ma [...]g [...]r againſt his brother-in-law.
The [...] g [...]ven by Caeſar and Tacitus, repreſent the cuſtoms of the Britons as barbarous as [...] of the Americans and Car [...]t bees: they had no ſettled internal policy; they lived in hovels in the [...]; they do not appear to have known tillage, ſave only on the coaſts, which poſſibly was made by ſome ſettlers from Gaul: they had not even approached ſo near civilization, as to correct the cuſtom of [...], the common inter [...]rſe of ſexes, not ſo much as to avoid inceſt.
The corruption of the name Durham from Deira-ham is ſo eaſily conceived, that it renders the conjecture probable this was the capital of Deira. In the neighbourhood of that city is a place called Old Durham; the reaſon of which name I cannot more plauſibly attribute, than to the Deira-ham of the Saxons.
Strutt's Chron. p. 1 [...]6.
Bede Eccl. Hiſt.
A more particular account of this battle, ſee title St Oſwald's, p. 175.

After the departure of Penda, the remains of Oſwald (at the command of Osfrida, Penda's Queen and daughter of Oſwine) were carefully taken away from the field of battle, and interred in the monaſtery of Bradney, in Lincolnſhire, but were afterwards removed to Glouceſter, and interred on the north ſide of the choir of the cathedral church there.

Bede, lib. III.

"Cujus vitam cum multa laude venerabilis Beda proſecutus eſſet, "ut multa, inquit, breviter compraehendam, quantem ab eis qui illum novere didicimus, nichil ex omnibus quae in Evangelicis ſive Apoſtolicis, live Propheticis litteris facienda cognoverat praetermittere, ſed cuncta pro ſuis viribus operibus explere curabat." Hujus praeſulatus anno 8, regni autem ſui IX, ſanctiſſimus ac piiſſimus Rex Oſwaldus primus in tota Berniciorum gente ſignifer fidei Chriſtianae & fundator eccleſiae Lindisfernenſis, ex qua omnium ejuſdem provinciae eccleſiarum manarunt primordia, a Paganis in bello proſtratus occubuit. Cujus caput in Cimiterio eccleſiae praefatae, manus vero cum brachiis quas Rex interfector a corpore praecidi juſſerat, in urbe regia conditae ſunt; dextra cum brachio votum benedictionus Aidani Epiſcopi per incorruptionem praeferente, quae etiam ad noſtram uſque aetatem utriuſque meritum, Regis ſcilicet & Pontificis, gratia ſuae incorruptionis oſtendit; ſicut noſtrae, hoc eſt Dunhelmenſis eccleſiae Monachus venerandae caniciei & multae ſimplicitatis vocabulo Swartebrandus, qui nuper, Willielmo Epiſcopatum adminiſtrante, defunctus eſt, ſaepius ſe vidiſſe atteſtatus eſt. Nam ut Beda narrat, diae ſancto Paſchae ſedente ad menſam Rege, cum diſcus illi argenteus eſſet appoſitus epulis regalibus refertus, ſubito nuntiatur multitudinem pauperum in platea federe & eleemoſinae aliquid a Rege expectare; nec mora, dapes ſibimet appoſitas pa [...]peribus deferri & cundem diſcum inter eos praecepit minutatim dividi: quo facto pietatis Pontifex qui affidebat delectatus, apprehendens dexteram ejus, ait, nunquam inceteraſcat haec manus, Porro aſſa illius in monaſterium, quod in provincia Lindiſſi ſitum eſt, tranſlata ſunt.

Symeon Dunel. lib. I. cha. 2.
Bede, lib. III.

Bede, lib. IV.

At Rex E [...]gfridus anno quo fecerat hunc venerabilem patrem ordinari Epiſcopum, cum maxima parte cop [...]arum quas ad devaſtandam terram pictorum ſecum duxerat, ſecundum prophetiam ejuſdem patris Cuthberti, extinctus eſt apud Nechtaneſmere, quod eſt ſtagnum Nechta [...], die tertio decimo Kalendarum Juniarum, anno regni ſa [...] XV. cujus corpus in Hi [...] inſula Columbae ſepultum eſt.

Symeon Dunel. lib. I. ch. 9.
Chron. Sax.
Chron. Winton.
Chron. Sax. Chron. Winton. &c.

Chron. Sax.

Qui videlicet Ceolwlfus de ſtirpe quidem Idae primi Regis Northanhymbrorum fuerat, ſed non de filio ejus Ethelrico Rege, de quo glorioſiſſimi Reges Oſwaldus & Oſwiu deſcenderant, genealogiam duxit; ſed de tratre ipius Ethelrici nomine Ocga originem traxiſſe invenitur. Fuerat quippe Ceolwlfus filius Cut [...]ae, cujus pater Cuthwine, cujus pater Liodwald, cujus pa [...]er Ecgwald, cujus pater Aldhelm, cujus pater Ocga, cujus pater Ida Rex.

Symeon Dunel. lib. I. ch. 13.
Bede, lib. V. Malmſ. Symeon Dunel. &c.
Malmſ. lib. I. Symeon Dunel. p. 83. lib. II. cha. 3.

Hen. Hunt. J. Redbourne.

Oſulf, cum poſt patrem uno anno regnaſſet, impia nece a ſua familia peremptus, Aethelwoldum Mol ſucceſſorem habuit.

Symeon Dunel. lib. II. ch. 3.

In a note to page 147 in Strut's Chronicle, he ſays, "Simon Dunelm ſeems to ſay, that he was not ſlain, but reſigned the government; but whether by force or his own free will does not appear." All that Symeon ſays, is, "Qui ubi ſex annis regnaverat, Alchred de ſtirpe Ethrici filii Idae Regis in imperium ſucceſſit."

Symeon Dunel. p. 84. lib. II. ch. 3.

Malmſ. lib. I.

Nono autem anno regni fraude ſuorum Primatum exilio imperium mutavit, pro quo Aethelred filius Aethelwold [...] mox in regnum ſubſtitutus eſt. Quo imperi [...] quarto anno in exilium fugato, Aelfwold filius Ofulfi regnum adeptus Northanhymbrorum X annis tenuit.

Symeon Dunel. lib. II. ch. 4.
Malmſ. lib. I. Symeon Dunel. Hen. Hunt. Hoveden.

Chron. Hen. Hunt. Hoveden, &c.

Anno praeſulatus ejus ſexto, praefatus Rex Aelfwoldus a duce ſuo Sicga miſeranda morte peremptus, in loco qui dicitur Scytleſceſter juxta murum, ſepultus eſt in Haguſtaldenſi eccleſia: fuerat quippe pietatis eximiae ac juſtitiae, unde in loco occiſionis ejus lux coelitus emiſſa ſaepe a plurimis viſa eſt. Cui ſuus nepos Oſred Alchredi quondam Regis filius ſucceſſit, ſed poſt annum pulſus regno in Eufoniam inſulam, quae Man vocatur, aufugit, & Aethelred de exilio revocatus regnum quod dudum amiſerat recepit.

Symeon Dunel. lib. II. ch. 4.
J. Redbourne. Chron. Sax. Hoveden, &c.

Alfredus poſtea Danis permiſit, quos Athelſtanus pauculos poſt annos exturbavit.

Camden Brit.

‘Amongſt whom theſe are reckoned up in order in our hiſtories:—Oſulfe, Oſlake, Edulph, Waldeof the Elder, Uchtred, Adulph, Alred, Siward, Toſtie, Edwin, Morcar, Oſculph, and that right valiant Siward, as he lived in arms, ſo would he die armed.—Then this earldom and theſe parts were given unto Toſtie, the brother of Earl Harold: but the earldoms of Northampton and Huntingdon, with other lands of his, were aſſigned to the noble Earl Waldeof his ſon and heir. I will add what I have read in an old manuſcript, in the library of John Stowe, an Antiquary of the city of London:—Copſo being made Earl of Northumberland by William the Conqueror, expelled Oſculph, who ſoon after flew him: Oſculph did not long ſurvive this revenge, he being killed by a javelin, from the hands of a robber After this Goſpatrick purchaſed this earldom of the Conqueror, but was ſoon after depoſed. Waldeof the ſon of Siward ſucceeded him, and he in a ſhort time loſt his head. Then Walcher Biſhop of Durham had the earldom, and was ſlain at a riotous aſſembly of the people. Robert Mowbray attained theſe honours, which he forfeited by treaſonable attempts to depoſe King William Rufus, in favour of Stephen Earl of Albemarle. King Stephen gave this earldom to Henry, ſon of David the Scotch King; and William his ſon, afterwards King of Scotland, aſſumed the title, claiming it from his mother of the family of Earls Warren, as appears by the book of Brinkburn Abbey. After ſome time elapſed, Richard the Firſt ſold this earldom to Hugh Pudſey Biſhop of Durham for life, ceriding him in his title, as having tranſmigrated an old Biſhop into a young Earl. But when the King was a priſoner to the Emperor, in his return from the Holy Land, Hugh having contributed for his ranſom only 2000 pounds of ſilver, which the King reſenting, eſteeming it but a trifling ſum for one who had amaſſed immenſe riches, he diveſted him of this dignity: after which time the title of Earldom of Northumberland lay dormant about 180 years. At length it was revived in the family of Piercys.’

Camden. Brit.
H [...]er p. 111.
It is [...] Mr H [...]rſley ſhould repreſent this ſtation ſo all in his plates:—it is delineated as being [...] to the no [...] [...]nded by three trenches and v [...]lums or rampiers, and on all the [...] by four, with an e [...]ance on each ſide.


Vexillatio legionis viceſimae valentis victricis refecit.

‘This and the three following belong to the Roman ſtation which has been at Whitley Caſtle, near Kirkhaugh, in the ſouth-weſt corner of the county of Northumberland. It is only the old Roman ſtation that goes by the name of the Caſtle. This ſtation is upon the military way uſually called the maiden way: and this inſcription is in the cuſtody of Mr Henry Wallace of Whitley, the proprietor of the ground in which the ſtation has been. The ſtone is manifeſtly of that ſort that are uſually inſerted in the face of the walls or other works built or rebuilt by the ſoldiers: and nothing more can be inferred from this inſcription, but that a vexillation of the 20th legion had rebuilt this ſtation, or ſomewhat about it.’

Horſley, p. 250.


Maximo Germanico pontifici maximo tribunitiae poteſtatis decimum nonum conſuli quartum patri patriae—milites cohortis tertiae nerviorum

‘This inſcription is in a houſe that ſtands juſt at the ſouth entry of the ſtation, and is called Caſtle Nook. It is a great pity it ſhould be ſo imperfect and broken, ſince probably it has been much of the ſame nature with that of which Camden has given us the original, and which I ſhall next deſcribe. I have ſet the reading under this inſcription, which I take to be right. I know not whether the character like a Greek Φ, in the third line, be only an ornamental ſtop, or deſigned for Pio, or that the P has been effaced, and this put only for 10 [...], according to the like contraction in the inſcription now in the library at Edinburgh. Nor am I able to determine, whether the firſt letters in the 4th line can have been P. R. for Proconſul, a title that Caracalla alſo aſſumed, or for Praefectus, the name of the commander having been at the end of the preceding line.’

Horſley, p. 250.


Imper [...]tor's Caeſaris Lucii Severi Arabici Adiabenici Parthici maximi filio divi Antonini Pii Sa [...]mat [...] nepoti divi Antonini Pii pro nepoti divi Hadriani ab nepoti divi Trajani Parthici, et d [...]vi Nervae adnepoti Marco Aurelio Antonino Pio Felici Auguſto Germanico pontifici Maximo tribuntiae poteſtatis decimum—imperatori—conſuli quartum patri patriae pro pietate Aedem ex V [...]o communi curante Legato Augu [...]tali cohors tertia Nerviorum Genio Romae poſuit.

‘Sir Robert Cotton would doubtleſs have procured and removed this ſtone, if poſſible, whatever [...] now become of it, for it is not to be ſeen at Conington. There is yet remaining at App [...]eby, in Weſtmoreland, what I at firſt ſuppoſed had been the original. There is at this place another copy or two cut out as this on ſtone, the originals of which I know are at Con [...]ngton, which increaſes my jealouſy about this, as does likewiſe a memorandum at the bottom of the ſtone on which this inſcription is cut, namely, de Aſtonmore. ſignifying the p [...]ace from whence it came, which is undoubtedly modern, though this might be added when the ſtone was removed to Appleby, and ſo the Roman inſcription, notwithſtanding, be gen [...]ne. However, from this and Camden [...]s copy diligently compared, I have given ſuch a reading to it, as appeared to me the moſt probable. Camden tells us, "that the inſcription was imperfect, and compendiouſly written, with the letters linked one in another," yet he has given it only in plain Roman capitals; but by the help of the ſtone at Appleby. I have brought it nearer to the true form. The inſcription is manifeſtly to Caracalla, and the titles given to his predeceſſors are agreeable to the Roman hiſtory. All that Camden ſays in relation to it, by way of explication, is, "that the third cohort of the Nervii built a temple here to Antoninus the Emperor, the ſon of Severus."—But in order to make ſome ſe [...]e of the latter part of the inſcription, we muſt conſider it more nicely. In the ninth line there have been moſt probably ſome numeral letters after IMP. and more after TR. POT, and theſe may be determined by conſulting hiſtory and the inſcriptions on coins, in order to know how oft he en [...]oyed the tribunitial power, and been ſaluted Imperator, when he was the fourth time Conſul, which was the ſecond year after his father's death, and his leaving Britain I find one Roman coin, which ſeems to determine the whole; in which we have TR. P. XVI. IMP. II. COS. IIII; ſo that the ninth line has probably been the like, as above. 'Tis true he had often, during the ſame conſulate, the tribunitial power, and was oftener ſaluted Imperator, but the vacant ſpaces ſeem not to admit any larger numbers. The P. P. at the end of the line is Patri Patriae. In the next line I apprehend there is only an X wanting before Voto, thus, AED EX VOTO, adem ex Voto, &c. PR. PR. for Propraetor, ſeems alſo to be effaced in the laſt line but one. But I am apt to think there has been nothing more in the laſt line, and that no letters are wanting between the M and G (though ſo repreſented in Camden as if there were) and that we are to read Genio Romae Poſuit. So that if this temple has been erected to Caracalla, it has been dedicated to him as the Genius of Rome, or of the Roman people, a flattering compliment too often paid by the Roman people to their Emperors. Perhaps the name of the Propraetor has been deſignedly ſtruck out; but who he was cannot be known from any other inſcriptions: and as for the Roman hiſtorians, they are entirely ſilent with reſpect to any affairs in Britain at this time, and for a great while after. To remove the difficulty that may ſeem to ariſe from Caracalla's being called the grandſon of M. Aurelius Antoninus, to whom his father Severus was no ways related, nor ever adopted by him, it may not be amiſs to repeat what I obſerved before from X [...]philine, "that after the death of Albinus, Severus called himſelf the ſon of Marcus, and brother of Commodus: hence his ſon Caracalla is called the grandſon of Marcus Antoninus. But there is another difficulty in the words of the inſcription, and that is, how Caracalla could be adnepos or atnepos both to Trajan and Nerva: for if he was ſo to the former, as the regular ſeries of the preceding Emperors requires, he muſt have been trinepos to Nerva. Perhaps therefore the word et in the ſixth line ſhould be fil. and we ought to read Divi Trajani Parthici filii divi Nervae, adnepoti. This will make the genealogy conſiſtent; and the manner of expreſſion is not improper, and in effect the ſame as Trajani adnepoti, Nervae trinepoti." This inſcription was erected in the year 213, when Caracalla was the fourth time Conſul. I have deſcribed and explained it next to number CXII, becauſe I think theſe two are ſomewhat of a like nature.’

Horſley, p. 251.
M [...]. FIL [...]V. ANTONINI —
SARM. [...]P. [...]V. [...]TONI. P. [...]ON
DIVI HA [...]. AB NEP [...]V. TRAIAN.
PARTH. ET [...]V N [...] [...]DNEP —
MAVR. A [...]O [...]NO PIO —


D [...] Minervae et Herculi victori.

‘This altar is now in the church-yard of Kirkhaugh. 'Tis erected to Minerva and Hercules Victor, but by whom or on what occaſion does not appear. The Greek writers call thoſe de [...]es who were worſhipped together at the ſame altar [...]; and theſe two, Minerva and Hercules, might perhaps be joined on this altar, to intimate that the Roman arms were conducted with equal ſkill and fortitude.’ Horſley, p. 252.

In the Gentleman's Magazine of the year 1755, the origin of the name Maiden Way is learnedly defined by the great antiquary Mr Pegg [...] under his feigned ſigniture of P Gemſege, particularly he ſays, ‘to [...]que a conjecture upon a p [...] ſo obſcure, perhaps it may come from the Britiſh word [...]a [...] p [...]er, or beautiful; hence poſſibly may come the Anglo Saxon word Mai [...]o and Ma [...]en virgo, which in that caſe anſwers exactly to our preſent expreſſions, a fair one, and [...] a ſenſe undoubtedly very well accommodated to all the three places, [...]h to the road and the two fortifications,’ Maiden Caſtle, Maiden Way, and Maiden Hold.
Johannes Dei gratia, &c Dat per Manum S Wellensis Archidiaconi apud Hextoldeſham XIV die Februarii, regni noſtri anno Secundo.
Excheat, 1 Edward I.

Mr Wallis who wrote the Antiquities of Northumberland, with infinite induſtry acquired genealogical tables of almoſt all the Northumbrian families.—From his publication I will make extracts, as the beſt authority extant, from whence I can lay before the reader, an account of thoſe antient houſes this county boaſts.

  • Thomas de Featherſton Haugh 1 King Edward I. 2 King Edward II.
  • Alexander — 39 King Edward III.
  • Thomas — 42 ſame.
  • Sir Albany —, High Sheriff of Northumb. 2 Queen Elizabeth.
  • Alexander —, High Sheriff of Northumb. 32 ſame.
  • Them [...] [...]erkinſop, [...]ner of [...]e [...]ſtor 6 King Edward VI.
  • George — 10 Queen Elizabeth.
Horſley's Br. Ro. p. 107.

Mr Horſley has the following inſcriptions in his Brit. Rom.

LXVI. Solvit libentiſſime merito.

‘This I found lying in the court before the houſe: it is an altar, and has a praeſericulum on one ſide, and a patera with a crocked handle on the other; but I could diſcern no letters at all on the face of the altar, though the four on the baſe were viſible.’

LXVII. Deo Vitiri Menius Dada votum ſolvit libens merito.

‘Abundance of antiquities of various ſorts have been dug up in this Roman ſtation and town. When I was laſt there, I purchaſed a Roman ring with a Victory on a cornelian, but coarſe; as alſo a ſmall altar lately found, with the above very plain inſcription upon it, dedicated by one Menius Dada to the God Vitires.’

LXVIII. DIS Manibus Aurelia Pubeo Voma vixit annos .... Aurelius Pubeo Naſo Pientiſſimae filiae dicat.

‘Theſe ſtones are uſed for two ſteps in the ſtairs of a houſe; the letters are very viſible, but part of them, eſpecially on one of the ſtones, is covered by the next ſtep above, which reſts upon this. I ſoon perceived that both of them muſt have originally belonged to one and the ſame ſtone. The whole ſtone appears plainly to have been a funeral monument, erected by Aurelius Pubeo Naſo for his daughter Aurelia Pubeo Voma. Neither this nor the [Page 16] preceding ſtones have been publiſhed before, unleſs a ſmall altar, in Mr Warburton's Map of Northumberland, with the ſame letters SLLM on the baſe of No. LXVI, though there is little reſemblance between the two draughts.’

LXIX. Dirus Vitirious Deccius votum ſolvit libens merito.

‘This is a ſmall altar found here by Mr Gordon, and preſented by him to Baron Clerk, in whoſe collection it now is. Mr Gordon ſuppoſes it to be the ſame with that which was diſcovered by Mr Camden, dedicated to the tutelar God Vitorinus; but according to his own repreſentation it muſt be Dirus Vitirieus Deccius, though what this gentleman took for an E. is a B in the original; ſo that the name is Vitiribus, and ſo it was read to me by the learned Baron himſelf: beſides, it is quite different from that in Camden. It ſeems plain from other inſcriptions, that Vitires, and not Vitirinus, was the name of the tutelar God; for we meet with Vitir [...] in the dative Dirus Vitiribus Deccius is evidently the name of the perſon who erected this altar: it founds more like the name of a foreigner than a Roman, and therefore this perſon was probably among the auxiliaries, by whom theſe ſtations upon the wall were garriſoned.’

(N. B. On one ſide of this altar a Dolphin is delineated.)

‘The learned Baron has obſerves, with relation to the Dolphin, that this was a figure much in uſe about the time that the Roman walls were made in Britain, and even before: the ancients denoted by it diſpatch of buſineſs; and Veſpaſian, who was very fond of the proverb uſed by Auguſtus Caeſar, Fe [...]ina lente, ordered on ſome of his coins, a Dolphin to be repreſented twiſting about an anchor, importing both Tarditas and Feſtinatio: the Dolphin was likewiſe accounted [...] by Plutarch and others: it is probable that ſome ſuch thing was underſtood by the erector of this altar. There is a Boar on the other ſide of th [...]s altar, which is frequently to be met with on ancient ſculptures in Britain.’

‘S [...]h from this ſtation, at leſs than a mile diſtance, ſtands Blenkinſop Caſtle, near the ſide of the river T [...]ppal; at which place was formerly the following inſcription.’

LXX. De [...]hus Nymphis Vetia manſueta, et Claudia Turbivella filia votum ſolverunt libentes.

‘The late Dr Ca [...] of Newcaſtle ſent a copy of this inſcription to the late Mr Thoreſby of Leeds, who publiſhed it in the Tranſactions. It is alſo in Camden's Britannia. No doubt it had been found ſome way hereabouts, and probably near the river: it is now at Dryburn Haugh, near the Spittle, fixed at the ſtable door. Who theſe nymphs were, may be difficult to determine, becauſe they were of various ſorts, and ſuppoſed to reſide almoſt in all places both by land and water.’ There is a fine addreſs to the water nymphs in Virgil:

"Nymphae, Laurentes Nymphae, genus amnibus unde eſt,
"Tuque, O Tybri, tuo genitor cum flumine ſancto
"Acc [...]pite Aeneam, et tandem arcete periclis."

Mr Warburton has publiſhed, in his Map of Northumberland, two ſmall altars. On the face of one is Veteres, and on the baſe of the other DM, for Dis Manibus on the baſe of an altar. Theſe, Mr Warburton ſays, were at Thirlwell Caſtle, or near it; but I could not find the originals.

LXXI Imperatori Caeſari Flavio Valerio Conſtantino Pio Nobiliſſimo Caeſari.

‘This was alſo found here, and carried from hence by Mr Warburton, but has come ſince into my poſſeſſion. Mr Warburton takes ſome notice of it in his Map of Northumberland, the only place I know of wherein it has ever been publiſhed before. The inſcription is cu [...]icus, and needs no explanation. It has been erected to the honour of Conſtantine the Great. [Page 17] The letters in the name Conſtantino, are crowded for want of room on the ſtone. The repetition of the word Caeſari at the beginning and end renders it very curious, and perhaps ſingular in its kind. Spanheim takes notice of the like on two coins; one of Carinus, and the other of Numerinus; but repreſents them as peculiar, and contrary to the uſual cuſtom. In the letters IMR at the beginning, the R which is very plain on the ſtone, is either a miſtake for P, or elſe a deſigned contraction of IMPER. for Imperatori: ſo we have NBL for Nobilis, and CS for Caeſar; as likewiſe CT for Caput or Civitas, as Manutius reads them; with ſeveral others of the like nature, which if attended to, may in ſome caſes remove the ſuſpicion of an error in the Workmen This monument muſt have been erected to Conſtantine, after the death of his father Conſtantius, who died in Britain: for the title of Imperator was not given him till then. As to the title Nobilis or Nobiliſſimus Caeſar, it was ſometimes aſſumed by the Emperors themſelves, and uſually given to their ſons.’

LXXII. —Du—Stireu—Betro—

‘At Wall End juſt by Thirlwell Caſtle, I diſcovered this inſcription; it is upon a fragment of a ſtone, and ſo imperfect that it is very difficult to make any thing of it. The ſtone is coarſe, but the letters that remain, fair and well enough cut. By the ſhape and ornament of the ſtone, I incline to think it has been ſepulchral. DVI put me in mind of the God Dui in a Yorkſhire inſcription. If this ſhould be ſo (ſepulchral) I know not but the laſt word may have been Bretonum; that is, Cohors quarta Bretonum; and then the word in the ſecond line, Stireus, may be the name of a ſoldier or commander of this cohort; but this is only conjecture.’

LXXIII. Jovi Optimo Maximo.

‘This is now a trough in a ſtable at Thirlwell. It ſeems plainly to have been the body of an altar (the capital and baſe being ſtruck off) erected to Jupiter Optimus Maximus, but by whom cannot now be diſcovered.’

LXXIIII. Centurio Munax ſolvit Votum.

‘At Glenwhelt, which is about a quarter of a mile ſouth of Carr-Voran, I ſaw a centurial inſcription which reads Centurio Munax ſolvit Votum. The V that was joined to the M was turned ſomewhat round at the bottom. The ſtone is very long, and tapering almoſt pyramidal, and only ſquare in that face which bears the inſcription. An old man here remembered it was brought from the face of the wall near Thirlwall Caſtle, which very well agrees with the figure of it.’

LXXV. Cohortis Primae Centurio Libonius Poſuit.

‘This is now in the fore wall of a barn at Greenfoot, which is juſt on the other ſide of the water, over-againſt Glenwhelt: it is centurial too, and needs no explicat [...]on.’

LXXV. Centuria Munatii Maximi.

‘Under this number are comprehended two of the common centurial inſcriptions, the former of which was found near Walton, caſt from Carr-Voran, and the latter near Foultown, about a mile weſt from it.’

From the Manuſcripts of the late R. Gale, Eſq Extract of a Letter from Mr John Horſley to Roger Gale, Eſq 21ſt July, 1729.


Since my laſt to you I have received ſome inſcriptions lately diſcovered in one or two of the ſtations on the wall, viz Great Cheſters and Carr-Voran: two of them are of the common ſepulchral kind, the other would, I believe, have been curious, had it not been imperfect▪ [Page 18] The inſcription is on the face of an altar, under a human figure ſacrificing; but the arms of the figure are broken off, and there remains no more of the inſcription than MATRI, which muſt have been Matribus; the reſt is loſt with part of the altar, which has been [...]ct [...]red

‘I find the altar with the Greek inſcription ſtill remaining at C [...]r [...]ridge. expoſed to the in [...] [...] the [...] and the [...]; through a gentleman that has a conſiderable intereſt there promiſed me it ſhould be taken more care of. If I am not miſtaken, that town and [...] conſiderable dependance upon the Duke of Somerſet; perhaps my Lord Hert [...] [...] find [...] ſome way or other to get it into his poſſeſſion, which every body ſhould w [...] [...], that wiſhes well to antiquity.’

SIR, &c.


[Page 15]
  • Ralph de Blenkinſop 1 K. Edward I.
  • Thomas— 39. 42. K. Edward III.
  • William— 10 Queen Elizabeth.
Spartian, p. 363, calls Severus's work a Stone Wall.
The [...]auth [...] have a [...]uted the [...] to wrong perſonages, it being allowed by the moſt learned [...] that the [...] was the w [...]rk of Severus, which opinion is ſounded on [...] Severus was a [...]ded in the work by the Bri [...] in [...] [...]pplies of neceſſaries for the artificers in the progreſs of it.

‘Whereas the Roman Empire, by the providence of Diocleſian, was in the moſt diſtant marches ſecurely fortified with towns, caſtles, and burghs. All the military forces were ſtationed there, ſo that the barbarous nations could not enter the country without oppoſition at every paſs. Conſtantine aboliſhing this order of garriſon, removed his troops from the marches to cities and towns not needful of armed force: ſo that he left the marches open to the barbarians, ungarriſoned, and diſtreſſed the cities with the maintenance of troops, where there was a ſettled peace. The frontier ſtations became deſolate, the ſoldiers addicted to theatrical entertainments and other pleaſures, became debauched. In a word, he it was who brought the firſt cauſe of ruin to the empire.’

The compoſition of the devil's arrows prove them to be artificial, pieces of brick being intermixed with the ſmall pebbles and granules of ſpar. They appear to have been formed in a mould, the tops of the columns being channelled as the flowing in of the liquidated compoſition might be conceived to occaſion.

From the Manuſcripts of the late Roger Gale, Eſq Extract of a Letter from Mr John Horſley to Roger Gale, Eſq 24th March, 1728-9.

‘Had we an accurate Map of England, and a faithful and impartial account of matter of fact, where there are ſtations and military ways, and where there are none, I am fully [Page 41] convinced that many difficulties might be removed, and the time and ſituation of ſeveral ancient places be determined with a great deal of certainty, about which at preſent we are much at a loſs.’

‘This was the method I took in the northern counties; firſt, to be well aſſured from occular demonſtration, where there were any viſible remains or certain proofs of Roman ſettlements, and then to compare this account with that in the Itinerary and Notitia Imperii. The ſucceſs of this method was not only anſwerable to my expectation, but vaſtly beyond it.—After this manner I have ſettled, I humbly think beyond exception, the Stations per Lineam Valli, and the 10th and part of the 2d Iters in Antoninus, and at the ſame time perfectly reconciled that Itinerary and the Notitia Imperii to one another.’


Extract of a Letter from Mr Horſley to Roger Gale, Eſq 23d June 1729.


I acknowledge the receipt of another moſt agreeable letter from you, which came laſt night, and return you my hearty thanks for it. I am ſorry that you, who have ſo many affairs upon your hands, ſhould give yourſelf the leaſt concern to make a ſpeedy return to mine: I only beg leave to communicate to you any thing that occurs, and that you would at any time honour me with a line or two at your convenience and leiſure.

I have nothing more to add with relation to the antiquated Cup, unleſs it be to beg leave to aſk, whether the ſize, ſhape, and looſe bottom, if any at all, [Note:

The bottom, which had been of thinner metal than the reſt, was conſumed and worn out by time and ruſt.

R. G. ] favour its being a common Patera? If it be admitted a Patera, I deſpair of ſeeing any conjecture more plauſible and ingenious than your own.

I have ſent you incloſed a haſty ſketch of my ſcheme concerning the Stations ad Lineam Valli, that you may better underſtand what I have ſaid with reſpect to the places mentioned on this ſcale; your great candour will excuſe any marks of haſte and inadvertence. I take the ſtations rigorouſly upon the line of the wall, to end with Tunocellum, and other five to have been a kind of ſecondary ſeries proceeding regularly from eaſt to weſt, viz. Glanoventa (Lancheſter) Alone (Whitley Caſtle confirmed by an old inſcription) Brementuracum (Brampton if not Old Perith) Olenacum (Old Carliſle) and Viroſidum (Elenborough); or if we ſuppoſe a tranſpoſition of the two laſt places, then Viroſidum may be Old Carliſle upon the river Wiza, and Olenacum, Elenborough upon the river Elen.

I hope to get all the ſtones that have been diſcovered at Riecheſter into my poſſeſſion, and then I ſhall re-examine them all, with the greateſt care and attention I can, and if I diſcover any thing more, I ſhall be ſure to acquaint you with it.

You muſt be right with reſpect to the Vardii, and therefore I thank you again for having been my Apollo.

The altar with the inſcription DEAE SYRIAE is yet at Connington, but the latter part of the inſcription, together with the upper ſtratum of the ſtone, is quite gone. I gueſſed it might be Gallorum, but Vardiorum will ſuit the vacant interval better, if that can be relied on as exactly repreſented.

[Page 42] My repreſentation of the inſcription at Lancheſter, was not in my laſt ſo juſt as it ought to be.


I cannot find the copy, though I have ſought for it, and therefore may not be exact in the poſition of the letters, but the upper line which goes before in the inſcription, is upon one piece of an altar, and the lower line with the following part on another piece, that was lying ſeparate from the other: when I put them together, they tallied with ſo much ſeeming exactneſs, that I concluded they had made one and the ſame altar; but if we ſuppoſe them to have been fragments of two different altars, the difficulty you mention will entirely vaniſh.

I am much obliged to you for your account of the Military Ways: if I can make any improvements upon it, I ſhall preſume to communicate them to you.

Salmon I have, but found it was not ſafe to follow or truſt him too far.

I think it was in the Monthly Atlas, that I read of a Roman inſcription at St John's chapel at Shatteſbury, in the wall; but though I uſe that author, as having made a collection or abſtract of ſome principal matters, yet he has no great authority or eſteem with.

SIR, Yours, &c.


Stationes ad Lineam Valli.

  • Segedunum Station at the eaſt end of the wall near Couſins's Houſe.
  • Pons Aelii Newcaſtle, where there muſt have been a conſiderable bridge over the river Tyne, upon the bank of which the ancient ſtation has been, and here Hadrian's Vallum has terminated.
  • Condercum Station on Be [...]well Hill, confirmed now by an inſcription.
  • Vindobala Rutcheſter.
  • Hunnum Cheſters near Halton and Audon Caſtle, confirmed by ſeveral inſcriptions.
  • Cilurnum Cheſters near Walwick and Chollerton, favoured by a ſculpture.
  • Procolitia Carrowbrough, proved by an inſcription.
  • Borcovicus Houſe-ſteads, proved by many inſcriptions.
  • Vindolana Little Cheſters, confirmed by an inſcription.
  • Aeſica Great Cheſters.
  • Magna Carr-Voran.
  • Amboglana Bird Oſwald, proved by a vaſt number and great variety of inſcriptions.
  • Petriana Cambeck Fort, called Caſtle-ſteads.
  • Aballaba Watch Croſs, near Old Wall and Bleatern.
  • Congavata Stanwicks.
  • Axelodunum Brugh on the Sands.
  • Gabroſentum Drumburgh.
  • Tunnocellum Boulneſs, which is in fact Promentoriotum Itunae impendens.
[Page 40]
Ph. Tranſ. No. 337.

Beſides the inſcriptions before mentioned, Mr Horſley's work contains the following:

LXI. Dis man [...]bus dicatum Sabinae Hinae Regulus Duilius.

‘The inſcription itſelf is thought to be ſepulchral, and I have given a reading of it ſuitable to this opinion. But I muſt own, that the ſeemingly plain appearance of an O at the firſt, rather than a D, and the manifeſt deficiency in the ſtone and inſcription at the beginning of the lines, have raiſed a ſtrong jealouſy in me that it has been I O. M. D. for Jovi Optimo Max [...]mo dicatum; though i [...] this be the truth, I know not why the following name Sabini or Sab [...]ae ſhould be in the ge [...]ive. The laſt word is uncertain, and very probably the greater part of the inſcription is broken off, for otherwiſe the plane of the altar does not ſeem to bear any [...] proportion to the capital. The figures at the top are ſo much defaced, that I know not what to make of them. The firſt looks almoſt like a toad, which we find upon another altar or two in this collection: the other perhaps is a dog or wolf, but very obſcure. Mr Wa [...]b [...]rtes, imagining this inſcription to have ſome reference to the Ae [...] Sabinia [...], becauſe of the word Sabin [...]e, as I ſuppoſe, concludes this [...]ce to be Hunnum.’

Now in the Dean and Chapter's Library at Durham.


‘Not far from Great Cheſters, near a wicket or hatch at Cockmount Hill, lies a curious ſculpture expoſed to all the injuries of the weather, by which and barbarous hands, it has ſuffered too much already. Mr Gordon was the firſt, I believe, who diſcovered or took any notice of it; but his draught has ſeveral defects in it, the moſt conſiderable of which is the omiſſion of the two eagles, on whoſe wings the victories ſtand that ſupport the vexillum: each eagle reſts upon the branch of a tree; and the boar on the right plainly appears to take hold of the ſtock of the tree on that ſide, as if he endeavoured to tear it up: the other boar attacks the vexillum, and lays hold of the tree, on which the other eagle is perched, with both his feet. I think there can be no doubt but the boars and trees were deſigned to repreſent this wild and woody country, as it then was; and the Roman enſigns often ſignify a Roman ſettlement: this ſculpture therefore plainly denotes the Roman conqueſt of this country, their victories over the inhabitants, and their making a ſettlement here, in oppoſition to all the attempts of their enemies. The heads of the eagles are both broken off, but the reſt of them is very diſtinct.’

LXIV. Centuria cohortis Septimae Maximiana poſuit.

‘Under this number are expreſſed two centurial ſtones, now placed in the ſore wall of a cow-houſe, adjoining to a houſe called Allaley, almoſt half way between Great Cheſters and Carr-Voran. One has the centurial mark and the number of the cohort tolerably plain; the name of the century is obſcure, but it muſt, I think, been Maximiana. Nothing more is certain about the other, but that it has been erected by ſome cohort or century.’

LXIV. Centuria Valerii Maximi.

‘This is of the common centurial kind, and has nothing remarkable in it: it was found at a ſmall rivulet called Haltwhiſtle Burn, near Great Cheſters.’

An urn was alſo found at this mill.


Mr Wallis has the following remarks on the Interment of the Antients:

The Romans were not very careful to ſeparate the human aſhes from the reſt, but ſometimes put coals and other things into the urn. Their urns were of gold, ſilver, and other metal, of glaſs, ſtone, and marble, but moſt generally of potters earth. Trajan's was of gold. They were of all figures, but commonly round and bellied; thoſe of metal generally [Page 50] embelliſhed with ſculpture and baſs relief. Urns for perſons of diſtinction, were either ſet under marble monuments, or in niches of ſepulchral chambers. Severus provided his before his death: it is ſaid to have been of porphyry or of alabaſter. The aſhes of perſons of quality were uſually ſprinkled with wine, before they were collected into an urn.

Poſtquam collapſi cineres, et flamma quievit,
Riliquias vino et bibulam lavere favillam;
Aſſaque lecta cado texit Chorinaeus aheno. Virg. Aen.
Soon as the pile, ſubſiding flames no more,
With wine the heap they ſprinkled o'er:
Then Chorinaeus took the charge to place
The bones ſelected in a brazen vaſe. Pitt.

Salt was uſed in their ſolemn ſacrifices, as well as in urn burial.

‘Dant fruges manibus ſalſas. Virg. Aen.

Urn burial is not ſo ancient as the preſent mode of interment: burning the dead is firſt attributed to the Greeks, and Herculus is ſaid to be the firſt of the Greeks who uſed it. This he did to free himſelf from the obligation of an oath. He had ſworn to bring back a youth to his father from the ſiege of Troy, and he had no way of doing it but by preſenting him with his aſhes. From the Greeks this cuſtom paſſed to the Romans, but it was not general among them. From the authority of Pliny it appears, that it was not uſed in many families, and that Sylla the Dictator was the firſt of the Cornelii whoſe body was burnt; which is the reaſon aſſigned by Antiquaries, why we find Roman bones both burnt and unburnt. It was the choice of ſome, becauſe they would preſerve their bodies from the reſentment of their enemies. Th [...]s probably was Sylla's motive. It is ſuppoſed the Gauls had it from the Romans, the Celtics or ancient Brito [...]s from the Gauls; but it is not ſo eaſily accounted for how the Danes, and other nations called Juli and Angli, Saxons and Germans came by it. It is believed they had it from the Graecian cuſtoms and learning, and that they all laid it aſide on the introduction of Chriſtianity.

[Page 51] To diſtinguiſh which are Roman, Daniſh, or Britiſh Tumuli, has been obſerved to be difficult. Some Antiquaries pretend to fix them from their ſhape; but that is reckoned gueſs-work, unleſs inſcriptions, arms, or coins be found in them; the latter of gold, ſilver, or copper, but neither of them of braſs. Inſtruments and coins of that metal, belonging to the northern nations, and where they are found in Tumuli unqueſtionably Roman, they are ſuppoſed to have been taken from the enemy, and thrown into it in honour of the deceaſed. The Roman Tumuli were ceſpititious or mounts of earth like thoſe here. Such was Hector's ‘viridi ceſpite,’ Virg. Such was Dercennus's "terreno ex aggere buſtom," Virg. Such was that made by Aeneas:

— "Pius Aeneas ingenti mole ſepulchrum,
"Imponet, ſuaque arma viro, remumque, tubamque;
"Monte ſub aërio." Virg.
No greater misfortune could happen to a Roman, than to be denied the "Hono [...] Tumuli," the "Solamen Humandi." The Atheiſt Mezentius could not die in peace, without begging it of his enemy with his laſt breath.

Corpus humo patiaro legi—
Et me conſortem nati concede ſepulchro. Virg.
If a vanquiſh'd foe this grace may crave,
Oh let me find the refuge of a grave.
— guard my coarſe, and lay me by my ſon:
Grant, grant that pleaſure, ere I yield my breath,
To ſhare this dear ſociety in Death. Pitt.
[Page 49]

Beſides the inſcriptions already mentioned, Mr Horſley's Work has the ſeveral following ones.

LII. Gallorum vota numini ejus Principis Optimi turribus fundamenta poſuerunt ſub Claudio Xenophonte Legato Auguſtali Propraetore curante.

[Page 54] Great numbers of inſcriptions have been found here, but moſt of them are now loſt or deſtroyed: there is one which ſeems to have been the moſt curious and uſeful, the inſcription whereof is now quite deſtroyed. This ſtone was ſome years ago removed from Little Cheſters to Beltingham, where the maſons wrought it up for a grave-ſtone, and utterly deſtroyed the inſcription.

Dr Hunter publiſhed the inſcription in the Philoſophical Tranſactions, No. 278, from the orig [...]al [...] the inſcription is curious and uſeful upon a double account, both as it has probably contained the name of the C [...]hors Quarta Gallorum, and ſo proves this place to be Vindolana, and al [...]o it ſeems to me to mention a new Propraetor, Claudius Xenophon, whoſe name I remember not to have met with elſewhere, either in the inſcriptions or hiſtory; for I am perſuaded that the three laſt words in the fifth line have been LEG. AVG. PR. PR. and what is wanting in the laſt l [...]ne, has been the name of the perſon who took care of the work. The to [...]rs here mentioned, might be ſome of thoſe upon the ramparts of the Station, which are ſtill very v [...]ſible. Dr Hunter ſays, the field where this inſcription was found goes by the name of the Bower. The title Optimo Principi, together with the name of a new Legate, who does not occur in any hi [...]tory, would incline me to aſcribe the monument to Trajan, during whoſe reign the Roman hiſtorians are ſilent as to Britain; but as there is nothing in this inconſiſtent with ſeveral of the ſucceeding reigns, and it is doubted whether the Romans had any conſiderable footing here in Trajan's time, we cannot fix the date of this inſcription with any certainty.

The two following inſcriptions Camden places at Great Cheſters. In theſe notes I follow Mr Horſley's courſe and numbers, for the ſake of the reader's readier reference to his works.

LIII. Deae Su [...] ſuo Calpornio Agricola Legato Auguſtali Propraetore Aulus Licinius Clemens Praefectus C [...]hortis Primae Hamiorum vel Cohortis Quartae Gallorum).

It is plain from Camden's own account of his journey, that he went no further along the wall eaſtward, than a little beyond Carr-Voran. The altar now before us was erected to the Syrian goddeſs. Lucian among the ancients, and Selden among the moderns, have profeſſedly treated on the ſubject of this deity: and Sir Iſaac Newton ſays, it is one of the names of Venus. It is very certain, that what is phyſically the ſame, is often repreſented by ſeveral deities; and the ſame deity has ſeveral names conſidered under different relations, or as confering different benefits. Thus Cybele, Ceres, Ve [...]ta, Rhea, and Tellus, all ſignify the earth; and Dea Syria is only another of Cybele [...]s names, who is uſually called the mother of the gods. The like may be ſaid of Apollo and ſeveral others. As for the inſcription, the letters in the firſt line, and CALP in the ſecond, and part of the AG in the third, are yet very plain and diſtinct, though the reſt of it ſ [...]ce Camden's time is entirely gone, together with the outer or upper Stratum of this part of the ſtone, deeper than the cut of the letters, which obliges me to take moſt of the inſcription from Camden [...]s copy: and this I have obſerved to happen frequently when the inſcription is cut along the plane of the Stratum; but when it is cut acroſs, or through the ſeveral Strata, the letters are more laſting, and much better ſecured; and thus the Romans u [...]y cut their inſcriptions. There is at the end of the firſt line ſomething like a croſs, which Camden has omitted; but with what deſign this was done, I am unable to ſay. Calphurnius Ag [...] was Propraetor or Lieutenant here, under Marcus Aurelius The inſcription confirms and il [...]u [...]trates the hiſtorian's teſtimony. ‘Adverſus Brittannos quidem Calphurnius Agricola m [...]ſſus e [...]t.’ Capitol. in Vet. Script. Hiſt. Aug. p. 169. as this determines the time, or at leaſt the reign under which this altar was erected. What Cohort this Licinius Clemens commanded, is not ſo clear to me from the inſcription: I know ſome read it Cohors Prima Hamiorum at large, and have ſo repreſented it; but this I doubt has been mere conjecture: it is plain that the letters in the laſt line are not placed at a due diſtance, and that the letters on each ſide [Page 55] ſhould be farther removed from the four, and the ſame room which is ſufficient for Harniorum, will do as well or better for Gallorum; and I cannot but ſuſpect this to be the true reading. The former inſcription favours this conjecture, and ſo I read it at firſt ſight of the copy, without conſidering where it was found. If this conjecture ſhould be admitted, this inſcription does further confirm the Station at Little Cheſters to be Vindolana.

LIV. Pro ſalute Deſidieni Aeliani Praefecti et ſua ſacrum poſuit voto ſolvit lib [...]ns Tuſco & Baſſo Conſulibus.

This, after the authority of Camden, I alſo preſented to the reader, as belonging to Great Cheſters.—‘It is an altar erected by ſome perſon, whoſe name is not expreſſed, for the ſafety of Deſidienus Aelianus the Praefect, and for his own.’ The letters are but meanly cut, and of the later and ruder form. There is a ſmall break in the right ſide of the altar, whereby a letter or two is defaced, but the reſt ſtill continues legible. I think voto in the fifth line muſt be ex voto, as uſual, and then there is no difficulty as to the meaning. The writing part of the word libens, upon the plane of the altar, and part upon the baſe, is obſervable, but the S. for ſacrum, in the end of the fourth line, is not uncommon. The expreſs date of this inſcription adds to its value; namely, when Tuſcus and Baſſus were Conſuls, that is, according to Camden, in the year 259, but in the Faſti Conſulares 258, where the former name is Fuſcus inſtead of Tuſcus.

LV. Fortunae Populi Romani Caius Julius Raticus Centurio Legionis Sextae Victricis.

To this place alſo belongs, as I ſuppoſe, that noble altar erected to the fortune of the Roman people by Cajus Julius. I find no centurial mark in the inſcription, unleſs the C at the beginning of the laſt line, which Mr Gordon overlooked, be ſuppoſed to ſtand for Centurio; or elſe the mark before LEG, through miſtake turned the wrong way. But I rather take this to be only a ſtop, and the C to be the Praenomen of the perſon. There is nothing very peculiar in manner of this inſcription, unleſs it be the humour of making the ſize of the letters in the different lines ſo very unequal.

This altar is depoſited in the Dean and Chapter's Library at Durham.

LVI. Legio Sexta Victrix.

This is the impreſſion of the Legio Sexta Victrix, in the uſual manner upon two Roman bricks, which were found here.

LVII. Antoni — Pio—

This is an imperfect inſcription upon the fragment of a very curious and beautiful ſtone, the nature and grit of which is finer than uſual, and the remaining letters very fair, and well cut. I can only gueſs that the inſcription may have been to the honour of one Antonines, and that the word in the ſecond line may have been Pio, and perhaps Pra in the laſt for Praeſectus.

LX. This is a ſmall but fine ſtone, and a curious ſculpture. It came from Little Cheſters, but is now in the jamb of a door at Ramſhaw Field, a ſingle houſe, about a mile or more ſouth-weſt from this ſtation. It has not been obſerved or publiſhed before, though it very well deſerves a place in ſuch a collection. The ſculpture manifeſtly repreſents a Roman Verillum, with a Pegaſus on one ſide, and a Sea-goat on the other; and in the Vexillum, an inſcription, in very ſmall letters,

as I have given it. The firſt line, except the croſs ſtroke of the H. was very viſible. Vegetius tells us, it was the ancient cuſtom of the Romans, to put the number of the Cohort or Century upon the Vexillum, which was a ſquare piece of cloth faſtened upon a tranſverſe piece of wood. This after Conſtantine had the name of Labarum.

[Page 53]

T [...] [...] more places than [...] contemplating with amazement the [...] the [...]te, and the [...] even of th [...] [...], ſo that him [...] It could [...] of the military princi [...] [...] all other people? ‘The [...] the Gauls more ſtrong; truly [...] way they [...] be more vic [...] than o [...] nations, but that they [...]re [...].’

D. S [...]y's Ca [...], p. 9.

From the Manuſcripts of the late Roger Gale, Eſq

Extract of a Letter from Mr John Warburton to Roger Gale, Eſq 21ſt Nov. 1717.

‘I cannot poſſibly recover your eſſay upon the four great Roman roads, unleſs you think fit to favour me with it. It is ſtrange there ſhould be but four recorded, when there are ſuch numbers of them; and more, that the greateſt of them all ſhould want a name, [Note:

This is the Erning-ſtreet.

R. G. ] viz. that which comes from the Roman Wall near Dunbritt [...] Fryth, in Scotland, to Rocheſter, in Northumberland, where Antoninus begins his firſt journey, and from thence continues its courſe by Corbridge, E [...]cheſter, Langcheſter, Bincheſter, Pierſbridge, Caterick, Aldborough, and I believe might be thence traced directly forward through London to Dover; and this without interfering with any of the four great roads mentioned, except where they croſs or accompany it for a few miles.’

‘It is well if Higden, or whoever was the firſt deſcriber of theſe ways, was not miſtaken in his placing the Watling-ſtreet. The courſe he hath taken for it, ſeems too ſhort and out of the way, and I rather agree with Talbott, who thinks that Antoninus's ſecond journey was along it, (viz.) from the weſt end of the Picts Wall to Southampton, which I think much more probable, as it enters this county on Gatherley Moor.

‘I was ſurprized to ſee ſo viſible a Roman Station in the Yorkſhire Dales, as that of Ethelburg [...]l, near A [...]rigg, and for ſome time could not imagine what it had been, but now begin to have hopes of proving it to be the fourth Station of Antonine's 10th Iter Bremetonacis, and that it ſtands on the military way I diſcovered in Northumberland, called the Devil's Ca [...]ſ [...]way.

‘I have obſerved a military way to range along the road from Thirſt to Eafingwold, but where it ſhould come from, or lead to, [Note:

It comes from Cataractonium, and leads through Thirſk, Eaſingwo [...]d, Aldby, Der [...] and Wighton (Delg [...]) to Brough, over-againſt Wintringham upon the Humber.

R. G. ] am yet at a loſs, but look upon it to have been the direct road from Cataractonium to Eboracum, without going by Iſurium, and ſeems to be more entire, and of a newer form than the others I have obſerved in the north, as if it had been erected nearer the declenſion of the Empire.’

‘I have below given you the ſketch of an altar, which ſome workmen found in a vault, as they were lately digging, by my order, in the platform of a Roman Caſtrum by the Picts Wall, which as it is the beautifulleſt and moſt entire I have ever ſeen, am thinking to preſent it to the King, to be ſet up in St James's Gardens. Mr Wanley, my Lord Oxford's Library-keeper, was treating with me about it, and ſeveral others in my poſſeſſion, in order to have them placed in the new Library at Wimple, but we could not agree about the price.’

Found at Cheſter in the Wood, 1717. FORTUNAIE P. R. C. IVL. RAT. LE. VI. VV. Alt. p. 4 Lab. p.Fortunae Populi Romani Coius Julius Rationalis Legionis VI. Valentis Victricis.

This altar I have ſince ſeen at Durham, and a print of it is in Mr Gordon's Iter Septentrionale, by both which it appears that the third word in the laſt line is RAET. and therefore ſhould read Caius Jul. Raticus.

R. G.

I am well aſſured the third word in the laſt line is Rat, but as it is in Northumberland. I have not had an opportunity of a ſtrict examination, as you deſired me to make. The place where I dug it up, is by Mr Camden called Magna, but by the Vulgar, Cheſter in the Wood: its ſituation is on a very entire raiſed military way, that runs from Carr-Veran to Newbrugh, on the inſide of the Picts Wall. but for the moſt part at two miles diſtant from it. My workmen had not dug above two yards in the area of the platform, before they ſtruck into a cault of a very irregular figure, three quarters of a yard in height, and three or four in breadth and length, all blacked on the inſide with ſmoke, and at the firſt opening ſmelt like burnt ſtraw: this great altar lay with its face downwards, and by it another of the ſame ſize, but broke in pieces, and the inſcription imperfect.


The vault wherein the above mentioned altar was found, ſeems to have been made originally for receiving the offal of the ſacrifices, and ſweepings of the altar, the ſmoke with which it was blacked proceeding from the hot aſhes that had been thrown into it, as did alſo the ſmell like that of burnt ſtraw. I was told, when I was at Cirenceſter, of much ſuch another vault, with aſhes and burnt bones in it. When the Romans were forced to quit this country, they might very probably throw theſe two altars into the vault, and cover them up, to preſerve them from being prophaned by the Barbarians that poſſeſſed themſelves of it upon their retreat; and they were effectually concealed from them by their lying bid ſo many hundred years as they did.

There is nothing difficult in the inſcription, the word Rationalis is not very common, it being more uſual to ſtile an Accemptant (the officer here denoted) a Rationibus. It proves alſo by the VI. V. V. that the Legio Sexta was called Valens Victras, as well as the Vicefima.

R. G.

There are ſeveral Laws, Barrows, or Tumuli, near the military way, particularly four where the way goes off to Great Cheſters, called the Four Laws.

Mr Horſley's work contains the following Inſcriptions and Sculptures found at this Station.

XXXVI. Jovi Optimo Maximo et Numinibus Auguſti Cohors Prima Tungrorum militum cui praeeſt Quintus Virius Superſtes Praefectus.

This and the following altars were dug up at a place now called the Chapel Hill, ſuppoſed to be the ruins of a conſiderable temple. The inſcriptions were, not long after the diſcovery of them, publiſhed in the Philoſophical Tranſactions, by Dr Hunter, by Mr Warburton, and lately again by Mr Gordon: they are alſo in Camden's Britannia. The unuſual ſhape of the I in the capital is remarkable: the Tungri mentioned in this and the following inſcriptions, were a people of Belgic Gaul. The next thing which deſerves conſideration is, what we are to underſtand by Numina Auguſti in this and other inſcriptions, where thoſe words occur: Writers are not agreed as to this, and probably it has not always the ſame meaning: here and in ſome other inſtances, it ſhould ſeem, as if thoſe Deities were meant, to which the Emperor was peculiarly devoted; and that they who erected the altars, complimented the Emperor, by paying honour and profeſſing their devotion to the ſame Deities. We find ſeveral inſcriptions in Gruter, that are conſecrated Numinibus Auguſti, and one like this I. O. M. et Numinibus Auguſti: and that addreſſes were made to the Gods in behalf of the Emperors, notwithſtanding they were often complimented as Deities themſelves, is likewiſe evident from many of their coins, on which we have Jovi, Apollini, Marti, Mercurio, conſevatori Auguſti, with ſeveral others of a like nature: however ſome have thought, that if this interpretation ſhould be admitted, Jupiter Optimus Maximus would be excluded from the number of the Emperors Deities; but in anſwer to this it may be ſaid, that either the words may be ſo underſtood as if it had been expreſſed, Jovi Optimo Maximo et (ceteris) Numinibus Auguſti, or elſe that Jupiter is by way of eminency, diſtinguiſhed from the Lares or tutelar Gods of the Emperor, which were often many in number, and made up partly of deceaſed perſons, as well as other fictitious Deities. So Flavius Vopiſcus, in his life of Aurelius, ſpeaking of his going into the temple of Heliogabalus, ſays, ‘There he found that image of the Deity which he ſaw favouring him in the war:’ and Julius Capitolinus, in the life of Aurelius, addreſſed to the Emperor Diocleſian, ſays, ‘The ſtatues of Marcus Antoninus are to this day ſet up in many houſes among the family Deities;’ and ſoon after, ‘He is to this time eſteemed a God, as you always thought, and do think, moſt ſacred Emperor Diocleſian, who worſhip him among your Deities, not as the reſt, but in a peculiar manner.’ But in ſome other inſcriptions the word Numina, in the plural, is applied to a particular Deity; ſo we have Numina Dianae in Horace, and in Virgil, Numina Phoebi; and what comes nearer to our purpoſe, the ſame poet, when ſpeaking of Auguſtus himſelf, and by his ſordid flattery ranking him among the Gods; but uncertain where to place him, uſes theſe words:

Au Deus immenſi venias maris, actua nautae
Numina ſola colant.
[Page 64] On the other hand, Numen in the ſingular is ſometimes joined to a plurality of Deities, as in Virgil: ‘Non haec ſine Numine deorum eveniunt.’

XXXVII. Jovi Optimo Maximo et Numinibus Auguſti, Cohors Prima Tungrorum cui praeeſt Quintus Julius Maximus Praefectus.

It is plain by the tenor of this inſcription, the I. O. M. Jovi Optimo Maximo, was placed in the capital, as well as it appears to be in that of the former, though nothing of this nature appears in any of the copies which have been publiſhed before; but upon a cloſe view of the original, I plainly diſcovered the I. but could not perceive neither O. nor M. This however inclines me to charge this defect rather on time and the weather, than upon the workmen; but without theſe letters, it is evident that the ſenſe of the inſcription is not compleat, the ET with which it beg as on the plane of the altar, neceſſarily ſuppoſing ſomewhat on the capital. On one ſide of this altar is a Praefericulum, and on the other a Patera, each included in a waved ornament. I dare not venture poſitively to ſay, theſe inſcriptions are as old as Antoninus Pius, though I know of no other in this form but theſe here at Houſe-ſteads, and one upon the altar at Benwell, which laſt expreſsly mentions this Emperor; nor do I think, that any objection, againſt this antiquity of them, can be taken from the cut of the letters, or the numeral ſtroke above the I, which have nothing in them that favours the lower times: I only add, that ſome gentlemen chooſe to read theſe inſcriptions Cohortis Primae Tungrorum Milites.


This is a large and very fine altar, but the inſcription entirely gone: I have given a repreſentation of one ſide of it, becauſe the Patera and ornaments about it ſeemed to be ſingular: perhaps the circle and croſs line at the bottom, may repreſent the place of the Patera in the temple. Mr Gordon ſays, there were five or ſix altars within the ruins of this temple. I ſaw no more here but the two preceding; the reſt which that gentleman deſcribes, with a good many more ſculptures and altars lying at the bottom of a field, ſouth-eaſt of the Station, in which field remain the viſible ruins of ſtreets and buildings

XXXIX. Jovi Optimo Maximo, et Numinibus Auguſti. Cohors Prima Tungrorum cui praeeſt Quintus Ju [...]s Maximus Praef [...]ctus

Th [...]s w [...]th the nine follow [...]ng inſcriptions and ſculptures, were lying, as I ſaid before, at the foot of the field where the Roman town ſtood, and moſt of them were alſo erected by the ſame Cohort of the Tungrians, and this in particular, when under the ſame Praefect, or at leaſt one of the ſame name as No. 37, Quintus Julius Maximus. The letters I. O. M at the top were obſcure, and have been overlooked by Mr Gordon. The VS in the fifth line were viſible enough, and no doubt are the laſt letters in the word Maximus; and probably the word Praefect [...] has followed, but this is effaced The letters are not ſo large, or ſo well cut as in the [...]o [...]er inſcriptions.

XL. Deo Ma [...]i [...] Quintus Flav [...]s Maternus Praefectus Cohortis Primae Tungrorum votum ſo [...]ens merito

This is erected to the God [...], by Quintus Florius Matermus, Praefect of the ſame Cohort. [Page 65] The globe on the baſe of the altar is remarkable, and the letter A is without a tranſverſe. The inſcription is well cut, and has nothing of the lower Empire in it.

XLI. Herculi Cohors Prima Tungrorum Militum cui praeeſt Publius Aelius Modeſtus Praefectus.

Probably this may be later than the former; it is dedicated to Hercules, by the ſame Cohort, under a new Commander, Publius Aelius Modeſtus. Nothing more is remarkable in it.

XLII. Matribus. Cohors Prima Tungrorum.

This is to the Deae Matres. The name of the Cohort is very plain and diſtinct, and part of the word Matribus, but the reſt is obliterated, only half of a V appears in the under line, which I take to be the V in the laſt ſyllable of Tungrorum: but the Commander's name, if it ever has been mentioned, is not now viſible. Theſe Matres are ſuppoſed to have been local Deities, and worſhipped at this place.

XLIII. Jovi Optimo Maximo, and at the bottom, Praefectus.

This is another fine altar here, erected to Jupiter Optimus Maximus, and I believe by the ſame Cohort; though the names both of the Commander and Cohort are now deſtroyed by the weather, and only part of the word Praefectus left viſible upon the plane of the ſtone. I cannot find that this altar has been publiſhed before.

Mr Warburton has given us a funeral inſcription at this place, in his Map of Northumberland, which I could no where meet with upon the ſtricteſt enquiry. According to his repreſentation, it is thus:

HER. E. C.
This copy is without doubt incorrect, though the main deſign is obvious enough. The ſame Cohort of the Tungrians is plainly mentioned, and enough beſide to ſhew, that it was now under a different Commander, from any of thoſe whoſe names occur in the former inſcriptions. I imagine we muſt read it, D [...]s manibus Hurmio Leubaſinus miles Cohortis Primae Tungrorum cui praeeſt (perhaps Capurnus or Capurnius) haeredes ſecerunt. It is plain that this may juſtly be reckoned among the inſcriptions, in which the name of this Cohort diſtinctly appears, under five different Commanders, beſides two or three more which are doubtful, by reaſon of their being defaced. Theſe inſcriptions ſtrongly prove this place to be Borcovius, the ſtation upon the wall where, according to the Notitia, this Cohort was in garriſon.

XLIV. Centurio Legionis Sextae Victricis Piae Fidelis votum ſolvit libentiſſime merito.

This inſcription is upon a piece of an altar, the upper part being broken off and loſt. It has been publiſhed in the Philoſ Tranſactions by Dr Hunter, and more lately by Mr Gordon. But in both, the remains of two imperfect letters in the break at the top are neglected: and yet I take theſe to be material, becauſe the laſt is plainly the half of an inverted C, the uſual mark [Page 66] of a Century or Centurion. But the name of this Centurion of the 6th Legion, and the God to whom the altar was dedicated, are gone. The inſcription, as to that part of the form of it, may be compared to the altars and inſcriptions upon them at Benwell. I read LL libentiſſime, becauſe it is ſupported by the beſt authorities, and ſeems alſo the moſt eaſy and natural. Some chuſe to read Libens Lubens, as the words occur at length in ſome inſcriptions; and others read Libens Laetus, from the expreſſion of Cloanthus in his vow.

Di, quibus imperium pelagi, quorum aequora curro,
Vobis Laetus ego hoc candentem in littore Taurum,
Conſtituam ante aras voti reus.

But I keep to the uſual reading. Sometimes we have MM, which muſt be read Meritiſſimo.


At this place alſo are ſeveral curious ſculptures, moſt of which are deſcribed by Mr Gordon, and in the main very juſtly. But the account we have of them in Camden's Britannia, ſeems to me not ſo exact. For what is there called a Mercury, is plainly a Victory. And we are told of the ſtatues of Jupiter, Bacchus, and a Flamen, which by all I can poſſibly diſcern, are only the figures of two Roman ſoldiers, and three female figures, ſuppoſed to be the Deae Matres or Campeſtres. The firſt is a Victory ſtanding upon a globe on the right foot, the left being caſt behind in the attitude of alighting, or of taking flight. On her head is a cap of a Conic figure; ſhe is naked to the waiſt, from a girdle a veſt hangs in plaits to near the knee, and from thence a flowing robe, open before, which ſhews the right leg: the arms are broken off by the wriſts: the wings are half elevated. The ſculpture is good, in alto relievo, and the figure is placed in a nich.


This is alſo in alto relie [...]o, being the figure of a Roman ſoldier at length, in the uſual military dreſs; his bow in his left reſting one end on the ground, and his poinard in his right; his ſword hung by his ſide at his girdle, and his quiver with arrows behind his right ſhoulder. This figure alſo ſtands within a n [...]ch.


This is the figure of another ſoldier in his accoutrements, but ſomewhat imperfect His two belts are viſ [...]le, croſſing each other agreeable to the deſcription of Ajax's armour in Homer. The broader belt over the right ſhoulder muſt have been that of the ſhield, as we learn from the ſame poet.


Theſe are three female figures ſeated. The draught given by Mr Horſley, he ſays, was taken from the originals. They are naked to the waiſt, and their legs naked up to the knees, and therefore (he ſays) I know not the reaſon why Mr Gordon, who publiſhed them before, has drawn them with their legs covered down to the ancles. The figures have loſt their heads. Theſe are not improbably ſuppoſed to be local Goddeſſes, or the Deae Matres or Campeſtres. We have three female figures repreſented together at two other places in this Roman Station, which I ſhall deſcribe in their order. The veſſels which theſe three have in their hands, appear not unlike the Colathus or Modius, on the heads of Sorapis and Fortune, and oft upon the heads of the Roman Emperors; which may favour the opinion of their being the Deae Campeſtres, who in theſe parts had the care of corn and country affairs, and were ſuppoſed to give plenty. Whether theſe veſſels be of that ſort, or whether they repreſent thoſe in which the ſortes or lo [...]s were caſt, (which alſo might be a proper attribute of the Deae Matres) and [Page 67] whether there being three in number has any relation to the number of the Parcae, I ſhall leave to others to explain. Perhaps their ſavage dreſs may have ſome reference to that madneſs which was always aſcribed to the Matres, or ancient Propheteſſes.


About a furlong or leſs to the eaſt, near the ſide of a brook, and cloſe to a hedge, are three other female figures, ſeated, each in a ſeparate chair. Mr Gordon takes notice of two only, but a third was alſo lying near the others, covered with graſs and buſhes. The heads and hands are broken off from all the three, and the drapery is ſomewhat different in all of them. They are intended to be repreſented as ſitting. The firſt in the plate is naked to the waiſt, her veſt makes ſeveral folds above the knee, and falls about half way down to her ancles; the reſt of the legs covered with a kind of ſtockings. The ſecond is naked to the waiſt, the garment alſo forms many folds about the knees, and falls about half way down the legs, which are naked to the feet. The chair in which this figure is placed, has two ſide feet and a center foot, round which a cord is twiſted, paſſing thrice round each leg, as binding the figure to the chair. The third figure has its veſt up ſo as to conceal the breaſts, the robe deſcends a little below the knees, from whence the lower parts of the legs are naked. Mr Ward ſubjoins, ‘I am inclined to think theſe ſix figures were originally placed in ſome temple, built in the Roman town adjoining to this Station, together with the three following, whom I do not take to be Deities, but rather Prieſteſſes, two of which hold ſome ſort of veſſel in their right hands, as a ſymbol of their office. The difference of their habit ſeems to favour this opinion, likewiſe that of their poſture; for they are ſtanding, which is the poſture of attendants, but the others ſit, which was always eſteemed a poſture of Majeſty.’

At this place there lies a broken altar of the largeſt ſize, but no viſible letters upon it.


In the Station itſelf, and againſt a hedge, were three other female figures, but ſtanding, which are publiſhed likewiſe by Mr Gordon. The Sea Goat and two fiſhes above, muſt probably have ſome reference to Britain's being an iſland. The Sea Goat occurs in ſome other ſculptures found in the north.

The veſſels which theſe hold in their hands, do not appear like the Patera. They may poſſibly be intended for Vaſes of the ſame ſort with thoſe in the hands of the three ſitting, only in another poſition. If they are veſſels into which the Sortes were put, theſe figures may repreſent the action of throwing them out. It may not be amiſs to obſerve here, that Virgil in the Prophecy of Helenus, uſes the expreſſion ſortiri fata for the decrees of heaven.

"Sic fata deum Rex

In the ſculpture inſcribed Deabus Mairabus in Montſaucon, the Goddeſſes are repreſented ſtanding, in an attitude not very unlike theſe. The middle figure there holds fruit, either in a veſſel or in the folding of her garment; the figure on the right hand holds a veſſel he calls a Patera, and ſhe on the left holds a branch downwards. That great Antiquary obſerves, that the Ancients uſually made three of thoſe Goddeſſes that were worſhipped in the plural number, whether good or bad; as the Gorgons, the Graeae, the daughters of Phorcus; as alſo the Parcae, the Sirenes, the Harpyies, the Heſperides, the Stymphalides, the Graces, nay even the Sibyls, and the Muſes according to the moſt ancient authors.

[Page 68] LI.

Mr Gordon, when upon the ſpot with Baron Clark, dog up from the ruins of the Roman town here, a ſmall ſtatue of a ſoldier in the Roman military habit, holding a ſpear in his right hand, and reſting with his left upon a ſhield. This is now in the Baron's collection.

There are alſo in the ſame honourable perſon's collection, two other ſmall altars found here; but as they have no inſcriptions, or any thing remarkable about them, I have not given the draughts.

Beſides all theſe, there are likewiſe ſeveral other pieces of ſculptures, altars, pedeſtals, and pillars ſcattered here and there; and one piece of a fine channelled pillar lying in the midſt of the Station. There may be two or three other Stations in Britain (as Burdoſwald, Elenborough, and Lancheſter) that exceed this in number of inſcriptions; but none I think equal it, as to the extent of the ruins of the town, or the number, variety, and curioſity of the ſculptures which yet remain here.

There is one inſcription more which belongs to this place, that was publiſhed in the Tranſactions by Dr Hunter, ſeveral years ago. The Doctor ſays the ſtone lay againſt a hedge, at about a quarter of a m [...]le diſtance. I myſelf ſaw a ſtone in a hedge, which I believe to have had a ſepulchral inſcription upon it, and at nearly this diſtance; but there was not one letter viſible upon it. The inſcription was imperfect when the Doctor ſaw it, who gave it thus:

—ni Venotrionis (filio)
—g— Oſerſionis
Romulo Alimabionis
Manſuatio Senecionis
Revincio Quartionis
Erigi Procuravit Delfius
Rautionis ex gratia ſua.

I imagine th [...] to have been a ſepulchral monument erected for ſeveral perſons, whoſe fathers [...] ended [...] as well perhaps as ſome of their own. I am apt to think theſe remaining I [...]spand [...] have been read as above. Mr Ward diſliking the expreſſion ex Gratia ſua, chooſes [...] Germ [...] a S [...]peri [...].

Dr S [...] had the [...] ſuppoſe of the common ſepulchral kindly which he ſaw at this [...] to be found.

[Page 63]
Warburton, p. 58. Horſley's Brit. Rom

In Mr Horſley's work we have the following ſculpture and inſcriptions:


Mr Warburton, in his Map of Northumberland, gave a drawing of a curious altar and inſcription, being a ſepulchral ſtone, or an altar without any focus at the top, erected to the Dii Manes by Tranquilla Severa, for her and her's. The inſcription is read thus. Dis Manibus dicatum Tranquila Severa, pro ſe et ſuis votum ſolvit Libens Merito. This is depoſited in the Dean and Chapter's Library at Durham. The principal curioſity, in the form or manner of the letters, is the expreſſion of the V and I together, like a Y; though it is only placing the V above the I, as is very evident, both from the original and the draught I have given of it; for in the fourth line there is a viſible diſtance or ſeparation between them, though it is not ſo in the ſecond, which with ſome other ſmall matters has been overlooked in the copies publiſhed before: the letters are ſtrong and well cut, though involved and connected. The name Tranquila. I find in this and other inſcriptions with a ſingle L.


This ſtone contains only a human figure, which Mr Gordon ſuppoſes to repreſent a man, but to me the face appeared rather to be a female: I took the ſtone to have been ſepulchral, and the image may poſſibly have been the above-mentioned Tranquila Severa.

XXXV. Centuria Alexandri Poſuit.

This is an inſcription of the centurial ſort, that has not been regarded before: it is upon a broken ſtone lying at the door of one of the houſes at Carraw-brough.

The improvidence of the people in Northumberland touching their hay, is ſingular; it is put together in ſeveral heaps, or as they are called there, pikes, in the field where it is won, and ſtands in that form for many weeks before it is gathered into the mowe or ſtack; by which negligence much is waſted in the bottoms and outſides of the pikes.
Camden cal [...] it Gallana.
1 Manipuli made 2 Centuries or Ordines; 3 Manipuli, 1 Cohort; 10 Cohorts, 1 Legion; Legio Romuli, 3000; Legio Plutarchi, 6000; Legio Freeſtate, 4000; Legio War with Hanibal, 5000; Legio Polybii, 4200.
Horſley's Brit. Rom. 144. Warburton's Val. Rom. 51.
  • Anthony Errington, Eſq 6 Edward VI.
  • William — High Sheriff of Northumberland, 1739.
  • John — now of Walwick Cheſters.
Senat. Popul [...]. Roman.—Cives Servator or Senatus Conſulto.

To all chriſtian people to whom theſe preſents ſhall come, Walter Biſhop of Durham, Health in our Lord Everlaſting.

Whereas the Bridge at Chollerford, as we hear, is decayed by the innudation of the waters, by which there uſed to be a frequent paſſage, and now wants repair: We therefore, confiding in the mercy of Almighty God, and the ſufferings of his Holy Mother and all the Saints, do releaſe unto all our pariſhioners, and thoſe in our dioceſe where this indulgence ſhall be received, 13 days of their injoined penance, upon condition they lend a helping hand to the repairing of the ſaid bridge, or contribute their pious charity thereto. Theſe preſents after three years nothing availing. Given at Cheſter the 8th Kal. of Auguſt, of our pontificate the 7th year.

Walter was tranſlated from Bath to the See of Durham, 3d April, 1389.


This was the eſtate of Dr James Jurin, a Phyſician of eminence in London, Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. He was editor of Varenius's Geography, and author of many learned diſſertations. He was Fellow of the College of Phyſicians, and of the Royal Society: is ſt [...]ed by Voltaire, in his Journal de Scavans, "the famous Jurin."


Mr Pennant ſays, St John of Beverley made the adjacent woods his retreat from the world; which gave name to the place.

A Tour to Scotland, part 2. p. 290.

From what authority this is aſſerted, I do not know: it ſeems to be ſupported by the name of Mr Jurin's Houſe only.


Richard, a Prior of Hexham, who flouriſhed near 800 years ago, writes, ‘Not far from the river Tyne, ſouthward, there ſtandeth a town, in theſe days of no great magnitude, and thinly inhabited: but in times paſt, as the remains of antiquity bear witneſs, very large and ſtately. This place is named He [...]tolde [...]ham, from a little rivulet which runs near it. Etheldreda, wife of King Egfrid, gave it to St Wilfrid, that it might be created an Epiſcopal See, about the year 675. He built a church here, which for its beauty and excellent architecture exceeded all the Miniſters in England.’

William of Malmſbury writes, ‘This was crown land when Wilfrid obtained it of Queen Etheldreda in Exchange. It was wonderful to ſee what buildings were erected there, with mighty high walls, and how they were ſet out, and contrived with divers turnings in and out, by winding ſtairs all poliſhed and garniſhed by the curious workmanſhip of Maſons and Pargetters, whom the hope of his liberality had allured from Rome. So that theſe buildings carried the ſhew of the Romiſh magnificence, and ſtood very ſtrong, ſtruggling with time.’

Etheldrida was daughter to Anna King of the Eaſt Angles, and was firſt married to Tonberet, a Grandee in her father's court, with whom ſhe lived a virgin three years. She lived with Egfrid 12 years, ſtill preſerving her virginity. By unceaſing importunities, ſhe prevailed with the King to permit her to retire to a nunnery. She received the veil from Finam Biſhop of Lindisfern, in the abbey of Coldingham, then under the government of Ebba, the King's aunt. Bede, L. 4. Rich. Hagul. c. 1. Dugdale Monaſt. vol. 2.

On Chad's retiring, Wilfrid became ſole Biſhop of Northumberland; that is, of all King Oſway's dominions, which extended from the Humber to the Firth of Forth; and had been increaſed by the conqueſt he had lately made of Lincolnſhire, which was then part of the Mercian dominions, on the ſouth of Humber. Beſides this vaſt dioceſe, Wilfrid had the government of nine abbies: and being ever ready to accept, and alſo to ſolicit, the moſt extravagant donatives, which the ignorant ſuperſtition of the age prompted the great ones to beſtow, he built and adorned in the moſt ſumptuous manner his churches and abbies, employing in thoſe works, the moſt ſkilful artiſts he could procure from France and Italy. His magnificence in other reſpects was in no wiſe inferior, for in his family the ſons of many of the Northumbrian Nobles reſided for their education, his attendants were numerous, his furniture ſplendid, and at his table, he is ſaid to have been ſerved in gold. Bede, L. 4. R. Hagulſt. c. 3. Edd. c. 21.

His principal works were the reparation of the cathedral of York, the roof of which he covered with lead, and glazed its windows. A D. 670, and the building of the two magnificent churches of Ripon and Hexham. Eddius deſcribes him, as attended in his progreſſes, when performing his epiſcopal functions, not only by his fingers, of whom Eddius himſelf was one, but by maſons and artiſts of almoſt every kind. Ed c. 14. Wilfrid's adverſity was derived from an averſion the King took againſt him, apprehending the Biſhop had influenced the Queen to turn Nun. Which averſion was not a little increaſed by the Biſhop's immoderate wealth and ambition. Bede. L. 4. He died at his monaſtry of Oundle, in Northamptonſhire, and was buried in the church of St Peter, at Ripon. Bede gives his Epitaph, as follows:

Wilfridus hic magnus requieſcit corpore preſul,
Hanc Domino qui aulam, ductus pietatis amore
Fecit, et eximio ſacravit nomine Petri.
Cui claves Coeli chriſtus dedit arbiter orbis,
Atque auro ac tyrio devotus veſtiit oſtro.
Qui netiam ſublime crucis, radiante metallo
Hic poſuit Tropaeum; necnon et quatuor auro
Scribi evangelii praecepit in ordine libros.
Ac thecam e rutilo his condignam condidit auro.
Paſchalis qui etiam ſolemnia tempora curſus
Catholici ad juſtum, correxit dogma canonis
Quem ſtatuere patres, dubeoque errore remoto,
Certa ſuae Genti oſtendit moder anima ritus:
Inquae locis iſtis monachorum examina crebra
Collegit, ac monitis cavit, quae regula patrum
Sedulus inſtituit, multiſque domique foriſque,
Jactatus nimium per tempora longa periclis,
Quindeces ternos poſtquam egit Epiſcopus annos,
Tranſiit, et gandens coeleſtia regna petivit,
Dona, Jeſu, ut grex paſtoris calle ſequatur.


Eata was of the Society of Mailroſs, a diſciple of Aiden: ‘Quod eſſet idem Eata unus de duodecim pueris Aidani"—"prepoſitus eſt Abbatis jure vir reverentiſſimus ac manfuetiſſimus Eata, qui erat Abbas in Monaſterio quod vocatur Mailroſs.’

‘Anno Dominicae incarnationis 678 qui eſt annus Imperii Regis Egfridi 8, Wylfridus qui totius Northanhymbrorum Provinciae Pontificatum non parvo tempore adminiſtraverat, orta inter ipſum & predictum Regem diſſenſione, ab Epiſcopatu pulſus eſt & duo in locum ejus Epiſcopi ordinati ſunt Eboraci ab Archiepiſcopo Theodoro, qui Northanhymbrorum genti praeeſſent. Boſa videlicet, qui Deiorum, & ſaepe memoratus Abbas Eata, qui Berniciorum Provinciam gubernaret. Hic in Civitate Eboraci, ille in Hinguſtaldenſi & Lindisfarnenſi eccleſia Cathedram habens Epiſcopalem, ambo de Monachorum collegio in Epiſcopatus gradum aſſciti. Igitur Eata, cum 14 annis eccleſiae Lindisfarnenſi Abbatis Jure Praefuiſſet duarum eccleſiarum ſuſcepit Praeſulatum, tertio anno ex quo Pater Cuthbertus anachoreticae ſedis adierat ſolitudinem. Poſt tres autem annos abſceſſionis Wilfridi Theodorus ordinavit, Tumbertum ad Haguſtaldedſem Eccleſiam, Eata ad Lindisfarnenſis Eccleſiae Praeſulatum per quatuor annos remanente.’


Haec quae ſequntur de Epiſcopis Hagulſtalden. decerpta ſunt ex Libro ſuperiori de Epiſcopis Eboracenſibus.

Expulſo Wilfrido ab Ecberto rege Northumbr. Eata ſucceſſit ad Haguſtaldenſem Epiſcop. adjecta praeterea ſede Lindisfarnenfi, et utramq. fedem 3. annis tenuit. Sed poſtea ad ſolam Lindisfar. remanſ [...] et ad Haguſtaldenſem ordinatus eſt pro eo Tumburtus. Cui cum 3. annis praefuiſſet depoſitus eſt, & S. Cuthbertus pro eo ſubrogatus. Sed quia ille maluit ei prefici in qua converſatus fuerat, Eata reverſo ad Haguſtaldenſem, ad quam primo ordinatus fuerat, Cuthbertus ad Lindisfar, ordinatur, quam 2 annis regens, ad Inſulam Farne poſtea rediens ſolitariam vitam in ſancta converſatione uſq. ad mortem duxit.

Defuncto Eata ſucceſſit Joannes ad Epiſcop Haguſteldenſem.

Wilfridus expletis tandem 8 annis expulſionis ſuae a Roma reverſus, auditis Epiſtolis Agathonis Epiſcopi Ro. Epiſcopatum Haguſtaldenſem recepit. Et S. Joannes defuncto Baſan Ebor. Epiſcopatum accepit.

Succeſſit Wilfrido Acca Preſbyter ejus, qui poſt 24 annos in Epiſcop. expletos obiit 3 Cal. Novembr.

Succeſſit 3. Freodebertus 30 annis.—Alemundus 13.—Succeſſit Tilbertus.—Deinde Ethelbertus,—Headredus,—Eanbertus,—Tidfertus.

Collectanea Joannis Lelandi, vol. 2. p. 338. edit. 1774.

Miracles were not the leaſt of the merits for canonization. St John of Beverley was of noble birth, and a man of great learning. Venerable Bede was educated by him, and Bede admits he received his order of prieſthood from him. ‘Now though John Baptiſt did none, yet John of Beverley is ſaid to have done many miracles. By making the ſign of the croſs on a dumb youth, with a ſcalled head, not only reſtored to ſpeech and a head of hair, but eloquent diſcourſe and brave curled locks. Some years before his death he quitted his archbiſhoprick, and retired to his monaſtry at Beverley, where he died: and which afterwards King Athelſtan made (I will not call it a ſanctuary becauſe unhallowed by the largeneſs of the liberties allowed thereunto) but a place of refuge for murderers and malefactors So that the freed Stool in Beverley became the ſeat of the ſcornful; and ſuch heinous offenders as could recover the ſame, did therein ſecurely defy all legal proſecution againſt them.’

Fuller's Ch. Hiſt.

‘He ſpent the reſt of his time in his monaſtry of Beverley, and died there in May 721, and was buried in the church porch. He was famous for working miracles, both living and dead. Malmſbury, Weſtminiſter, and Higded report one very ſtrange thing, which continued to their time, and was ſhewn as it were for a ſight. They tell us that the people of the place uſed to bring bulls, the wildeſt and fierceſt they could meet with; theſe unmanageable creatures they uſed to bring hampered with cords, with ſeveral ſtrong men to drag them along; who as ſoon as they entered the church yard in Beverley, dropped their fierce and formidable nature, and were as came as if they had been metamorphoſed into ſheep. And the people were ſo well aſſured of their inoffenſiveneſs, that they uſed to turn them looſe, and play with them.’

Collier's Eccl. Hiſt.

Tranſlatae fuerunt reliiquiae Accae ex Caemiterio in Eccleſiam Haguſtaldenſem poſt ducentos et quinquaginta annos per Alfredum Preſbyterum Dunelmenſem.

Leland's Itinerary.
Thomas Archiepiſcopus Eboracenſis induxit Canonicos Regulares in Eccleſiam Haguſtaldenſam an. Dom. 1112.

Aſchetillus primus Prior Haguſtaldenſis Eccleſiae.—Robertus Piſethe Secundus.

Lel. Itin. V. 7. p. 60.

Richardus Macon fuit Rector Parochialis Eccleſiae de Hexham ante inductos Canonicos.

Lel. Itin. V. 7. p. 60.
Mr Pennant has given the reading of this inſcription in the ſecond part of his Tour in Scotland, having had the ſame communicated to him by my fellow-traveller, Mr Bailey; but therein he introduces the word Prior, for Pater.

I will extract the names of Benefactors from Mr Wallis's book, as it may gratify the curioſity of the reader.

  • Thomas Archbiſhop of York gave to this priory, founded by him, the church with all its rights, the manor of Ainwick, villages Sandhoe and Yamzigg—all tithes in Hextoldeſham, liberty, ſoke and ſoken.
  • Thuritan Archbiſhop of York gave conſiderable property in Hexham and the villages of Dotland, Knitilheſſel, and two Grottingtons, with all tithes of animals in the liberty of Hexham.
  • Robert de Skipton, the village of B [...]ngfield, &c.
  • Walter Grey and Walter Gifford Archbiſhop of York, ſeveral ſmall parcels of land, &c.
  • Adam de Tynedale, manor and church of Warden, chapels of Stonecroft, Heyden and Langley, paſture for 160 ſheep in Heyden, &c.
  • Adam de Setlingſtones, ſmall parcels of land.
  • Adam de Thorngrafton, ſmall parcels of land.
  • Uctred de Allerwaſh, and ſmall parcels of land.
  • Richard Bailiff, ſmall parcels of land.
  • Odinell de Unframvill, the church of Chollerton with its four chapels, and ſeveral lands, &c.
  • Gilbert de Unframvill, and ſeveral lands.
  • Richard de Unframvill, ſeveral lands.
  • Ralph de Gunnerton, — the like
  • Margery de Unframvill
  • Walter de Inſula
  • Walter Corbe:
  • Alice de Bolam
  • James de Caus
  • Stephen Battaile
  • Gilbert de Wirceſter de Caderon
  • Gilbert de S [...]ealy, the church of Slealy, &c.
  • Robert de Inſula, ſeveral lands.
  • John de W [...]rceſter, ſeveral lands.
  • Sir Thomas de Dev [...]on, manor of North Milbourn, &c.
  • Abbot of New Miniſter, Shilden, &c.
  • William King of Scots, Whitfield, &c.
  • Richard Cummin, ſeveral lands, &c.
  • Briceus de Thirlwall, and Roger his ſon, ſeveral lands, &c.
  • Ivo de Vetere Ponte ſeveral lands, &c.
  • Laurence de Ticket ſeveral lands, &c.
  • Henry de Graham ſeveral lands, &c.
  • Hubert de Delavale and Richelda his mother, ſeveral lands, &c.
  • Thomas de Echwick, ſeveral lands, &c.
  • Peter de Faw [...]n, ſeveral lands, &c.
  • William ſon of Boſ [...], ſeveral lands, &c.
  • John ſon of Elias, ſeveral lands, &c.
  • Walter de Bolbeck, ſeveral lands, &c.
  • Hugh de Delavale, Benwell manor, &c.
  • Chriſtian de Throckley, Eaſt-Matfin manor, &c.
  • Roger de Merlay, ſeveral lands, &c.
  • Henry de Ferlington ſeveral lands, &c.
  • Walter ſon of William and Iſabel, ſeveral lands, &c.
  • Roger Bertram, two fiſheries in Tyne, &c.
  • John de Normanvil, Cheeſburn manor, &c.
  • Richard Biſhop of Durham, tithes, &c.
  • Bernard de Baliol, Stelling manor.
  • Ralph de Gunnerton, homages with rent ſervice.
  • William de Dalton, homages with rent ſervice.
  • Richard de Humfranvill, homages with rent ſervice.
  • Hugh de Baliol, homages with rent ſervice.
  • John de Wirceſter, homages with rent ſervice.
  • Alice de Bolham, homages with rent ſervice.
  • James de Caus and Alice his wife, homages with rent ſervice.
  • Bricius de Thirlwal, homages with rent ſervice.
  • Adam de Tynedale, homages with rent ſervice.
  • William the ſon of Boſo, homages with rent ſervice.
  • Theophania de la Bataile, homages with rent ſervice.
  • William King of Scots, homages with rent ſervice.
  • Chriſtian de Throckley, homages with rent ſervice.

On burning the monaſtery, the deeds being loſt, this inquiſition was taken as the foundation of a royal grant of confirmation.

The like in Beverley.
Steven's Cont. Dugdale, II. 135.
Richard of Hexham, as quoted by Stavely Hiſt. Ch. 173.
Pennant's Tour in Scotland, part II.

‘In the choir is a beautiful Oratory, of ſtone below and wood above, moſt exquiſitely carved, now converted into a pew. Near that is the tomb of a Religious, probably a Prior. Above in a ſhield are in Saxon characters the letters RI: theſe being in many parts of the building, are probably the initials of ſome of the pious benefactors.’

Pennant's Tour in Scotland, part II.

‘Within the quire is to be ſeen a tomb of a nobleman of that warlike family Umfrevills, with his legs acroſs, and his eſcutcheon of arms at his ſide: after which faſhion in thoſe days were they only interred, who took upon them the croſs, and were marked with the badge of the croſs for ſacred warfare, to recover the Holy Land from the Mahomedans and Turks.’

Camd. Brit.

Extract of a Letter from Sir John Clerk to R. Gale, Eſq

‘As to your inſcription from Hexham, it is evident the artificer has been very unſucceſsful, and that his chiſel has ſtammered into more ſyllabus than were neceſſary in the word Corionototarum. I humbly think it ought to have been Coriatarum, and that the people of Corcheſter were called Coriatae, as the Spartans of old were called Spartiatae, or Spartietas, much uſed by Herodotus.’

From the Manuſcripts of the late Roger Gale, Eſq

Verones, a people of Spain, ſo called from the river which waſhed their borders. Sil. 3. 378. ſed alii codd. habent Vettones.—Vettones, bordering on Celtiberia. Sil. 373. 8.

S. Imp. A. D. 193.
A. — 137.

Jo. Copeland took David Bruce King of Scotland priſoner in the battle at Nevil's Croſs, for which he was rewarded with knighthood and 500 l. per annum. He was Sheriff of Northumberland 25 King Edward III.—Note, the Sheriffs of this county never accounted in the Exchequer until 3 King Edward VI.

England's Worthies.
In 1713 a ſmall pamphlet was publiſhed by Mr Ritſchel, Miniſter of Hexham, containing an account of the charities and benefactors to the churches, poor, and free ſchools in Tyndale ward, to which is added a brief account and deſcription of the pariſh and pariſh church of Hexham, with an abſtract of Queen Elizabeth's patent for the free ſchool, and the ſtatutes thereof.
Mr Joſeph Hart, a native of Darlington.

In Fuller's Church Hiſtory we have theſe unhappy conflicts reduced into the following Table.

No. Battles. Place. Betwixt. Time. Number ſlain. Conqueror.
1 St Alban's, in Hertfordſhire. Richard Duke of York, and King Henry VI. for Lancaſter. A. D. 1455 34 K. Henry VI. June. Slain on the King's ſide 5000; on the Duke's 600. York Houſe.
2 Boreheath, in Staffordſhire. Rich. Earl of Saliſbury for York, and James Touchet L. Audley for Lancaſter. A. D. 1459 37 K. Henry VI. 21ſt Sept. 1400 moſt Cheſhire men ſlain on Lancaſter ſide. York Houſe.
3 Northampton. Rich. Earl of Warwick for York, and King Henry VI. for Lancaſter. A. D. 1460 38 K. Henry VI. 9th July. 10,000 ſlain and drowned on both ſides. York Houſe.
4 Wakefield, in Yorkſhire. Richard Duke of York, and Q. Margaret for Lancaſter. 31ſt December. ſame year. 2200 ſlain on York ſide with their Duke. Lancaſter.
5 Mortimer's Croſs, in Shropſhire. Edward Earl of March, afterwards King, for York. A. D. 1461 39 K. Henry VI 2d Feb. 3800 ſlain on Lancaſter ſide. York Houſe.
6 St Alban's in Hertfordſhire. Rich. Earl of Warwick for York, and King Henry and Margaret his wife in perſon for Lancaſter. 17th February ſame year. About 2000 on both ſides. Lancaſter.
7 Towto [...], in Nottinghamſhire. Edward Earl of March for York, and King Henry VI. Same year, Palm-Sunday, March 27th. 35,091 on both ſides. York Houſe.
8 Hexham. John Nevil Lord Montague, and King Henry VI. and Queen. A. D. 1464 4 K. Edw IV 15th May. Number great, but uncertain. York Houſe.
9 Banbury or Edgcot. in the confines of Oxford and Nottham, [...]ſhire. William Herbert Earl of Pembroke for York, and Robin of Ridſdale, alias Hilliard, for Lancaſter. A. D 1469 19 K. Edw. IV 26th July. 5000, moſt Welchmen. Lancaſter.
10 Barnet, in Middleſ [...]. Richard Nevil Earl of Warwick for Lancaſter, and K. Edward IV. for York. 11 K. Edw. IV Eaſter-Day, 14 April, 1471. 4000 on both ſides. York Houſe.
11 Townſbury, Glouceſterſhire. King Edward IV. for York, and Queen Margaret and Edward her ſon for Lancaſter Same year, 4th May. 3000 of the part of Lancaſter. York Houſe.
12 Boſworth. Leiceſterſhire. King Richard III. for York, and Henry Earl of Richmond for Lancaſter. A. D. 1485 3 K. Rich. III 22d Auguſt. About 4000 ſlain in all. Lancaſter.
13 Stoak, in Nottinghamſhire. John Delapole Earl of Linc [...]la for York, and King Henry VII. for Lancaſter. A. D. 1487 2 K Henry VII. 16th June. About 4000; many of them Iriſh. Lancaſter, or rather the two Houſes united in King Henry VII
Haec ſchola fundata et
Munifice dotata ſuit anno
Reverendo & Doctiſſimo viro domino
Johanne Shaftoe, A. M. Eccleſiae
Nether-Warden in hoc agro vicario
In tam benigni capitis elogium
Deeſſe nequit: hoc unum opus pro
Cunctis aliis ſuis beneficiis fama loquctur.
Teſta de Nevil.
Inq. Henry III. Tur. Lond.
Inq. 33 Edward I. Tur. Lond.
  • Thomas Lord Lucy 33 King Edward I.
  • Thomas — 2 King Edward II.
  • Anthony — 29 King Edward III.
  • Thomas — 29 King Edward III.
  • Anthony laſt Lord Lucy 42 King Edward III.

The firſt Anthony Lord Lucy, 1323, by order of the King, ſeized Andrew de Herkley, Earl and Governor of Carliſle, for high treaſon, in the cauſe of Carliſle; aſſiſted by Sir Richard Denton, Sir Hugh Lowther, and Sir Hugh Moriceby, Knights, and four Eſquires, Sir Richard Denton killing the porter of the inner gate for attempting to ſhut it againſt them; one ſervant of the Earl's eſcaping to the Peel, a caſtle at He [...]head, the ſeat of his Lordſhip's brother, Michael Herkley, who by that means was informed of his diſaſter, and fled into Scotland with Sir William B [...]o [...]nt, a Scotch Knight, and others of their party.

The laſt Anthony Lord Lucy dying without iſſue male, and his daughter and heir Johanna ſurviving him only five years and three quarters, he was ſucceeded in his baronial honours and eſtates by h [...]s ſiſter Matilda, wife to Sir Gilbert Hum [...]ranvill, Earl of Angus, after whoſe death ſhe married Henry Piercy, Earl of Northumberland, and ſettled her whole fortune upon his Lordſhip and his heirs male, under the eaſy condition, that as their hearts were, the arms of the two noble families might be united, for a memorial of her affection.*

Quae ſunt de auro, cum une Leone de azure, rampant; quarteriant cum armis de Lucii, quae de C [...]les, cum tribus Lucris, argenteis conſiſtunt. Inq. 22 Richard II. Tur. Lond.

Lowes, a local name, from the neighbouring foreſt of Lowes.

Robert Lowes, one of the gentlemen who had the direction of the watch at Thorngrafton. 6 Edward VI.

Pat. 10 Rich. 2d p. 2. m. 9.
  • John de Whitfield 22 Richard II.
  • Sir Matthew Whitfield, Knt. 12 Henry VI.
  • High Sheriff of Northumberland.
  • Ralph — 10 Queen Elizabeth.
  • Matthew —. High Sheriff, 1728.

Held by the annual rent of 6 s. 4 d. of the Prior and Convent of Hexham, to whom it was granted by William King of Scots.—Matthew the laſt proprietor ſold it to William Ord, Eſq

There is a c [...]alibeat ſpring at Remires, on Whitfield Fell.


From the Manuſcripts of the late Roger Gale, Eſq Extract of a Letter from Roger Gale, Eſq to Mr John Warburton, Somerſet Herald, F. R. S.


I ſhall endeavour to procure you what you mention in your laſt to me, out of the Alienation Office, as ſoon as I can, and tranſmit it to you. Among the books you tell me you are maſter of, I find Doomſday to be one: pray let me know what it is you have of that, for I cannot think it is an entire copy of what is lodged in the Exchequer, though I could heartily with it were; as alſo what you call Bede's Albinus Anglus, for I do not remember any thing among Bede's works under that title. The MS. volume of Leland in my ſtudy touches a little upon the North Riding of Yorkſhire, but, I fear, will be of little ſervice to you: he treats of [...]gain in another of the printed volumes; but what he gives you of it is there alſo very thin and trivial I have ordered a copy of my E [...]ſa [...] to be tranſcribed here by the printed one, with ſome corrections I have made to it, and ſhall ſend it you by the next return of Mr P [...]ing, and hope it may be of ſome ſervice to you. You will find in it, that I have taken notice of five great Ways inſtead of four, according to the general account of our Hiſtorians who only copied from one another, and have pointed out their ſeveral courſes more exactly than has been done by any body elſe. The reaſon they have given you an account but of four, I take to be their notion that there were no more of them which can croſs the iſland from ſea to ſea, and that, I believe, is true; but that there were others in great numbers is unqueſtionable. The great Way you mention that comes from Dunbritton Frith to Rocheſter, in Nor [...]and, falls into, or may be a continuation of the Ermin ſtreet, which you will find in the Eſſay. I have traced from Arundell, in Suffex, to Gatherley Moor, in your neighbourhood, and there followed two branches of it, one to Carli [...]le, and the other to Tynmouth; but I [Page 113] was wholly ignorant of this third diſcovered ſince by you. I ſhall not here give you the reaſons why this is the Ermin-ſtreet, but refer you to the Eſſay for them, and in the mean time only further add, that the Watling ſtreet is the trulieſt deſcribed by Higden of any of them; but it did not terminate at Cardigan, as he ſays, but at Weſt Cheſter, and that the courſe of it is very viſible almoſt every where that he mentions it, and that I have myſelf, one time or other, travelled upon the greateſt part of it, and found it ſeldom or never loſes its name. I fancy, the country people calling that which you ſuſpect to be the Watling-ſtreet in Northumberland by that name, has been the chief motive for your opinion; but I could give you ſeveral inſtances of old Ways ſometimes called Watling-ſtreet, and ſometimes the Foſſe Way by the vulgar, in counties where it is certain thoſe Ways never came; ſo that nothing is to be built upon that.

Antoninus's ſecond journey, indeed, takes in the whole length of it, but not till it falls into it at Deva or Cheſter. The Roman Station at Ethelburgh is taken notice of by Camden, who makes it more than probable, from an inſcription there dug up, that it was called Bruchium. To confirm this opinion. I will give you a conjecture of mine, taken from the Monaſticon Anglicanum, vol. I. p. 178, where, in an old deed, this very place is named Enthelbert, as I believe, from Enchelberi, the word Enchel in Welſh ſignifying an Arm, brachium, the very name in Latin and Britiſh thus correſponding. Beſides, I cannot but be of opinion, that Brementonacis was at Overborough, on the edge of Lancaſhire, it lying in the direct way between Gallacum, Whellop Caſtle, and Coccium, Ribblecheſter, from which latter place it keeps the juſt diſtance allotted it by Antoninus; and tho' the copies of that Itinerary place it 27 from the former, inſtead of 32 miles; upon a little conſideration, you will find the miſtake might be eaſily occaſioned, by the tranſcribers turning the third X into V. I do not know whether you have ſeen the edition of Antoninus publiſhed by me ſome years ago; if you have not, my brother, at Scruton, can lend it you; it may, perhaps, be diverting to you, though I muſt own I have, ſince the publication of it, found reaſon to make ſeveral alterations in it, as I have done upon my own book that I have here by me; and among others, I muſt acknowledge it, that your Map has fully convinced me, that Glanoventa and Gallana, in the tenth Itinerary, are at Thornton and Portgate, and not where my unacquaintedneſs with the country had induced me to place them; but Alone, I take to be Whitley Caſtle, in Alondale, as well from the better agreement of the miles, as from an inſcription there left by the Cohors Tertia Nerviorum, which the Notitia Imperii quarters at Alone. I am pretty much of your mind, that the military way from Eaſingwould to Thirſt, came from York towards Caturactonium, or rather into that which went from Caturactonium towards Gatherley Moor, becauſe I am very much miſtaken, if there is not a military way running along the northern bank of Swale, from Catterick Bridge eaſtward towards Bolton. Now I take the courſe of this road to have gone by Thornton in the Street to Thornbrough, and by Romandby, near Northallerton, which I doubt not has been a Roman Station, by the name of it; and you will find great works caſt up about the Caſtle Hills there, which are very evidently far larger and beyond the confines of the modern caſtle. I have alſo been told of a Roman Way ſome where about Romandby, though I could never well underſtand where it was. To this I ſhall add, that I hardly ever met with a place named Thornbrough or Thornton, that was not near ſome old Station; ſuch a one you have by Catterick; another, called Thornton and Thornaldby, near Ethelbury; Thornton, where Glanoventa ſtood, in Northumberland; Thornbrough, near Noſtrefield Moor, and juſt by the Via Vicinalis that led from Ethelbury over that Moor into Leeminglane, (part of the Ermin-ſtreet) and not far from Well, where any of the inhabitants can ſhew [Page 114] you a Roman te [...]lated pavement. Having made ſo much uſe of this word, I ſhall only add, that theſe towns take not their names, as moſt people imagine, from Thorns that might grow there, but from the Saxon Ðorn, i. e. Turris; a plain indication of their having found ſome ſuch building hereabouts; but which way it went from Romandby till it came where I told you above, upon the very edge of Swale, I muſt leave to your diſcovery; neither can I ſo much as gueſs what might be the Roman name of the Station near Northallerton; but theſe have brought into my mind what I had like to have paſſed over, and that is the derivation of the name Glan [...]enta, which aſſuredly comes from the Britiſh or Welſh Glenwent, i. e. Ripa Ventae, the bank of the river Went, or Wentſbeck. The works upon Noſtrefield Moor conſiſted of a ſquare intrenchment, as I remember, and a ſmall round intrenchment with two entrances into it, one on the ſouth-weſt, and the other on the north-eaſt ſide of it; but what is moſt remarkable, is the ditch or graft, which is within the Agger; it [...]es 150 or 200 paces to the north of the ſquare one, juſt by the road ſide: if I do not forget, there were three or four Tumult thrown up within the ſquare one, and ſix or ſeven more over the hedge of the field that lies on the weſt ſide of it. The military way, or Via Vicinalis, mentioned on the other ſide to come from Ethelbury, runs very near theſe intrenchments, and falls into Leeminglane not far from Wath, and I think another ancient way ſeems to croſs the road between Exelby and Cathorp, towards the ſame line. I am afraid Antiquities are not ſo much in vogue at Court, as to obtain that reception for your Altar there as it really merits, and perhaps, after all the trouble and charge you may be at in ſending it thither, his Majeſty may never ſee it, or be ſo much as acquainted with your dutiful intentions I do not mention this to diſcourage you, but only that you ſhould not meet with too great a diſappointment, if you meet not with the returns you may expect for it. I ſhould be glad to know, what Mr Wanley offered you for it, for though the altar is ſo very beautiful and intire as you repreſent it, yet the inſcription contains little or no inſtruction, it being to be read, as I take it, Fortunae Pop [...] Rom [...] Caius Julius Rationalis Legionis Sextae Virtricis vocit. I have indeed ſome doubt as to the letters RAT. having ſeen at Durham an altar dedicated to Fortune, whereon the initial letters of the word Prafectus were wrote RAEF, the P and R being both included in the firſt or ſame letter: I deſire you therefore to look a little cloſer upon your inſcription, when you have an opportunity, to ſee if you cannot trace the initials of Praefectus, it being much more uſual for the Commanding Officers of Legions to erect altars, than their Accomptants; and indeed I do not remember I ever met with the Rationalis of a Legion in an inſcription before; but this will make yours the more valuable, if it appears to be undoubtedly RAT, for Rationalis. Pray let me know alſo the name of the place where you got it dug up.

I am yours, &c. R. GALE.

Extract of a Letter from Mr John Warburton to Roger Gale, Eſq about ſome of the Roman Roads.

I have read your Eſſay [Note: Printed in the 6th Vol. of Leland, Itinerary, publiſhed by Mr Hear [...]e, at Oxford, 171 [...], p 53.] towards recovery of the four great Roman Ways over and over, with greater pleaſure than I ever read any thing in my life; I am fully convinced, that the courſes you have taken for thoſe ancient roads are perfectly right, excepting that you looſe the ſtem of the Erminſtreet upon Gatherley Moor, and follow only two branches of it, that go directly to Tinmonth and Boulneſſe, the two extremes of the Picts Wall, whilſt the main ſtreet proceeds northward, almoſt in a ſtraight line, and an uninterrupted ridge from Piercebridge cloſe by a ſmall village called Denton, where there are many [Page 115] remains of antiquity, and from thence continues its courſe by Bolham, Houghton, St Helen's Auckland, and ſoon after croſſes the Wear to Bincheſter (Vinovium) where are to be ſeen the Veſtigia of a Roman Fort, ſeveral broken Altars, in the poſſeſſion of Farrer Wren, Eſq the Lord of the Soil, and a great number of Roman Coins dug up there. From this place its courſe is generally over mooriſh grounds to Langcheſter, where moſt of thoſe altars and inſcriptions in Durham Library were found; [Note: See Philoſ. Tranſactions, No. 357.] and at ſix miles further to Ebcheſter, where it croſſes the River Derwent, and enters Northumberland, from which place my Map will ſhew its courſe into Scotland.

But before I leave Ebcheſter, which is inferior to no place I have mentioned for Antiquities, I cannot but acquaint you, that I look upon it to have been the Vindomora of Antoninus, and not Wall's End, where that Station hath hitherto been fixed, ſince it exactly anſwers the diſtances between Corſtopitum and Vinovium, the ſecond and fourth Stations in the firſt Iter. (viz.) nine miles from the firſt of them, and nineteen from the latter, and this in a direct line along one of the moſt entire regular and large ways I ever ſaw, the ridge being for the moſt part two yards in height, full eight yards broad, and all paved with ſtone, that it is at preſent as even as if new laid; whereas from Corſtopitum or Corbridge to Wall's End (the third Station in the firſt Iter) it is twenty miles directly eaſt, and from thence back to Vinovium, the fourth Station, twenty-five miles to the weſtward; ſo that we are carried eighteen miles about, along a road that hath no appearance of a military way, except juſt where it touches the Picts Wall, and hath the river Tyne to paſs in a part where it never could be croſſed without boats, which are difficulties I think the Romans would never ſubject themſelves to.

I have your edition of Antoninus, which I frequently read, and value beyond any thing of that nature, but cannot yet abſolutely agree with you in placing Alone at Whitley Caſtle; not but that it appears plainly to have been a Roman Station, from the greatneſs of its ruins, and it having the Roman road called the Maiden Way running through its center; and from the inſcription left by the Cohors Tertia Neeciorum, that Mr Camden gives us, it is not to be doubted that they were quartered thereabouts: but when I conſider that the diſtance which the Itinerary gives betwixt Gallana, Portgate, and Alone, if at Whitley Caſtle, is but twelve miles, and the real diſtance is twenty; and on the other hand, that Old Town, in Alondale, exactly anſwers the diſtance allotted it by Antoninus, hath a port-way ſeven yards broad, all paved with ſtone, ranging between them, its ſituation on an eminence on the very brink of the river Alon, and of a ſquare figure intrenched; and if we may give credit to the author of the additions to Camden's Britannia, hath produced ſeveral Roman antiquities, I am perſuaded that Station is to be placed here; beſides, I begin to think myſelf wrong in joining this Roman road, which I am ſpeaking of, with that called the Maiden Way at Whitley Caſtle; and am partly of opinion, that it did not go ſo far weſt, but rather ſtruck over by the head of the river Teys to Ethelburgh, in Yorkſhire, and from thence went by Coccuim to Mancunium and that Whelp Caſtle and Overburrough (if Roman Stations) are either in the military way that comes from Ambleſide towards Kendale, which perhaps unites with it at Coccium (Ribblecheſter) or on that called the Maiden Way, which goes by Whitley Caſtle. This opinion is very much ſtrengthened by a new diſcovered military way, of the very ſame dimenſions and work with that on which Glanoventa ſtands and Galana, and which runs from Ethelburgh full north over a moor called Windgate, and at a ſmall village called Crackpot croſſes the river Swale, and ſoon after enters another named Feetham, where I muſt leave it at preſent, on account of the ſeaſon. At my parting with it, it ſeemed to point at Barnard Caſtle, [Note: See Mr Warburton's Map of Yorkſhire, which ſhews it to have gone northward to Barnard Caſtle, and to Overburrough ſouth-weſtward.] and if ſo, probably Stratford, near that place, was where it croſſed the river Tees, both on account of its name and being in a direct line to Old Town, in Alondale, where I have choſe to place Alone. As a further proof of Old Town's being Alone, it may not be improper to acquaint you, that Mr Camden is wrong in placing Whitley Caſtle upon [Page 116] the river Alo [...], for it is ſix miles diſtant from any part of it. There is indeed about a mile from it, a ſmall ſtream called Yal, which empties itſelf into Tynt, but I think this argues but little for it; neither can I believe that the inſcription left by the Cobors III. Nerviorum, is a certain proof of its being Alone, for I have often obſerved altars ſet up by one and the ſame Cohors in places ſeveral miles diſtant, as for inſtance, at the Houſe-ſteads, where I place Bor [...], at Willeford and other places along the Picts Wall, I find altars erected by the Cohors I. Tungrerum; and as Old Town, on the river Alon, in Alondule, is but eight miles diſtant from Whitley Caſtle, I do not ſee but they may have both been the habitation of the Cohors III. Nerticrum.

The military way that comes from E [...]ſingwold to Thor [...]aldby, ſhews itſelf very plainly in the village of Romandby, from which place it goes to Yafford, Langton, Bolton upon Swale, Brunton, and by the north ſide of the friery wall in Richmond to the top of Richmond Moor, where I looſe it, but believe it ſhoots north weſt, and meets with that which goes north from Ethelburgh, ſome where about Barnard Caſtle. *

The obſervation you make upon ſuch places as bear the name of Thornton is very good, and daily proves ſerviceable to me. I have traced the Roman way that comes from Ethelburgh into Leeming-lane, and find that it paſſes through Thornton, Aſgarth, Bolton Park, Middleham, to Ulſhaw-bridge, where it croſſes the Ure, and continues its courſe by Danby, Thornton-Steward, Watlaſs Church, and over Wa [...] Moor, where there are ſeveral Tumuli of different ſizes, to the weſt ſide of Cauſick Part; thence it goes by Thornbrough to Middleton-Quernhow, and enters Leeming Lane, about half a mile ſouth-eaſt of the laſt place.


Extract of a Letter from Roger Gale, Eſq to Mr Warburton, in Anſwer to the preceeding Letter.


I have been long indebted to you for your moſt entertaining letter of the 21ſt of November, which ſhould not have laid ſo long unanſwered, but that your being upon the road I very well knew would give you no time to peruſe what I might write to you, if it did come to your hands. What you ſay of your tranſcript of D [...]omſday, I believe, is very right, the leſſe [...] Doemſday, in the Exchequer, containing only the deſcription of Eſſex, Norfolk, and Suſf [...]k: Norfolk you ſeem to have again in your ſecond volume with Richmond, which, I believe, has been tranſcribed from a moſt curious and valuable manuſcript in the Cottonian Library, called Regifirum H [...]noris de Richmond, where you have not only this extract from Doomſday, but ſeveral charters inquiſitions. quo warrantos, and other ancient deeds relating to that country. When you write next, pray let me know if your copy have any thing more in it than what belongs to Richmondſhire. Albinus, or as others will have his name, Alcuinus, compoſed a poem, De [...] [...] et Sanctis Eccleſiae Eboracenſis, all which is taken from Bede's Hiſtory; but h [...] w [...] his name came to be prefixed to your Bede, if it is Bede, I cannot imagine. You muſt not think it ſtrange if my Eſſay upon the Roman ways is not compleat; I only call it an Eſſay; ſome parts of thoſe roads I have occaſionally obſerved in my travels, others, and as I muſt acknowledge by far the greateſt part, I have only travelled in maps, or picked out of authors as I was upon other ſubjects; ſo that it is no wonder, if I cannot help omitting large [Page 117] tracts of them in ſome places, and leaving them ſhort in others, as I have done in the middle branch of that on Gatherley Moor, which I believe you we now ſatisfied is the Er [...]inſtreet, as that I was Ehcheſter is Vindemora, upon my firſt fight of your excellent Map of Northumberland; which likewiſe obliged me to change my opinion as to the ſituation of Glanoventa, which my addition of Antoninus had placed upon the river Bowent, in Glendale; for though the diſtances between Glanoventa and Gallava (Thornton and Portgate do not exactly agree with the numbers in that Itinerary, yet they are not ſo wide as the number of miles between Antercheſter upon Bowent and Portgate, which is thirty-four; but if we ſix Gla [...]o [...]a at Thornton, Gallava at Walwick, as I have done in Antoninus, and Alone at Old Town, all theſe diſtances will agree pretty well with the Itinerary. Another argument for Glanove [...]a's being placed at Thornton, may be deduced from the name itſelf; you very well know that Wentſheck, the name of the little river upon or near which Thornton is ſituated, is the ſame thing as Went-ſluviolus; Glen or Glan in Britiſh is Ripa, ſo that Gl [...] went (Gl [...]ta) is Ripa Wentae, a town upon the bank of Went. The Notiti [...] Imperii alſo places Gla [...]be [...]am ad Lineam Valli, which, though not ſtrictly true, is much nearer the truth at Thornton than at Antercheſter. As I remember, in my laſt letter to you, I did not found my conjecture of Alona being at Whitley Caſtle, ſo much upon the inſcription found there, as upon the due diſtance it would then obtain in reſpect to Brementonacis, and only made the inſcription a concurrent argument. Now as the diſtance between Walwick and Old Town holds as good as that other between Whitley Caſtle and Overburrough (Bre [...]to [...]is) ſo the argument is equally ſtrong for Alone being at Old Town, and I really give up my former opinion to you as the righteſt. I ſhould have mentioned Galacum (Whell [...]p Caſtle) as lying between Alone and Bremet [...]nacis or Brementonacis, as ſome copies have it: the diſtance allotted it by Antoninus is nineteen miles from Alone, which alſo agrees better with Old Town than Whitley Caſtle; but the diſtance between Whellop Caſtle, in that Itinerary; and Brementoncis, agrees well with neither Overburrough nor Ethelburrough, the former being thirty-two and the latter but twenty-four miles inſtead of twenty-ſeven: however I was, and am ſtill inclined, to fix it at the former, it lying more directly in the road to Coccium (Ribblecheſter) the diſtance agreeing better, being about twenty-two; whereas it is thirty-ſix miles betwixt Rehelburgh and Ribblecheſter, and as for the thirty-two between it and Gallacum, the miſtake may have eaſily been committed, by a tranſcriber's making an X for a V; if you turn the third X in 32 to V, the numbers will be 27, and correſpond to thoſe of Antoninus; however, I ſhall ſuſpend giving up myſelf entirely to my opinion, till I hear whether you find reaſon to alter yours, about this Roman road's joining with the Maiden Way at Whitley Caſtle, or that it came by the head of Teys to Ethelburgh, and from thence to Coceium; the latter part, I believe, you will hardly prove to do ſo, becauſe I am pretty certain you will trace it from Ethelburgh over Noſtrefield Moor into Leeming-lane, except two ways lead from it, and then perhaps one of them might lead to Coccium: this way, you ſay, goes directly, by its pointing upon Barnard Caſtle, to Old Town: now if we could diſcover any Station that might prove to be Gallacum [Page 118] upon it, between Old Town and Ethelburgh, at a due diſtance from them both, according to the Itinerary, it would put the matter out of diſpute; but I cannot think of any ſuch, and if it paſſed the Teys at Statford, as there ſeems to be no great doubt it did, it points a little too much eaſtward for Alone (Old Town) and rather inclines to fall into the great Roman road at or near to Vinonium (Bincheſter). I have been very long upon this ſubject, therefore ſhall only add, that the miles I reckon by are ſhorter than thoſe you make your computation from; for as Antoninus is my chief guide. I make an allowance for the difference between the Roman and Engliſh mi [...]e, which is as 972 to 1000. I do not know whether I mentioned the Roman road from Romanby, &c. running by Bolton, on the north ſide of Swale, to you, but I find you have obſerved it. If you have leiſure at any time, when you are at Northallerton, to view the Caſtle Hills there, between that town and Romanby, you will find great works and trenches out of the limits, and beyond the ditch of the modern Caſtle, weſtward and ſouthward, which I dare ſay were Roman, and gave name to the neighbouring village, though what was the ancient appellation of it, is now entirely loſt. As for the name of Allerton, it is very hard to tell whence it came; the Saxon Kings generally built on or near the ruins of ancient and decayed Roman towns, and as we have no memorials that contradict my conjecture. I am apt to think this town might be built here by King Alfred, who reſtored many places that had been deſtroyed by the Danes; or elſe by Guthrum the Dane, to whom, upon his being baptized, he gave all the kingdom on the north ſide of Watling-ſtreet, who might call it Alvertun or Alſreton (for that is the ancienteſt name it occurs by) in honour of his godfather and benefactor: this, I think, is more probable, than that it ſhould be ſo called from aller trees, as ſome have fa [...]cied, ſince the ancient writing of the name makes for it.

I am much obliged to you for your kind offer of your Coins, but I am unwilling to rob you of them, having moſt of them already; as for the Altar found at Elſdon, I ſhould be very thankful for that, and deſire you, when opportunity ſerves, to get it conveyed to Scruton where I hope to ſee it next ſummer, but the carriage muſt be at my charge. The circumſtances of your finding the altar at Cheſter in the Wood, are very odd; I cannot ſuppoſe that vault to have been the place where the altar was primarily erected and uſed, ſince they only ſacrificed under ground to the infernal Gods, and Fortune was not one of them: it ſeems, moſt probably, to have been concealed there by the Romans, or Roman Britons, when they were drove from thoſe Stations by the P [...]cts, to prevent its profanation by thoſe barbarous enemies, and that other which accompanied it, may have been accidentally broken in the burying; but then as to the ſmoaky ſmell, it will be a little difficult to form any conjecture. I was once at C [...]renceſter, in Cloceſterſhire, ſhewn the top of much ſuch a vault, as you deſcribe, in a garden there, but the ground all over and about it being ſown, I could not perſuade the Gardener to give me admittance into it, but he aſſured me it was filled near three feet deep with burnt bones and aſhes; this made me conclude ſome altar might have ſtood near it, and that this vault was the receptacle of what was ſwept from the altar; and why may not the vault at Cheſter in the Wood have been for the ſame purpoſe, and thence contracted its ſmell? I think you were much in the right not to part with it and the reſt to the Lord you mention upon general promiſes: I dare ſay all the gratification you would have had from him, would have been the honour done you, of erecting marble pedeſtals to ſet them on.

I am, Sir, your, &c. R. GALE.

[Page 112]

This Roman read comes from Br [...] upon Ham [...]er, perhaps the Praetorium of Antoninus, to Delgo [...]itio (Wigton) De [...] cu [...] (A [...]dby) and ſo to Eaſi [...] wa [...], Thi [...] Rom [...] Bolton upon Swale, the north end of Catterick Bridge, and ſo to Richmond, &c.

R. G.

The obſervation above mentioned [...] ſuch tow [...] have the word Thorn in their names, as Thornton, Townb [...]gh, are not ſo called from the word Thorn, [...], but from the Saxon Ðorn, Terris, Caſtellum, and are generally ſeated near ſome old Roman Station as Thorn [...]ugh near Catterick Bridge, and another near Roman [...], Th [...]y near Oldbury, in Glouceſterſhire, the Projectors of Antoninus, Thornton-Ruſt, not far from Ethelburgh, &c.

R. G.
See Ritſchel's account thereof.

This retreat is ſaid to be conducted by the addreſs of Lord Douglas, who in a dark night led the Scotch army over a moraſs, two miles broad, formerly deemed impaſſable, by the help of flakes made of branches cut from the wood in the neighbourhood of their laſt encampment; and which caſting before them into the broken parts of the bog, as they advanced through it, they led their horſes over thoſe parts.

Ridpath's Border Hiſt.

This is the moſt probable account—he quotes Barber and Carte for this account.—Flake is a Scotch word, implying a hurdle, twigs of hazels woven together, of which great uſe is made in Scotland and the Borders; they ſerving as doors to hovels where their cows and other cattle ſtand, and for gates to ſtack-garths, &c.

  • John de Bolbeck—Temp. King Henry III.
  • Hugh de Bolbeck 1 King Edward I.
  • He had four daughters:
  • Margery—married firſt to Nicholas Corbet, and to her ſecond huſband, Ralph ſon of William Lord Greyſtock.
  • Alice—married Walter de Huntercomb, Baron of Wooler.
  • Ph [...]ppa—married Roger de Lancaſter.
  • Maud—married Hugh Baron of Delaval. Alice and Maud having no iſſue, the Barony devolved on Nicholas Corbet and Roger de Lancaſter.—A moiety deſcended to Robert de Herle, heir of Lancaſter, and the other moiety paſſed to William Lord Greyſtock, by Margery's ſecond marriage.

The Barony of Sir Hugh de Bolbeck, who fetched his deſcent by his mother from the noble Barons of Mon-Fitchet.

Camden's Brit.

In Mr Groſe's Addenda we have the following ſurvey of Prudhoe Caſtle, taken the 5th of Auguſt, 1596.

‘There is an old ruinous caſtle walled about, and in form not much unlike to a ſhield hanging with one point upward, ſcituate upon a high moate of earth, with ditches in ſome places, all wrought with mans hands, as it ſeemeth, and is of content, all the ſcite of, with a little garden plat, and the bankes by eſtimacon, ſc. 111 acr.’

‘The ſaid caſtle hath the entrey on the ſouth, where it hath had two gates, the uttermoſt now in decay, and without the ſame is a little turnepyke; and on the weſt parte a large gate roome, where there hath been a paſſage into the lodgings there ſcituate, without the caſtle as is ſuppoſed, or to the chappell there ſtanding; and between the gates is a ſtrong wall there on both ſydes, and as it appeareth hath been a draw bridge; and without the ſame, before it come to the utter gate, a turnepyke for defence of the bridge. The gate is a tower, all maſſy worke on both ſides to the top of the vault. Above the vault is the cheppel; and above the cheppel a chamber which is called the wardrobe; it is covered with lead, but in great ruin, both in lead and timber; it is in length ten yeards, and in breadth ſix yeards, or thereabouts.’

‘There is oppoſite to the ſaid gatehouſe tower, joining to the north wall of the ſaid caſtle, one hall of eighteen yeards in length, and nine yeards in breadth, or thereabouts, within the walls, covered alſo with lead, albeit the timber and lead in ſome decay.’

‘Between the ſaid gatehouſe tower and hall, on the left hand at your entrey in at the gate, is a houſe of ijo ▪ houſe height of length xxiiij yeards, in breadth, 6 yeards or thereabouts, divided into two chambers, covered with ſlate; the lower houſe hath a great room to paſs out of the court thro that houſe to the great tower; and the ſouth end, a chamber called the parlour; and in the north end a little buttery. In the houſe is two chambers, called the utter chamber and inner chamber; out of the utter chamber is a paſſage to the great tower by a little gallery, on the other ſide a paſſage down to the buttery. Out of the inner chamber is a paſſage to the chappel, and on the other ſide a paſſage to a houſe called the nurſery.’

‘On the weſt parte of the ſaid houſe is another little houſe, ſtanding eaſt and weſt upon the ſouth wall, called the nurſery, in length ten yeards, and in breadth ſix yeards, or thereabouts, of two houſe height, covered alſo with ſlate.’

‘At the ſouthweſt corner is a houſe ſtanding north and ſouth, called the garner, adjoining to the weſt wall, in length ten yeards, in breadth 6 yeards or thereabouts, of ijo houſe height; the under houſe a ſtable, the upper houſe a garner, covered alſo with ſlate.’

‘At the northweſt corner of the ſaid caſtle, is a little tower called the weſt tower, of three houſe height, round on the outſide, in length ſeven yeards, or thereabouts, covered with lead, but in decay both in lead and timber.’

‘Joyned to the ſaid tower is another houſe of two houſe height, in length nine yeards, in breadth ſix yeards, or thereabouts, covered with ſlate, but much in decay.’

‘In the middle of theſe houſes, by itſelf, ſtandeth the great tower, one way 18 yeards, another way xij yeards north and ſouth, of 3 ſtoryes onely, and of height xv yeards, or thereabouts, beſides the battlements. It hath no vault of ſtone in it; it is covered with lead, but in ſome decay of lead and timber, but neceſſary to be repaired: and a toofall or a little houſe adjoining thereunto, in utter decay.’

‘At the eaſt end of the hall is a houſe called the kitchen, of one houſe height, in length xij yeards, in breadth ſix yeards, or thereabouts, covered with ſlate.’

‘In the eaſt end, as it were at the lower point of the ſhield, is a little ſquare tower, in length vij yeards, in breadth [...] yeards, or thereabouts, covered with lead, but in utter ruine and decay both in timber and lead.’

‘Adjoining to the ſame, is a houſe called the brewhouſe, in length viij yeards, and in breadth vij yeards, covered with ſlate.’

‘There is within the ſcyte, and without the walls, an elder chappell, which hath been very fair, and covered with ſlate. In the tyme that diverſe dwellers were on the demeſnes, one dwelled in the ſaid chappell, and made it his dwelling houſe and byers for his cattle, and by that means defaced; ſaving the timber, walls, and greate parte of ſlate remayneth.’

‘There was an orchard ſet with all fruit trees, now all ſpoyled, and an old houſe wherein the keeper of the orchard did dwell.’

Dugdale's Baronage, 504.
  • Rogerus de Umf [...]evile King Henry I.
  • He had the Foreſt of Reedſdale and the Caſtles of Otterburn and Harbottle, &c.
  • Odonel 20 King Henry II.
  • Richard 11 King Henry III.
  • Gilbert 30 King Henry III.
  • Warden of the Marches
  • Gilbert 35 King Edward I.
  • Gilbert 1 King Edward II.
  • Gilbert 11 King Henry IV.

Rogerus de Umf [...]ville te [...]er Baronium de Proudebow per ſervitium 2. millic. & d [...]. [...]t antoceſſores ſui à tempore Henrici I [...]. Regis Angliae.

Lel. Collect. V. 1. p. 201.

Sir William Dugdale, in his Barony, ſays, ‘According to the Monk of Tynmouth, in the 18th of Henry II. Odonel greatly oppreſſed and plundered his neighbours, in order to repair the roof of his caſtle of Prudhow, preſuming on his own eminence, and the intereſt he was poſſeſſed of by having married his daughter to one high in the King's favour.’

In the 14th of King John, Richard de Umfrevill delivered up his four ſons and his caſtle of Brudhow, as pledges for his fidelity; notwithſtanding which he put himſelf in arms among the B [...]ro [...]s, in the 17th of the ſame reign. The conſequence of which was, that the caſtle and lands were given to Hugh de Baliol. But in the reign of Henry III. he obtained a reſtitution, but never had the confidence of that King, who was offended at and diſtruſted him on account of his fortifying his caſtle of Harbottle. He gave one toft and eight acres of land in the town of Prudhow to the Monks of Hexham. His ſon Gilbert ſucceeded to this Barony, and dying the 30th of Henry III. was ſucceeded by

Gilbert the ſecond, who was ſtiled the famous Baron, the Flower and Keeper of the northern parts of England.

Gilbert the third was by King Edward I. made Earl of Angus in Scotland, and under that title ſummoned to parliament, A.D. 1297. The Lawers at firſt refuſed to acknowledge him as an Earl, becauſe Angus was not of this kingdom; but ſubmitted on ſight of the King's writ, wherein he was ſummoned by that title.

Gilbert the fourth, in the 25th of Edward III. exhibited a petition to the King and his Council aſſembled in parliament, ſetting forth, that he and his anceſtors, time out of mind, uſed to have cuſtody of all priſoners taken within the liberty of Reedſdale, to be kept in his priſon of Harbottle Caſtle: which being ſo ruined by the Scots wars, that it was inſufficient to retain them, he deſired he might have leave to keep all ſuch priſoners in his Caſtle of Prudhow, till his Caſtle of Harbottle could be properly repaired. The King being ſatisfied that the fact alledged in his petition was true, and conſidering that the ruinous ſtate of Harbottle Caſtle did not ariſe from neglect, granted him leave to keep ſuch priſoners in his caſtle of Prudhoe for ten years.

This Earl Gilbert died without iſſue in 1381, having had by his wife Maude, daughter and heir of Thomas Lord Lucy, a ſon named Robert, who, although he died before his father, had been married to Margaret daughter of Henry the ſecond Lord Percy of Alnwick, but without iſſue. It ſeems to have been in conſequence of the ſettlement made on this marriage, that the Caſtle and Barony of Prudhow deſcended to the Percies; for it appears among the pleas in the King's Bench, 15 King Henry VI. and Rol. 9. on a traverſe then tendered by Henry Earl of Northumberland, ‘that John Hawborough and John Pykeworth, Ao. 49 King Edward III. gave to Gilbert Hamfervile, and to Mawde his wife, and to their heirs lawfully begotten, the ſaid Caſtle and Barony, and the Manor of Ovingham; and for lack of ſuch iſſue, the ſaid Caſtle, Manor, and Barony to remain to Henry Lord Percy, and to his heirs for ever.’

In conſequence of this diſpoſition, after the death of Earl Gilbert his widow the Counteſs Maude enjoyed it for her life. She married to her ſecond huſband Henry Percy, firſt Earl of Northumberland, who after her death entered into full poſſeſſion of the Caſtle and Barony, with its appendages, and the ſame continued in his poſterity, without any other interruption except what was occaſioned by the attenders in different periods. Thus on the forfeiture of the ſaid firſt Earl of Northumberland and his ſon Hotſpur, in the reign of King Henry IV. the Caſtle and Lordſhip of Prudhow were beſtowed by the ſaid King (6 King Henry IV.) on his ſon John, afterwards Duke of Bedford and Regent of France, who appears to have held them till his death, except for a ſhort time, viz. 4 Henry VI. when Ralph Earl of Weſtmoreland was poſſeſſed of the Mano [...] of Prudhow. So again, 28 King Henry VI. the Caſtle of Prudhow was in poſſeſſion of Sir John Bertram, Knt. but afterwards the whole reverted to the Percies, till they underwent another attainder for their adherence to the Houſe of Lancaſter, in the 4th of King Edward IV. The Caſtle of Prudhow was given to Sir William Bertram, Knt. in the 5th year of that King's reign. After the reſtoration of Henry the fourth Earl of Northumberland, this Caſtle and Barony were again given back to the Percies: and though their poſſeſſion of it ſuffered again ſome ſhort interruptions from future attaintures, in the reigns of King Henry VIII. and Queen Elizabeth, yet the Caſtle and Barony of Prudhow have conſtantly deſcended, with their other great poſſeſſions, through the ſucceeding Earls of Northumberland, down to their illuſtrious repreſentatives the preſent Duke and his late Ducheſs.

Groſe's Antiq.

Gulielmus Rex Scottorum, perambulavit Northumbriam, obſedit Prudehou Caſtellum Odonelli de Wimframvile, ſed illud capere non potuit, &c. Quorum adventu cognito, Rex Scour inde recedens obſedit Alnewic, et ibidem captus eſt Rex.

Lel. Collect. V. 3. p. 207.
  • John Blacket, Eſq High Sheriff of Northumberland 1692
  • John Blacket 1714
  • John Blacket 1729
  • Robert Bewick, Eſq High Sheriff of Northumberland 1695
  • Robert 1726
  • Sir Robert Bewick, Knt. 1760

Mr Horſley's Work contains the following Inſcriptions found here:

XIII. Centuria Voconii Cohortis Poſuit.

This is a centurial inſcription in the uſual form: the Centurion's name Voconius is viſible, but the number of the Cohort is effaced.

XIV. Cohors Nona Poſuit.

This contains the number of the Cohort, which might probably be one of thoſe that carried on the work of the wall, from Walbottle hither. It is remarkable, that though we have all the intermediate numbers from one to ten, yet ten is never exceeded on ſuch ſtones: this confirms them to be the numbers of the Legionary Cohorts.

XVII. Centuria Turriai Priſci.

This was found near this place; it appeared at firſt fight to be plainly centurial, and of the uſual form; but the implication of the letters is very odd, part of the letters of both the names being thrown together in the ſame cypher, in which no fewer than four or five letters are united. The name Priſcus is in another centurial inſcription at Couſins Houſe, and two in Cumberland.

Dugdale's Baron. 523.
Dugdale's Baron. 523.

Hugh de Balliolo tenet Baroniam de Biwelle cum pertinentiis per ſervitium quinque militum, et tamen debet ad wardam Novi Caſtelli ſuper tinam 30 milites, ut anteceſſores ſui tenuerunt a tempore Gul. Rufi Regis qui eum feofavit de feodo illo.

Lel. Collect. V. 1. p. 301.

Hugh de Baliol, Sheriff of Northumberland for 10 ſucceſſive years.

John de Baliol, one of the 12 Lords choſen by the Barons to treat in the three parliaments of Henry III. to ſave the charges of attendance.


A ſurvey was taken of the forfeited eſtates by her Majeſty's Commiſſioner Sir William Humberſton, in the 12th year of her reign.

‘Bywell and Bolbeck are two ancient Baronies, and are ſituate on the extream ſouth part of Northumberland. To the Barony of Bywell belongeth a foreſt of red deer. Within the barony are many gentlemen and freeholders, who hold their lands of the ſaid barony by ſervices, and are always attendants upon the Lords in time of ſervice, when they ſhall be thereto commanded.’ In the waſtes are divers woods, and very fair courſing with greyhounds.

‘The town of Bywell is builded in length all of one ſtreet, upon the river or water of Tyne, is divided into two ſeveral pariſhes, and inhabited by handicraftmen, whoſe trade is in iron-work, for the horſemen and borderers of that country. They are ſubject to the incurſions of the thieves of Tynedale, and compelled winter and ſummer to bring all their cattle and ſheep into the ſtreet in the night ſeaſon, and watch both ends of the ſtreet, and when the enemy approacheth, to raiſe hue and cry.’

‘To the barony there belongeth a fiſhery of ſalmon in the river Tyne, three miles in length, with a dam or bay over the river for preſerving the fiſh.’

‘In Bywell town the anceſtors of the Earl of Weſtmoreland built a fair tower or gatehouſe, all of ſtone, and covered with lead; meaning to have proceeded further, as appears by the walls, the height of a man, left unfiniſhed.’

‘The Barony of Bywell comprehendeth Bywell St Peter, Bywell St Andrew, Acomb, Newton, Ovington, Mickley, Bromley, Newlands, Ridley, Nova, Styford, Sheryden, and Eaſing-hope, inhabited by men of good ſervice, and have very good farms, and able to keep much cattle, and get plenty of corn and hay, were it not for the continual robberies and incurſions of the thieves of Tynedale, which ſo continually aſſault them in the night, as they can keep no more cattle than they are able to lodge either in houſe or like ſafety in the night’

‘The Lord of the ſaid Baronies hath the leet, within all the limits of the ſame, and all waives, eſtrays, fellons goods, and amerciaments, and all other royalties, caſualties, and profits ariſing or growing by reaſon of the leet.’

  • Thomas de Fenwick King Henry III.
  • Robert — 33 King Edward I.
  • John —, High Sheriff of Northumberland 32 King Richard II.
  • Sir John Fenwick King William III.

Temples and funeral memorials like this, with cepititious or ſtone altars, and an upright pillar untouched by the chiſel, are the moſt ancient of any in the world, were raiſed in Judea and all over the Holy Land, by the eaſtern Princes and Patriarchs, by whom they were called Bethels and Elbethels. The manner of conſecration, was with oil poured on the pillar.—One of theſe pillars was erected by Jacob, and he called is the houſe of God. ‘Jacob roſe up early in the morning, and took the ſtone that he had put for his pillow, and ſet it up for a pillar, and poured oil upon the top of it. And he called the name of that place Bethel; but the name of that city was called Luz, at the firſt. And he ſaid, this ſtone which I have ſet up for a pillar ſhall be God's houſe. Jacob came to Luz, which is in the land of Canaan, (that is Bethel) he and all the people that were with him. And he built there an altar, and called the place Elbethel. And Jacob ſet up a pillar in the place where he talked with God, even a pillar of ſtone, and he poured a drink-offering thereon, and he poured oil thereon. And Jacob called the name of the place where God ſpake with him Bethel.’

The making of altars of earth, or of natural ſtone as formed in the earth, was by the direction of God to Moſes. ‘An altar of earth thou ſhalt make unto me. And if thou wilt make me an altar of ſtone, thou ſhalt not build it of hewn ſtone, for if thou lift up thy tool upon it, thou haſt polluted it.’

Theſe temples were generally erected on the higher ground, ſuch as were moſt conſpicuous and obvious to fight. The one was built by Moſes and another by Joſhua on Mount Ebal, compoſed of whole natural ſtones, or pillars plaiſtered with plaiſter, whereon they wrote the divine laws, in a great and general aſſembly of all Iſrael, of all the princes, great officers, judges, and people of every rank and quality, ſtrangers and others, old and young.

Single pillars were alſo erected by theſe holy men over the graves of the illuſtrious dead by ſome public and much frequented road, to have their memories preſerved, and to put the traveller in mind of their exemplary virtue and piety, of his own ſhort continuance on the ſtage of life, and to fit and make himſelf worthy of ſuch another honourable memorial at his death, and of an eternal diadem. Thus Jacob buried Rachel, the ſolace and partner of his cares, who died with the birth of their ſon Benjamin. "Rachel died and was buried in the way to Ephrah, which is Bethlehem. And Jacob ſet a pillar on her grave, that is the pillar of Rachel's grave to this day."

Perſons of inferior condition and figure were buried under the ſhady oaks that flouriſhed at the bottom of the mounts on which the bethels or temples ſtood. They were called the oaks of weeping. ‘Deborah, Rebekah's nurſe, died, and ſhe was buried beneath Bethel, under an oak, and the name of it was called Allon Backuth.’

Heaps of ſtones rudely caſt together were the tombs they aſſigned to infidel enemies after execution, even crowned heads, in avenues and places of great concourſe, to be warnings to the reſt of mankind, how they roſe up againſt the God of Iſrael, and diſhonoured his bethel or holy temple. Such a memorial had the King of Ai, executed by Joſhua. ‘As ſoon as the ſun was down, Joſhua commanded that they ſhould take his carcaſs down from the tree, and caſt it on the entring of the gate of the city, and raiſe thereon a great heap of ſtones, that remaineth to this day.’

Such a memorial likewiſe had Achan and his family, whoſe bodies were firſt burnt to aſhes, with all their treaſure and wealth.

Hence the open temples, the pillars, the obeliſks, the conſecrated groves of oak, the heaps of ſtones reared by the Pagans to their falſe Gods, and to the memory of the dead. Hence the Egyptian pyramid, hence the fair column of the Greeks, the Romans, and of the ſeveral nations taught and ruled by the Druids: the primitive religious rites accompanying mankind upon their grand diſperſion at the tower of Babel, about the 400th year after the flood, according to the Samaritan computation.

  • Simon de Welton 10 King Henry IV.
  • Thomas 25 King Henry VI.
  • Simon 5 King Edward IV.
  • Michael 19 King Charles I.
  • John de Halton King Henry III.
  • William —, of Denum 17 King Edward I.
  • High Sheriff of Northumberland 25th of that reign.
  • Margaret married Robert de Lowther
  • — married Carnaby
  • The whole veſted in the Carnabys King Richard II.
  • William Carnaby 9 King Henry IV.
  • High Sheriff of Northumberland.
  • Sir John 35 King Henry VI.
  • Sir Reginold 33 King Henry VIII.
  • High Sheriff of Northumberland.
  • Sir Cuthbert 9 Queen Elizabeth.
  • High Sheriff.
  • Sir William 21 King James I.
  • Member of Parliament for Morpeth.
  • In the reign of Charles I. Member for Northumberland, and High Sheriff.

Joannes de Hawelton tenet in capite de Domino Rege Halton. Lel. Col. V. 1. p. 199.


Such ſwords as theſe were uſed by the Gauls in their wars with the Romans; as a defence againſt which, the Roman General Camillus contrived a ſhield or buckler of iron, of the Parma kind, of a round form, and adorned with ſtuds of braſs. Mars Bellator of Gradivus, is uſually deſcribed with ſuch a ſhield. It was part of the Armatura Equitum, and borne on the left arm.


Mr Wallis gives the following anecdote of one of the Carnaby family. "At the time that this country was infeſted with thoſe thieves called Moſs Troopers, one of this family had a commiſſion to apprehend and try them. Whilſt he was deeply engaged on the trial of ſome of them, a very notorious and deſperate villain was ſeized by his ſon, who aſked his father what he ſhould do with him. Do with him, ſaid the father, why hang him. As ſoon as the trial was ended, he ordered the man to be brought before him, but was told he was hanged inſtantly according to his order. On complaint being made to the Crown, a fine of 4l. per annum was laid on the Halton e [...]tate, which is ſtill paid."


A ſimilar ſtory is told of Lord William Howard, at Nawarth, in Cumberland.

He rebuilt the old parochial chapel there (which was then in ruins) for the caſe of his tenants, though at no great diſtance from the mother church. The Vicar of Corbridge officiates here every third Sunday, in the forenoon, and at C [...]rbridge, the pariſh church, in the afternoon.

Mr Horſley treats of the following inſcription found here.

XX Cohortis Se [...]ae Centuria Statii Solonis Poſuit.

This was in the w [...] of an incloſure not far from Portgate Caſtle: it was erected by the Century of Statius S [...]l [...]a, a Centurion of the ſixth Cohort, probably of the ſixth Legion called Victorious: which Legion erected th [...]s inſcription.

At a C [...]ll [...]m were found ſome Ur [...], coarſe and whitiſh.

  • Emma de Ayden 1 King Edward I. Eſcheats of that reign.
  • William de Raymes 43 King Edward III. High Sheriff.
  • Edward 35 King Henry VI.
  • Robert 10 Queen Elizabeth. High Sheriff.
  • Henry King Charles I.
The annexed plate is a copy taken from the Engraving by Vertue.
This figure is Diana, not a man.—R. G.
Virg. Aen. Lib. 12. V. 767.
Hor. 1 Lib. Carm. Od. 5.
This is a miſtake in Mr B. for I never told him ſo, or ever had the leaſt ſurmiſe of its being Saxon.—R. G.
Spalding Society.
Eſſay or Enquiry into Homer's Life and Writings. London printed, 1735.
Duke of Somerſet againſt Mr Cookſon.
Claudian VI. Conſ. Honorii.
Mr Blackwall, author of the Inquiry into the Life and Writings of Homer.
See Sir John Clerk's Letter, 6th Auguſt, 1735.
Virg. G. 2. v. 194.
Virg. G. 2. v. 394.
Virg. Aen. 8. v. 284.
The oval is much too big for a pearl.

Hercules was the ſymbol of the ſun. Julian informs us, that magnificent ſports were celebrated at the concluſion of the year to the invincible ſun. And the inſcription Soli invicto, is found upon the medals of many of the Roman Emperors. Divine honours were paid to him in open temples and groves.


The Corbridge altars have been learnedly wrote on by ſeveral ingenious perſons, beſides thoſe quoted, which are publiſhed in the 1ſt volume of the Archaeologia, V. 1. p. 92, 98. but the beſt explanation has been given by the Hon. Danies Barrington, in the 4th volume of that work, from whence the following extracts are made.

Both inſcriptions, if read at length, make two regular hexameters, (viz.) ‘ [...].’ Which conjecture has been confirmed by Mr Graham of Netherby, who ſays there are ſtill traces of the croſs ſtroke forming the top of the Π, which is the firſt letter in the name of the perſon who conſecrates the altar.


Mr Wallis (if not an error of his printer) ſeems to be more miſtaken than Dr Todd in his opinion of this altar, ſuppoſing it to be an